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LITE 


OF 

JOHN    K  N  0  X; 

CONTAINING 

ILLUSTRATIONS  OF  THE  HISTORY 
OP 

THE  REFORMATION  IN  SCOTLAND 

WITH 

BIOGRAPHICAL  NOTICES  OF  THE  PRINCIPAL  REFORMERS, 

AND  SKETCHES  OF  THE  PROGRESS  OF  LITERATURE  IN  SCOTLAND 

DURING  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY  J 

AND 

AN  APPENDIX, 

CONSISTING  OF  ORIGINAL   PAPERS. 

BY  THOMAS  M'CRIE,  D.D. 

' 

FIRST  COMPLETE  AMERICAN  EDITION. 


PHILADELPHIA: 
PRESBYTERIAN  BOARD  OF  PUBLICATION. 


7" 


Printed  by 
WM.  S.  MARTIEN. 


S.  DOUGLAS  WYfeTH. 
No.  ^  Pear  St.  Philadelphia. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  FIRST  EDITION. 


THE  Reformation  from  Popery  marks  an  epoch  un- 
questionably the  most  important  in  the  history  of 
modern  Europe.  The  effects  of  the  change  which  it 
produced,  in  religion,  in  manners,  in  politics,  and  in 
literature,  continue  to  be  felt  at  the  present  day.  No- 
thing, surely,  can  be  more  interesting  than  an  investi- 
gation of  the  history  of  that  period,  and  of  those  men 
who  were  the  instruments,  under  Providence,  of  ac- 
complishing a  revolution  which  has  proved  so  benefi- 
cial to  mankind. 

Though  many  able  writers  have  employed  their 
talents  in  tracing  the  causes  and  consequences  of  the 
Reformation,  and  though  the  leading  facts  respecting 
its  progress  in  Scotland  have  been  repeatedly  stated, 
it  occurred  to  me  that  the  subject  was  by  no  means 
exhausted.  I  was  confirmed  in  this  opinion  by  a  more 
minute  examination  of  the  ecclesiastical  history  of  this 
country,  which  I  began,  for  my  own  satisfaction, 
several  years  ago.  While  I  was  pleased  at  finding 
that  there  existed  such  ample  materials  for  illustrating 
the  history  of  the  Scottish  Reformation,  I  could  not 
but  regret  that  no  one  had  undertaken  to  digest  and 
exhibit  the  information  on  this  subject  which  lay  hid 

iii 


iv  PREFACE. 

in  manuscripts,  and  in  books  which  are  now  little 
known  or  consulted.  Not  presuming,  however,  that  I 
had  the  ability  or  the  leisure  requisite  for  executing  a 
task  of  such  difficulty  and  extent,  I  formed  the  design 
of  drawing  up  memorials  of  our  national  Reformer, 
in  which  his  personal  history  might  be  combined  with 
illustrations  of  the  progress  of  that  great  undertaking, 
in  the  advancement  of  which  he  acted  so  conspicuous 
a  part. 

A  work  of  this  kind  seemed  to  be  wanting.  The 
name  of  KNOX,  indeed,  often  occurs  in  the  general  his- 
tories of  the  period,  and  some  of  our  historians  have 
drawn,  with  their  usual  ability,  the  leading  traits  of  a 
character  with  which  they  could  not  fail  to  be  struck ; 
but  it  was  foreign  to  their  object  to  detail  the  events 
of  his  life,  and  it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  they 
would  bestow  that  minute  and  critical  attention  on  his 
history,  which  is  necessary  to  form  a  complete  and 
accurate  idea  of  his  character.  Memoirs  of  his  life 
have  been  prefixed  to  editions  of  some  of  his  works, 
and  inserted  in  biographical  collections,  and  periodical 
publications ;  but  in  many  instances  their  authors 
were  destitute  of  proper  information,  and  in  others 
they  were  precluded,  by  the  limits  to  which  they  were 
confined,  from  entering  into  those  minute  statements, 
which  are  so  useful  for  illustrating  individual  character, 
and  which  render  biography  both  pleasing  and  in- 
structive. Nor  can  it  escape  observation,  that  a  num- 
ber of  writers  have  been  guilty  of  great  injustice  to 
the  memory  of  our  Reformer,  and  from  prejudice, 
from  ignorance,  or  from  inattention,  have  exhibited  a 
distorted  caricature,  instead  of  a  genuine  portrait. 

I  was  encouraged  to  prosecute  my  design,  in  con- 

\ 


PREFACE.  V 

sequence  of  my  possessing  a  manuscript  volume  of 
Knox's  Letters,  which  throw  considerable  light  upon 
his  character  and  history.  The  advantages  which  I 
have  derived  from  this  volume  will  appear  in  the 
course  of  the  work,  where  it  is  quoted  under  the 
general  title  of  MS.  Letters.* 

The  other  manuscripts  which  I  have  chiefly  made 
use  of,  are  Calderwood's  large  History  of  the  Church 
of  Scotland,  Row's  History,  and  Wodrow's  Collections. 
Calderwood's  History,  besides  much  valuable  informa- 
tion respecting  the  early  period  of  the  Reformation, 
contains  a  collection  of  letters  written  by  Knox  be- 
tween 1559  and  1572,  which,  together  with  those  in 
my  possession,  extended  over  twenty  years  of  the 
most  active  period  of  his  life.  I  have  carefully  con- 
sulted this  history  as  far  as  it  relates  to  the  period  of 
which  I  write.  The  copy  which  I  most  frequently 
quote  belongs  to  the  Church  of  Scotland.  In  the 
Advocates7  Library,  besides  a  complete  copy  of  that 
work,  there  is  a  folio  volume  of  it,  reaching  to  the  end 
of  the  year  1572.  It  was  written  in  1634,  and  has  a 
number  of  interlineations  and  marginal  alterations, 
differing  from  the  other  copies,  which,  if  not  made  by 
the  author's  own  hand,  were  most  probably  done 
under  his  eye.  I  have  sometimes  quoted  this  copy. 
The  reader  will  easily  discern  when  this  is  the  case, 
as  the  references  to  it  are  made  merely  by  the  year 
under  which  the  transaction  is  recorded,  the  volume 
not  being  paged. 

Row,  in  composing  the  early  part  of  his  Historie  of 
the  Kirk,  had  the  assistance  of  Memoirs  written  by 
David  Ferguson,  his  father-in-law,  who  was  admitted 

*  See  an  account  of  this  MS.  p.  503. 


vi  PREFACE. 

minister  of  Dunfermline  at  the  establishment  of  the 
Reformation.  Copies  of  this  History  seem  to  have 
been  taken  before  the  author  had  put  the  finishing 
hand  to  it,  which  may  account  for  the  additional  mat- 
ter to  be  found  in  some  of  them.  I  have  occasionally 
quoted  the  copy  which  belongs  to  the  Divinity  Library 
in  Edinburgh,  but  more  frequently  a  copy  transcribed 
in  1726,  which  is  more  full  than  any  other  that  I  have 
had  access  to  see. 

The  industrious  Wodrow  had  amassed  a  valuable 
collection  of  manuscripts  relating  to  the  ecclesiastical 
history  of  Scotland,  the  greater  part  of  which  is  now 
deposited  in  our  public  libraries.  In  the  library  of 
the  University  of  Glasgow,  there  is  a  number  of  vol- 
umes in  folio  containing  collections  which  he  had 
made  for  illustrating  the  lives  of  the  Scottish  reform- 
ers and  divines  of  the  sixteenth  century.  These  have 
supplied  me  with  some  interesting  facts;  and  are 
quoted  under  the  name  of  Wodrow  MSS.  in  Bibl. 
Coll.  Glas. 

For  the  transactions  of  the  General  Assembly,  I 
have  consulted  the  Register  commonly  called  the 
Book  of  the  Universal  Kirk.  There  are  several  copies 
of  this  manuscript  in  the  country;  but  that  which  is 
followed  in  this  work,  and  which  is  the  oldest  that  I 
have  examined,  belongs  to  the  Advocates'  Library. 

I  have  endeavoured  to  avail  myself  of  the  printed 
histories  of  the  period,  and  of  books  published  in  the 
age  of  the  Reformation,  which  often  incidentally  men- 
tion facts  that  are  not  recorded  by  historians.  In  the 
Advocates'  Library,  which  contains  an  invaluable 
treasure  of  information  respecting  Scottish  affairs,  I 


PREFACE.  vii 

had  an  opportunity  of  examining  the  original  editions 
of  most  of  the  Reformer's  works.  The  rarest  of  all 
his  tracts  is  the  narrative  of  his  Disputation  with  the 
Abbot  of  Crossraguel,  which  scarcely  any  writer  since 
Knox's  time  seems  to  have  seen.  After  I  had  given 
up  all  hopes  of  procuring  a  sight  of  this  curious  tract, 
I  was  accidentally  informed  that  a  copy  of  it  was  in 
the  library  of  Alexander  Boswell,  Esq.  of  Auchinleck, 
who  very  politely  communicated  it  to  me. 

In  pointing  out  the  sources  which  I  have  consulted, 
I  wish  not  to  be  understood  as  intimating  that  the 
reader  may  expect  in  the  following  work,  much  infor- 
mation which  is  absolutely  new.  He  who  engages  in 
researches  of  this  kind,  must  lay  his  account  with 
finding  the  result  of  his  discoveries  reduced  within  a 
small  compass,  and  should  be  prepared  to  expect  that 
many  of  his  readers  will  pass  over  with  a  cursory 
eye,  what  he  has  procured  with  great,  perhaps  with 
unnecessary  labour.  The  principal  facts  respecting 
the  Reformation  and  the  Reformer,  are  already  known. 
I  flatter  myself,  however,  that  I  have  been  able  to 
place  some  of  these  facts  in  a  new  and  more  just  light, 
and  to  bring  forward  others  which  have  not  hitherto 
been  generally  known. 

The  reader  will  find  the  authorities,  upon  which  I 
have  proceeded  in  the  statement  of  facts,  carefully 
marked ;  but  my  object  was  rather  to  be  select  than 
numerous  in  my  references.  When  I  had  occasion  to 
introduce  facts  which  have  been  often  repeated  in  his- 
tories, and  are  already  established  and  unquestionable, 
I  did  not  reckon  it  necessary  to  be  so  particular  in 
producing  the  authorities. 


PREFACE. 

After  so  many  writers  of  biography  have  incurred 
the  charge  either  of  uninteresting  generality,  or  of 
tedious  prolixity,  it  would  betray  great  arrogance  were 
I  to  presume  that  I  had  approached  the  due  medium. 
I  have  particularly  felt  the  difficulty,  in  writing  the 
life  of  a  public  character,  of  observing  the  line  which 
divides  biography  from  general  history.  Desirous  of 
giving  unity  to  the  narrative,  and  at  the  same  time 
anxious  to  convey  information  respecting  the  ecclesi- 
astical and  literary  history  of  the  period,  I  have  sepa- 
rated a  number  of  facts  and  illustrations  of  this  de- 
scription, and  placed  them  in  notes  at  the  end  of  the 
Life.  I  am  not  without  apprehensions  that  I  may 
have  exceeded  in  the  number  or  length  of  these  notes, 
and  that  some  readers  may  think,  that,  in  attempting 
to  relieve  one  part  of  the  work,  I  have  overloaded 
another. 

No  apology  will,  I  trust,  be  deemed  necessary  for 
the  freedom  with  which  I  have  expressed  my  senti- 
ments on  the  public  questions  which  naturally  occur- 
red in  the  course  of  the  narrative.  Some  of  these  are 
at  variance  with  opinions  which  are  popular  in  the 
present  age ;  but  it  does  not  follow  from  this  that  they 
are  false,  or  that  they  should  have  been  suppressed.  I 
have  not  become  the  indiscriminate  panegyrist  of  the 
Reformer,  nor  have  I  concealed  or  thrown  into  shade 
his  faults ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  the  apprehension 
of  incurring  these  charges  has  not  deterred  me  from 
vindicating  him  wherever  I  considered  his  conduct  to 
be  justifiable,  or  from  apologizing  for  him  against  un- 
candid  and  exaggerated  censures.  The  attacks  which 
have  been  made  on  his  character  from  so  many  quar- 
ters, and  the  attempts  to  wound  the  Reformation 


PREFACE.  ix 

through  him,  must  be  my  excuse  for  having  so  often 
adopted  the  language  of  apology. 

In  the  Appendix,  I  have  inserted  a  number  of  Knox's 
letters,  and  other  papers  relative  to  that  period,  none 
of  which,  as  far  as  I  know,  have  formerly  been  pub- 
lished. Several  others,  intended  for  insertion  in  the 
same  place,  have  been  kept  back,  as  the  work  has 
swelled  to  a  greater  size  than  was  expected.  A  very 
scarce  Poem,  written  in  commendation  of  the  Refor- 
mer, and  published  in  the  year  after  his  death,  is  re- 
printed in  the  Supplement. 

The  prefixed  portrait  of  Knox  is  engraved  from  a 
painting  in  the  possession  of  the  Right  Honourable 
Lord  Torphichen,  with  the  use  of  which  his  Lord- 
ship, in  the  most  obliging  manner,  favoured  the  pub- 
lishers. There  is  every  reason  to  think  that  it  is  a 
genuine  likeness,  as  it  strikingly  agrees  with  the  print 
of  our  Reformer,  which  Beza,  who  was  personally 
acquainted  with  him,  published  in  his  Icones.  There 
is  a  small  brass  medal,  which  has  on  one  side  a  bust 
of  Knox,  and  on  the  other  the  following  inscription : — 

JOANNES  KNOXUS  SCOTUS  THEOLOGUS  ECCLESI^E  EDIM- 
BURGENSIS  PASTOR.  OBIIT  EDIMBURGI  AN.  1572.  JET.  57. 

It  appears  to  have  been  executed  at  a  period  much 
later  than  the  Reformer's  death.  There  is  an  error 
of  ten  years  as  to  his  age ;  and  as  Beza  has  fallen  into 
the  same  mistake,  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  inscrip- 
tion was  copied  from  his  Icones,  and  that  the  medal 
was  struck  on  the  Continent. 

EDINBURGH,  November  14,  1811. 

B 


PREFACE  TO  THE  SECOND  EDITION. 

IN  preparing  this  work  for  a  second  impression,  I 
have  endeavoured  carefully  to  correct  mistakes  which 
had  escaped  me  in  the  first,  both  as  to  matter  and  Ian- . 
guage.  I  have  introduced  accounts  of  the  principal 
public  transactions  of  the  period,  which  a  desire  of 
being  concise  induced  me  formerly  to  exclude,  but 
which  serve  to  throw  light  on  the  exertions  of  the 
Reformer,  and  ought  to  be  known  by  those  who  read 
his  Life.  And  I  have  entered  into  a  more  full  detail 
of  several  parts  of  his  conduct  than  was  practicable 
within  the  limits  of  a  single  volume.  Such  additional 
authorities,  printed  or  manuscript,  as  I  have  had  ac- 
cess to,  since  the  publication  of  the  former  edition, 
have  been  diligently  consulted ;  and  I  flatter  myself 
that  the  alterations  and  additions  which  these  have 
enabled  me  to  make,  will  be  considered  as  improve- 
ments. 

I  have  added  to  the  Supplement  a  number  of  ori- 
ginal Latin  Poems  on  the  principal  characters  men- 
tioned in  the  course  of  the  work,  which  may  not  be 
unacceptable  to  the  learned  reader. 

EDINBURGH,  March  1,  1813. 

ADVERTISEMENT  TO  THE  FIFTH  EDITION, 

BESIDES  the  additional  matter  introduced  into  the 
Fourth  Edition,  the  present  contains  a  variety  of  new 
facts  and  documents,  the  most  interesting  of  which 
will  be  found  in  the  Note  concerning  Scottish  Mar- 
tyrs. The  portrait  of  the  Regent  Murray,  engraved 
for  this  edition,  is  taken  from  the  original  in  Holyrood 
Palace. 

EDINBURGH,  February  14,  1831. 


CONTENTS. 


PERIOD  FIRST. 

BIRTH  and  parentage  of  Knox — his  education — state  of  literature  in  Scot- 
land— introduction  of  Greek  language — political  and  ecclesiastical  opin- 
ions of  John  Major — their  probable  influence  on  Knox  and  Buchanan — 
Knox  teaches  scholastic  philosophy  at  St.  Andrews — is  admitted  to  cleri- 
cal orders — change  in  his  studies  and  sentiments — state  of  religion  in 
Scotland — urgent  necessity  of  a  reformation — gratitude  due  to  the  reform- 
ers— introduction  of  reformed  opinions  into  Scotland — Patrick  Hamilton — 
martyrs — exiles  for  religion — reformation  promoted  by  the  circulation  of 
the  Scriptures — by  poetry — embraced  by  persons  of  rank — its  critical 
state  at  the  death  of  James  V. Page  17 


PERIOD  SECOND. 

Knox  retires  from  St.  Andrews,  and  joins  himself  to  the  reformed — is  de- 
graded from  the  priesthood — reformation  favoured  by  Regent  Arran — 
Scottish  Parliament  authorize  the  use  "of  the  Scriptures  in  the  vulgar 
language — the  Regent  abjures  the  reformed  religion — Thomas  Guillaume 
— George  Wishart — Knox  enters  the  family  of  Langniddrie  as  a  tutor — 
Cardinal  Beatoun  assassinated — Knox  persecuted  by  Archbishop  Hamil- 
ton— averse  to  go  to  England — takes  refuge  in  the  Castle  of  St.  Andrews 
— his  sentiments  respecting  the  assassination  of  Beatoun — Sir  David 
Lyndsay  of  the  Mount — Henry  Balnaves  of  Halhill — John  Rough — 
Knox's  call  to  the  ministry — his  reluctance  to  comply  with  it— reflections 
on  this — his  first  sermon — his  disputation  before  a  convention  of  the  clergy 
— the  clergy  begin  to  preach  at  St.  Andrews — success  of  Knox's  labours — 
castle  taken,  and  Knox  confined  in  the  French  galleys — his  health  in- 
jured— his  fortitude  of  mind — writes  a  confession  of  faith — extract  from 
his  dedication  to  a  treatise  of  Balnaves — his  humane  advice  to  his  fellow- 
prisoners — his  liberation,  .......  Page  38 


PERIOD  THIRD. 

Knox  arrives  in  England — state  of  the  Reformation  in  that  kingdom — Knox 
sent  by  the  privy  council  to  preach  at  Berwick — his  great  exertions — 

(xi) 


xii  CONTENTS. 

character  of  Bishop  Tonstal — Knox  defends  his  doctrine  before  him — is 
removed  to  Newcastle — made  chaplain  to  Edward  VI. — consulted  in  the 
revisal  of  the  Liturgy  and  Articles — makes  proposals  of  marriage  to 
Marjory  Bowes — receives  marks  of  approbation  from  the  privy  council — 
incurs  the  displeasure  of  Earl  of  Northumberland — is  honourably  acquit- 
ted by  the  privy  council — bad  state  of  his  health — preaches  in  London — 
declines  accepting  a  benefice — refuses  a  bishopric — his  objections  to  the 
worship  and  government  of  the  Church  of  England — private  sentiments  of 
English  reformers  similar  to  his — plan  of  Edward  VI.  for  improving  the 
Church  of  England — state  of  his  court — boldness  and  honesty  of  the  royal 
chaplains — Knox's  sermons  at  court — his  distress  at  the  death  of  Edward 
— he  retires  to  the  north  of  England  on  the  accession  of  Mary — returns 
to  the  south — his  prayer  for  the  queen — marries  Marjory  Bowes — displea- 
sure of  some  of  her  relations  at  this — Roman  Catholic  religion  restored 
by  Parliament — Knox  continues  to  preach — his  letters  are  intercepted — 
he  is  forced  to  abscond — and  retires  to  Dieppe  in  France,  .  Page  62 


PERIOD  FOURTH. 

Knox's  uneasy  reflections  on  his  flight — letters  to  his  friends  in  England — 
his  eloquent  exhortation  to  religious  constancy — he  visits  Switzerland — 
returns  to  Dieppe  with  the  intention  of  venturing  into  England — visits 
Geneva — forms  an  intimate  friendship  with  Calvin — returns  to  Dieppe — 
distressing  tidings  from  England — writes  his  admonition — apology  for  the 
severity  of  its  language — devotes  himself  to  study  at  Geneva — his  means 
of  subsistence — called  to  be  minister  to  the  English  exiles  at  Frankfort — 
dissensions  among  them  about  the  Liturgy — moderation  with  which  Knox 
acted  in  these — harmony  restored — disorderly  conduct  of  the  sticklers  for 
the  Liturgy — rebuked  by  Knox — he  is  accused  of  high  treason — retires  to 
Geneva — turns  his  thoughts  to  his  native  country — retrospect  of  ecclesi- 
astical transactions  in  Scotland  from  the  time  he  left  it — triumph  of  the 
Popish  clergy — execution  of  Melville  of  Raith — martyrdom  of  Adam 
Wallace— provincial  councils  of  the  clergy— canons  enacted  by  them  for 
reforming  abuses — catechism  in  the  vulgar  language — Queen  Dowager 
made  Regent — she  privately  favours  the  Protestants — violence  of  English 
Queen  drives  preachers  into  Scotland- — William  Harlow — John  Willock 
— Knox  visits  his  wife  at  Berwick — preaches  privately  in  Edinburgh — 
John  Erskine  of  Dun — William  Maitland  of  Lethington — Knox's  letter  to 
Mrs.  Bowes — he  prevails  on  the  Protestants  to  abstain  from  hearing  mass 
—preaches  at  Dun— at  Calderhouse— Sir  James  Sandilands— John  Spots- 
wood — Lord  Lorn — Lord  Erskine — the  Prior  of  St.  Andrews — Knox  dis- 
penses the  sacrament  of  the  supper  in  Ayrshire — Earl  of  Glencairn — first 
religious  covenant  in  Scotland — conversation  at  court  about  Knox — he  is 
summoned  before  a  convention  of  the  clergy — appears — preaches  publicly 
in  Edinburgh — his  letter  to  Mrs.  Bowes— his  letter  to  the  queen  regent — 
he  receives  a  call  from  the  English  Congregation  at  Geneva — leaves 
Scotland — clergy  condemn  him  as  a  heretic,  and  burn  his  effigy — sum- 
mary of  the  doctrine  which  he  had  taught — estimate  of  the  advantages 
which  accrued  to  the  Reformation  from  this  visit — letter  of  instruction 
which  he  left  behind  him, Page  87 

PERIOD  FIFTH. 

Knox  arrives  at  Geneva — happiness  which  he  enjoyed  in  that  city — his  pas- 
sionate desire  to  preach  the  gospel  in  his  native  country — he  receives  an 


CONTENTS.  xiii 

invitation  from  the  Protestant  nobles  in  Scotland — leaves  Geneva — re- 
ceives letters  at  Dieppe  dissuading  him  from  prosecuting  the  journey — 
his  animated  letter  to  the  nobility — persecution  of  the  Protestants  in 
France — Knox  preaches  in  Rochelle — and  at  Dieppe — reasons  which  in- 
duced him  not  to  proceed  to  Scotland — he  writes  to  the  Protestants  of 
Scotland — warns  them  against  the  Anabaptists — writes  to  the  nobility — 
his  prudent  advice  respecting  resistance  to  the  government — he  returns 
to  Geneva — assists  in  an  English  translation  of  the  Bible — publishes  his 
letter  to  the  Queen  Regent — and  his  Appellation  from  the  sentence  of  the 
clergy — and  his  First  Blast  of  the  Trumpet — reasons  which  led  to  this 
publication  against  female  government — Aylmer's  answer  to  it — Knox 
receives  a  second  invitation  from  the  Protestant  nobility  of  Scotland — 
progress  which  the  Reformation  had  made — formation  of  private  congre- 
gations— resolutions  of  a  general  meeting — Protestant  preachers  taken 
into  the  families  of  the  nobijity — correspondence  between  the  Archbishop 
of  St.  Andrew's  and  Earl  of  Argyle — martyrdom  of  Walter  Mill — impor- 
tant effects  of  this — Protestants  present  a  petition  to  the  regent — her  fair 
promises  to  them — death  of  Queen  Mary  of  England  and  accession  of 
Elizabeth — Knox  leaves  Geneva  for  Scotland — is  refused  a  passage  through 
England — grounds  of  this  refusal — Knox's  reflections  on  it — reason  for  his 
wishing  to  visit  England — he  writes  to  Cecil  from  Dieppe — arrives  in 
Scotland Page  129 


PERIOD  SIXTH. 


Critical  situation  in  which  Knox  found  matters  at  his  arrival — dissimulation 
of  the  Queen  Regent — differences  between  her  and  Archbishop  Hamilton 
accommodated — a  provincial  council  of  the  clergy — reconciliation  of  the 
two  archbishops — remonstrance  presented  by  some  members  of  the  Popish 
Church — canons  of  the  council — treaty  between  the  regent  and  clergy 
for  suppressing  the  Reformation — proclamation  by  the  queen  against  the 
Protestants — the  preachers  summoned  to  stand  trial — Knox's  letter  to 
Mrs.  Locke — clergy  alarmed  at  his  arrival — he  is  outlawed — he  repairs 
to  Dundee — Protestants  of  the  north  resolve  to  attend  the  trial  of  their 
preachers — send  information  of  this  to  the  Regent — her  duplicity — Knox 
preaches  at  Perth — demolition  of  the  monasteries  in  that  town — unjustly 
imputed  to  Knox — Regent  threatens  the  destruction  of  Perth — Protes- 
tants resolve  to  defend  themselves — a  treaty — Knox's  interview  with  Ar- 
gyle and  Prior — treaty  violated  by  the  Regent — the  name  of  the  Congre- 
gation given  to  the  Protestant  association — Lords  of  the  Congregation 
invite  Knox  to  preach  at  St.  Andrews — archbishop  opposes  this  by  arms — 
intrepidity  of  Knox — he  preaches  at  St.  Andrews — magistrates  and  inha- 
bitants agree  to  demolish  the  monasteries  and  images,  and  to  set  up  the 
reformed  worship — their  example  followed  in  other  parts  of  the  kingdom 
— apology  for  the  destruction  of  the  monasteries — Lords  of  the  Congre- 
gation take  possession  of  Edinburgh — Knox  is  chosen  minister  of  that 
city — Willock  supplies  his  place  after  the  capital  was  given  up  to  the 
Regent — Archbishop  Hamilton  preaches — Knox  undertakes  a  tour  of 
preaching  through  the  kingdom — his  family  arrive  in  Scotland — Christo- 
pher Goodman — settlement  of  Protestant  ministers  in  principal  towns — 
French  troops  come  to  the  assistance  of  the  Regent — Knox  persuades  the 
Congregation  to  seek  assistance  from  the  court  of  England — apologizes 
to  Elizabeth  for  his  book  against  female  government — undertakes  a  jour- 
ney to  Berwick — succeeds  in  the  negotiation — reasons  for  his  taking  a 


jv  CONTENTS. 

part  in  political  managements—embarrassments  in  which  this  involved 
him — prejudices  of  the  English  court  against  him — their  confidence  in 
his  honesty— his  activity  and  danger— Lords  of  Congregation  consult  on 
the  deposition  of  the  Regent — Knox  advises  her  suspension — influence  of 
the  Reformation  on  civil  liberty— political  principles  of  Knox— resistance 
to  tyrants  not  forbidden  in  the  New  Testament— disasters  of  the  Congre- 
gation—their courage  revived  by  the  eloquence  of  Knox— his  exertions 
in  Fife — treaty  between  Elizabeth  and  Congregation — expedition  of  the 
French  troops  against  Glasgow — English  army  enter  Scotland — death  of 
the  Queen  Regent— intrigues  of  the  French  court— civil  war  concluded 
— exertions  of  Protestant  preachers  during  the  war — increase  of  their 
number— conduct  of  Popish  clergy— their  pretended  miracle  of  Mussel- 
burgh — meeting  of  parliament — petition  of  Protestants — Protestant  Con- 
fession of  Faith  ratified  by  parliament — retrospective  view  of  the  ad- 
vancement of  the  Reformation,  Page  158 


PERIOD  SEVENTH. 


Knox  resumes  his  situation  in  Edinburgh — urges  the  settlement  of  ecclesi- 
astical polity— aversion  to  this  on  the  part  of  the  nobles— Knox  is  employed 
in  compiling  the  Book  of  Discipline — this  is  approved  by  General  Assem- 
bly and  subscribed  by  greater  part  of  Privy  Council — sketch  of  the  form 
and  order  of  the  Reformed  Church  of  Scotland — attention  to  education — 
avarice  of  the  nobility — influence  of  the  Reformation  on  literature — intro- 
duction of  Hebrew  into  Scotland— John  Row— return  of  Buchanan— re- 
marks on  Mr.  Hume's  representation  of  the  rudeness  of  Scotland — literary 
hours  in  a  Scottish  minister's  family — cultivation  of  the  vernacular  lan- 
guage— David  Ferguson — First  General  Assembly — Knox  loses  his  wife 
—corresponds  with  Calvin — his  anxiety  for  the  safety  of  the  Reformed 
Church — Queen  Mary  arrives  in  Scotland — her  education — her  fixed  de- 
termination to  restore  Popery — alarm  excited  by  her  setting  up  of  mass — 
behaviour  of  Knox  on  this  occasion— remarks  on  this— sanguinary  spirit 
and  proceedings  of  Roman  Catholics — hostile  intentions  of  the  Queen 
against  Knox — first  interview  between  them — Knox's  opinion  of  her  cha- 
racter— his  austerity  and  vehemence  useful — he  vindicates  the  right  of 
holding  ecclesiastical  assemblies — inveighs  against  the  inadequate  provi- 
sion made  for  the  ministers  of  the  Church — his  own  stipend — attention  of 
town-council  to  his  support  and  accommodation — he  installs  two  superin- 
tendents— is  employed  in  reconciling  the  nobility — the  Queen  is  offended 
at  one  of  his  sermons — second  interview  between  them — his  great  labours 
in  Edinburgh — he  obtains  a  colleague — incidents  in  the  life  of  John  Craig 
— the  Prior  of  St.  Andrews  created  Earl  Murray,  and  made  prime  minister 
— insurrection  under  Huntly — conduct  of  Knox  on  that  occasion — Quin- 
tin  Kennedy — dispute  between  him  and  Knox — Ninian  Wingate — excom- 
munication of  Paul  Methven — reflections  on  the  severity  of  the  Protes- 
tant discipline — third  interview  between  Knox  and  the  Queen — artifice 
of  Mary — she  prevails  on  .the  parliament  not  to  ratify  the  Protestant  religion 
— indignation  of  Knox  at  this — breach  between  him  and  Earl  of  Murray 
— his  sermon  at  the  dissolution  of  parliament — fourth  interview  between 
him  and  the  Queen — apology  for  the  sternness  of  his  behaviour — slander 
against  his  character — he  is  accused  of  high  treason — the  courtiers  endea- 
vour to  intimidate  him  into  a  submission — his  trial  and  defence — indigna- 
tion of  the  Queen  at  his  acquittal, Page  208 


CONTENTS.  xv 


PERIOD  EIGHTH. 

The  courtiers  charge  Knox  with  usurping-  a  papal  power — the  General  As- 
sembly vindicate  him— he  marries  a  daughter  of  Lord  Ochiltree— splene- 
tic reflections  of  the  Papists  on  this  alliance — dissensions  between  the 
court  and  preachers— apology  for  the  liberty  of  the  pulpit— debate  be- 
tween Knox  and  secretary  Maitland — on  Knox's  form  of  prayer  for  the 
Queen — and  on  his  doctrine  respecting  resistance  to  civil  rulers — Craig's 
account  of  a  similar  dispute  in  Bologna — the  Queen  marries  Lord  Darn- 
ley — change  in  the  court — reasons  which  induced  the  nobles  who  opposed 
the  marriage  to  take  up  arms — Queen  amuses  the  Protestant  ministers — 
Knox  is  reconciled  to  Earl  of  Murray — gives  offence  to  the  King — is 
inhibited  from  preaching — town-council  remonstrate  against  this — he  re- 
sumes his  employment — Goodman  leaves  St.  Andrews — petition  for  Knox's 
translation  to  that  town  refused  by  Assembly — he  is  employed  to  write 
different  treatises  for  the  church — extract  from  the  treatise  of  Fasting — 
measures  taken  by  the  Queen  for  restoring  Popery— assassination  of 
Rizzio — sudden  changes  in  the  court — Knox  retires  to  Kyle — Queen  re- 
fuses to  permit  his  return  to  the  capital — he  resolves  to  visit  his  sons  in 
England — receives  a  recommendation  from  the  General  Assembly — car- 
ries a  letter  to  the  English  bishops — Archbishop  Hamilton  restored  to  his 
ancient  jurisdiction — spirited  letter  of  Knox  on  that  occasion — alienation 
between  Mary  and  her  husband — the  King  murdered  by  Bothwell — the 
Queen's  participation  in  the  murder — her  marriage  to  Bothwell — inde- 
pendent behaviour  of  John  Craig — the  Queen  resigns  the  crown  to  her 
son — Knox  returns  to  Edinburgh — preaches  at  the  coronation  of  James 
VI. — his  opinion  concerning  the  punishment  of  Mary — the  Earl  of  Mur- 
ray is  installed  in  the  Regency — act  of  Parliament  in  favour  of  the  Pro- 
testant Church — state  of  the  Church  during  the  regency  of  Murray — 
Knox  cherishes  the  desire  of  retiring  from  public  life — the  regent  opposed 
by  a  party  attached  to  Mary — attempts  made  on  his  life — he  is  assassin- 
ated by  Hamilton  of  Bothwellhaugh — national  grief  at  this  event— cha- 
racter of  Murray — Knox  bewails  his  loss — fabricated  conference  between 
them — Thomas  Maitland  insults  over  the  death  of  the  Regent — Knox's 
denunciation  against  him — his  pathetic  sermon  before  the  Regent's  fune- 
ral—is struck  with  apoplexy, Page  268 


PERIOD  NINTH. 

Knox  recovers  from  the  apoplectic  stroke — Kircaldy  of  Grange  joins  the 
Queen's  party — Knox  involved  in  a  personal  quarrel  with  him — interposi- 
tion of  the  gentlemen  of  the  west  in  his  favour — anonymous  libels  against 
him — his  spirited  answers  from  the  pulpit — Queen's  party  take  possession 
of  the  capital — danger  to  which  Knox  is  exposed — he  is  prevailed  on  to 
retire  to  St.  Andrews — civil  war — hostility  of  the  Queen's  faction  against 
Knox — he  is  opposed  by  their  adherents  at  St.  Andrews — John  Hamilton 
— Archibald  Hamilton — execution  of  Archbishop  Hamilton — the  Regent 
Lennox  slain — is  succeeded  by  Earl  of  Mar — invasion  on  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  Church — tulchan  bishops — not  approved  of  by  the  General  Assem- 
bly— Knox's  letter  to  the  assembly  at  Stirling — his  sentiments  respecting 
episcopacy — he  refuses  to  install  Douglas  as  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews — 
gradual  decay  of  his  health — striking  description  of  his  appearance  and 
pulpit  eloquence — his  familiarity  with  the  students  at  the  university — he 


Xvi  CONTENTS. 

publishes  an  answer  to  a  Scots  Jesuit — ardently  desires  his  dissolution — 
his  last  letter  to  the  General  Assembly — his  subscription  to  Ferguson's 
sermon — he  returns  to  Edinburgh — requests  a  smaller  place  of  worship — 
Craig  removes  from  Edinburgh — Lawson  chosen  as  successor  to  Knox — 
Knox's  letter  to  him — Bartholomew  massacre  in  France — Knox's  denun- 
ciation against  Charles  IX. — he  begins  to  preach  in  the  Tolbooth  Church 
— his  last  sermon — his  sickness — interview  between  him  and  his  session — 
his  message  to  Kircaldy — his  religious  advices,  meditations,  and  comfort 
during  his  last  illness — his  death — his  funeral — opinions  entertained  re- 
specting him  by  the  Papists — by  foreign  reformers — by  Scottish  Protes- 
tants— by  divines  of  the  Church  of  England — origin  and  cause  of  preju- 
dices against  him — his  character — reflections  on  the  prophecies  ascribed 
to  him — account  of  his  family — sufferings  of  John  Welch,  his  son-in-law, 
interview  between  him  and  Louis  XIII. — interview  between  Mrs.  Welch 
and  James  VI. — character  of  Knox's  writings — conclusion,  Page  310 

NOTES,  367 

APPENDIX,  505 

SUPPLEMENT,          •       •••«.....  540 

INDEX, 563 


THE 


LIFE  OF  JOHN  KNOX, 


PERIOD  I. 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1505,  IN  WHICH  HE  WAS  BORN,  TO  THE  YEAR  1542, 
WHEN  HE  EMBRACED  THE  REFORMED  RELIGION. 

JOHN  KNOX  was  born  in  the  year  one  thousand  five  hundred 
and  five.  The  place  of  his  nativity  has  been  disputed.  That 
he  was  born  at  Gifford,  a  village  in  East  Lothian,  has  long 
been  the  prevailing  opinion;  but  some  late  writers,  relying 
upon  popular  tradition,  have  fixed  his  birth-place  at  Hadding- 
ton,  the  principal  town  of  the  county.  The  house  in  which  he 
is  said  to  have  been  born  is  still  shown  by  the  inhabitants,  in 
one  of  the  suburbs  of  the  town  called  the  Gifford-gate.  This 
house,  with  some  adjoining  acres  of  land,  continued  to  be  pos- 
sessed, until  about  fifty  years  ago,  by  a  family  of  the  name  of 
Knox,  who  claimed  affinity  with  the  Reformer.  I  am  inclined, 
however,  to  prefer  the  opinion  of  the  oldest  and  most  credible 
writers,  that  he  was  born  in  the  village  of  Giffbrd.* 

His  father  was  descended  from  an  ancient  and  respectable 
family,  who  possessed  the  lands  of  Knock,  Ranferly,  and  Craig- 
ends,  in  the  shire  of  Renfrew.  The  descendants  of  this  family 
have  been  accustomed  to  enumerate  among  the  honours  of 
their  house,  that  it  gave  birth  to  the  Scottish  Reformer,  a  bishop 
of  Raphoe,  and  a  bishop  of  the  Isles. t  At  what  particular 
period  his  paternal  ancestors  removed  from  their  original  seat, 

*  See  Note  A. 

f  Nisbet's  Heraldry,  p.  180.  Crawford's  Renfrew,  by  Semple,  Part  II. 
pp.  30,  139.  Account  of  Knox,  prefixed  to  his  Historic,  anno  1732,  page  ii. 
Keith's  Scottish  Bishops,  p.  177. 

C  17 


18  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

and  settled  in  Lothian,  I  have  not  been  able  exactly  to  ascer- 
tain. His  mother's  name  was  Sinclair.* 

Obscurity  of  parentage  can  reflect  no  dishonour  upon  the 
man  who  has  raised  himself  to  distinction  by  his  virtues  and 
talents.  But  though  our  Reformer's  parents  were  neither  great 
nor  opulent,  the  assertion  of  some  writers  that  they  were  in 
poor  circumstances,  is  contradicted  by  facts,  t  They  were  able 
to  give  their  son  a  liberal  education,  which,  in  that  age,  was 
far  from  being  common.  In  his  youth,  he  was  put  to  the 
grammar  school  of  Haddington :  and,  after  he  had  acquired 
the  principles  of  the  Latin  language,  his  father  sent  him,  in  the 
year  1521,  to  the  University  of  Glasgow.^ 

The  state  of  learning  in  Scotland  at  that  period,  and  the  pro- 
gress which  it  made  in  the  subsequent  part  of  the  century,  have 
not  been  examined  with  the  attention  which  they  deserve,  and 
which  has  been  bestowed  on  contemporaneous  objects  of  infe- 
rior importance.  There  were  unquestionably  learned  Scots- 
men in  the  early  part  of  the  sixteenth  century;  but  most  of 
them  owed  their  chief  acquirements  to  the  advantage  of  a  for- 
eign education.  Those  improvements  which  the  revival  of 
literature  had  introduced  into  the  schools  of  Italy  and  France, 
were  long  in  reaching  the  universities  of  Scotland,  though  ori- 
ginally formed  upon  their  model ;  and,  when  they  did  arrive, 
they  were  regarded  with  a  suspicious  eye,  and  discountenanced 
by  the  clergy.  The  principal  branches  cultivated  in  our  uni- 
versities were  the  Aristotelian  philosophy,  scholastic  theology, 
and  canon  law.§ 

*  In  times  of  persecution  or  war,  when  there  was  a  risk  of  his  letters 
being  intercepted,  the  Reformer  was  accustomed  to  subscribe,  "  John  Sin- 
clair." Under  this  signature  at  one  of  them,  in  the  collection  of  letters  in 
my  possession,  is  the  following  note :  "  Yis  was  his  mother's  surname,  wlk 
he  wrait  in  time  of  trubill."  MS.  Letters,  p.  346. 

t  See  Note  A. 

|  See  Note  B.  Beza  (Icones  Virorum  Illustrium,  Ee.  iij.  anno  1580)  and 
Verheiden  (Effigies  et  Elogia  Praestant.  Theolog.  p.  92.  Hagcecomit.  1602) 
say  that  Knox  was  educated  at  the  University  of  St.  Andrews. 

§  Boetii  Vitse  Episcopor.  Murthlac.  et  Aberdon.  fol.  xxix.  col.  cum  fol. 
xxvi — xxviii.  Impress,  anno  1522.  This  little  work  is  of  great  value,  and 
contains  almost  the  only  authentic  notices  which  we  possess,  as  to  the  state 
of  learning  in  Scotland,  about  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century. 
Mackenzie,  the  copier  of  the  fabulous  Dempster,  who  gives  an  account  of 
learned  men  who  never  existed,  and  of  books  that  no  man  ever  saw,  or  could 
see,  talks  of  almost  every  writer  whom  he  mentions  as  finishing  "  the  course 
of  his  studies  in  the  Belles  Lettres  and  Philosophy,"  in  one  of  the  Scots  uni- 
versities. These  are  merely  words  of  course.  The  Aristotelian  rules  con- 
cerning rhetoric  were  taught  by  the  professors  of  scholastic  philosophy ;  but 
it  does  not  appear  that  stated  lectures  of  this  kind  were  read,  until  the  time 
of  the  Reformation,  when  they  were  appointed  to  be  regularly  delivered  in 
the  colleges.  First  Book  of  Discipline,  pp.  40,  42,  edit,  anno  1621. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  19 

Even  in  the  darkest  ages,  Scotland  was  never  altogether  des- 
titute of  schools  for  teaching  the  Latin  language.*  It  is  prob- 
able that  these  were  at  first  attached  to  monasteries ;  and  it 
was  long  a  common  practice  among  the  barons  to  board  their 
children  with  the  monks  for  their  education.!  When  the 
regular  clergy  had  degenerated,  and  learning  was  no  longer 
confined  to  them,  grammar  schools  were  erected  in  the  principal 
towns,  and  taught  by  persons  who  had  qualified  themselves  for 
this  task  in  the  best  manner  that  the  circumstances  of  the 
country  admitted.  The  schools  of  Aberdeen,  Perth,  Stirling, 
Dumbarton,  Killearn,  and  Haddington,  are  particularly  men- 
tioned in  writings  about  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century. 
The  two  first  of  these  acquired  the  greatest  celebrity,  owing  to 
the  skill  of  the  masters  who  presided  over  them.  In  the  year 
1520,  John  Vaus  was  rector  of  the  school  of  Aberdeen,  and  is 
commended  by  Hector  Boece,  the  learned  principal  of  the  uni- 
versity, for  his  knowledge  of  the  Latin  tongue,  and  his  success 
in  the  education  of  youth.J  At  a  period  somewhat  later,  An- 
drew Simson  acted  as  master  of  the  school  of  Perth,  where  he 
taught  Latin  with  applause.  He  had  sometimes  three  hundred 
boys  under  his  charge  at  once,  including  sons  of  the  principal 
nobility  and  gentry ;  and  from  his  school  proceeded  many  of 
those  who  afterwards  distinguished  themselves  both  in  Church 
and  State.§ 

These  schools  afforded  the  means  of  instruction  in  the  Latin 
tongue,  the  knowledge  of  which,  in  some  degree,  was  requisite 
for  enabling  the  clergy  to  perform  the  religious  service.  But 
the  Greek  language,  long  after  it  had  been  enthusiastically 
studied  on  the  Continent,  and  after  it  had  become  a  fixed  branch 
of  education  in  the  neighbouring  kingdom,  continued  to  be 

*  In  the  twelfth  century,  there  was  a  school  at  Abernethy  and  at  Rox- 
burgh. Sir  James  Dairy m pie's  Collections,  pp.  226,  255.  Other  schools  in 
that  and  the  subsequent  century  are  mentioned  in  charters,  apud  Chalmers's 
Caledonia,  i.  76. 

t  Caledonia,  i.  768. 

$  Boetii  Vitae,  fol.  xxx.  Vaus  was  the  author  of  "Rudimenta  Artis 
Grammaticae  per  Jo.  Vaus  Scotvm  Selecta — Edinbvrgi  Excudebat  Robertus 
Lepreuik,  Anno  Do.  1566."  4to.  This  was  probably  another  edition  of  the 
work  printed  by  Jod.  Bad.  Ascensius,  Paris,  1522. 

$  Row's  History  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  MS.  pp.  3,  4.  Simson  taught 
at  Perth  between  1550  and  1560.  At  the  establishment  of  the  Reformation, 
he  became  minister  of  Dunning  and  Cargill,  from  which  he  was  translated, 
in  1566,  to  Dunbar,  where  he  sustained  the  double  office  of  minister  of  the 
parish,  and  master  of  the  grammar  school.  He  was  the  author  of  the  Latin 
Rudiments,  which  continued  to  be  taught  in  the  schools  of  Scotland  until 
the  time  of  Ruddiman,  and  were  much  esteemed  by  that  accomplished 
scholar.  Row,  ut  supra.  Keith's  History,  p.  534.  Chalmers's  Life  of 
Ruddiman,  pp.  21,  22,  63. 


20  LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

almost  unknown  in  Scotland.  Individuals  acquired  the  know- 
ledge of  it  abroad ;  but  the  first  attempts  to  teach  it  in  this 
country  were  of  a  private  nature,  and  exposed  their  authors  to 
the  suspicion  of  heresy.  The  town  of  Montrose  is  distinguished 
by  being  the  first  place,  as  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  discover, 
in  which  Greek  was  taught  in  Scotland  ;  and  John  Erskine  of 
Dun  is  entitled  to  the  honour  of  being  regarded  as  the  first  of 
his  countrymen  who  patronized  the  study  of  that  elegant  and 
useful  language.  As  early  as  the  year  1534,  this  enlightened 
and  public  spirited  baron,  on  returning  from  his  travels,  brought 
with  him  a  Frenchman,  skilled  in  the  Greek  tongue,  whom  he 
settled  in  Montrose  ;  and,  upon  his  removal,  he  liberally  encou- 
raged others  to  come  from  France  and  succeed  to  his  place. 
From  this  private  seminary  many  Greek  scholars  proceeded,  and 
the  knowledge  of  the  language  was  gradually  diffused  over  the 
kingdom.*  After  this  statement,  I  need  scarcely  add,  that  the 
Oriental  tongues  were  at  this  time  utterly  unknown  in  Scot- 
land. I  shall  afterwards  have  occasion  to  notice  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  study  of  Hebrew. 

Knox  acquired  the  Greek  language  before  he  arrived  at 
middle  age  ;  but  we  find  him  acknowledging,  as  late  as  the  year 
1550,  that  he  was  ignorant  of  Hebrew,t  a  defect  in  his  education 
which  he  exceedingly  lamented,  and  which  he  afterwards  got 
supplied  during  his  exile  on  the  Continent. 

John  Mair,  better  known  by  his  Latin  name,  Major,  was 
professor  of  philosophy  and  theology  at  Glasgow,  when  Knox 
attended  the  university.  The  minds  of  young  men,  and  their 
future  train  of  thinking,  often  receive  an  important  direction 
from  the  master  under  whom  they  are  educated,  especially  if 
his  reputation  be  high.  Major  was  at  that  time  deemed  an 
oracle  in  the  sciences  which  he  taught ;  and  as  he  was  the  pre- 
ceptor of  Knox,  and  of  the  celebrated  scholar  Buchanan^  it 
may  be  proper  to  advert  to  some  of  his  opinions.  He  had 
received  the  greater  part  of  his  education  in  France,  and  acted 
for  some  time  as  a  professor  in  the  University  of  Paris,  where 

*  Life  of  John  Erskine  of  Dun,  p.  2,  in  Wodrow  MSS.  vol.  1.  Bibl.  Coll. 
Glas.  This  industrious  collector  had  access  to  some  of  Erskine's  papers, 
when  employed  in  compiling  his  Life.  Additional  facts  respecting  the  early 
state  of  Greek  literature  in  Scotland  will  be  found  in  Note  C. 

t  "  In  the  Hebrew  toung  (says  Knox,  in  his  defence  before  the  Bishop  of 
Durham),  I  confess  myself  ignorant ;  but  have,  as  God  knaweth,  fervent 
thirst  to  have  sum  entrance  thairin."  MS.  Letters,  p.  16. 

|  Major  had  come  to  St.  Andrews  in  1523.  The  Records  of  that  Uni- 
versity show  that  Buchanan  was  not  of  St.  Salvator's  College,  but  of  St. 
Mary's.  It  is  probable  that  Major  at  that  time  taught  in  this  College  ; 
and  it  was  not  until  1533  that  he  became  provost,  or  principal,  of  St. 
Salvator's. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  21 

he  acquired  a  more  liberal  habit  of  thinking  and  expressing 
himself  on  certain  subjects  than  was  yet  to  be  met  with  in  his 
native  country,  and  in  other  parts  of  Europe.  He  had  imbibed 
the  sentiments  concerning  ecclesiastical  polity,  maintained  by 
John  Gerson  and  Peter  D'Ailly,  who  so  ably  defended  the 
decrees  of  the  Council  of  Constance,  and  the  liberties  of  the 
Gallican  Church,  against  the  advocates  for  the  uncontrollable 
authority  of  the  Sovereign  Pontiff.  He  taught  that  a  General 
Council  was  superior  to  the  pope,  and  might  judge,  rebuke, 
restrain,  and  even  depose  him  from  his  dignity;  denied  the 
temporal  supremacy  of  the  bishop  of  Rome,  and  his  right  to 
inaugurate  or  dethrone  princes ;  maintained  that  ecclesiastical 
censures,  and  even  papal  excommunications,  had  no  force,  if 
pronounced  on  irrelevant  or  invalid  grounds :  he  held  that 
tithes  were  not  of  divine  right,  but  merely  of  human  appoint- 
ment ;  censured  the  avarice,  ambition,  and  secular  pomp  of  the 
Court  of  Rome,  and  of  the  Episcopal  order ;  was  no  warm 
friend  of  the  regular  clergy;  and  advised  the  reduction  of 
monasteries  and  holydays.* 

His  opinions  respecting  civil  governments  were  analogous  to 
those  which  he  held  as  to  ecclesiastical  polity.  He  taught,  that 
the  authority  of  kings  and  princes  was  originally  derived  from 
the  people  ;  that  the  former  are  not  superior  to  the  latter,  collec- 
tively considered :  that  if  rulers  become  tyrannical,  or  employ 
their  power  for  the  destruction  of  their  subjects,  they  may  law- 
fully be  controlled  by  them,  and  proving  incorrigible  may  be 
deposed  by  the  community  as  the  superior  power ;  and  that 
tyrants  may  be  judicially  proceeded  against,  even  to  capital 
punishment.t 

The  affinity  between  these  sentiments  and  the  political  prin- 
ciples afterwards  avowed  by  Knox,  and  defended  by  the  classic 
pen  of  Buchanan,  is  too  striking  to  require  illustration.  Some 
of  them,  indeed,  had  been  taught  by  at  least  one  Scottish  author, 
who  flourished  before  the  time  of  Major ;  but  it  is  most  proba- 
ble that  the  oral  instructions  and  writings  of  their  master  first 
suggested  to  them  the  sentiments  which  they  so  readily  adopted, 
and  which  were  afterwards  confirmed  by  mature  reflection,  and 
more  extensive  reading  ;  and  that,  consequently,  the  important 
changes  which  these  contributed  to  accomplish,  should  be  traced, 
in  a  certain  measure,  to  this  distinguished  professor.  Nor,  in 
such  circumstances,  could  his  ecclesiastical  opinions  fail  to  have 
a  proportionate  share  of  influence  on  their  habits  of  thinking 
with  respect  to  religion  and  the  Church. 

*  These  sentiments  are  collected  from  his  Commentaries  on  the  Third 
Book  of  the  Master  of  Sentences,  and  from  his  Exposition  of  Matthew's  Gos- 
pel ;  printed  in  Latin  at  Paris,  the  former  in  1517,  and  the  latter  in  1518. 
See  Note  D. 


22  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

But  though,  in  these  respects,  the  opinions  of  Major  were 
more  free  and  rational  than  those  generally  entertained  at  that 
time,  it  must  be  confessed  that  the  portion  of  instruction  which 
his  scholars  could  derive  from  him  was  extremely  small,  if  we 
allow  his  publications  to  be  a  fair  specimen  of  his  academical 
prelections.  Many  of  the  questions  which  he  discusses  are 
utterly  useless  and  trifling ;  the  rest  are  rendered  disgusting  by 
the  most  servile  adherence  to  all  the  minutiae  of  the  scholastic 
mode  of  reasoning.  The  reader  of  his  works  must  be  content 
with  painfully  picking  a  grain  of  truth  from  the  rubbish  of 
many  pages ;  nor  will  the  drudgery  be  compensated  by  those 
discoveries  of  inventive  genius  and  acute  discrimination,  for 
which  the  writings  of  Aquinas,  and  some  others  of  that  subtle 
school,  may  still  deserve  to  be  consulted.  Major  is  entitled  to 
praise,  for  exposing  to  his  countrymen  several  of  the  more 
glaring  errors  and  abuses  of  his  time  ;  but  his  mind  was  deeply 
tinctured  by  superstition,  and  he  defended  some  of  the  absurdest 
tenets  of  popery  by  the  most  ridiculous  and  puerile  arguments.* 
His  talents  were  moderate ;  with  the  writings  of  the  ancients 
he  appears  to  have  been  acquainted  only  through  the  medium 
of  the  collectors  of  the  middle  ages ;  nor  does  he  ever  hazard 
an  opinion,  or  pursue  a  speculation,  beyond  the  limits  which 
had  been  marked  out  by  some  approved  doctor  of  the  Church. 
Add  to  this,  that  his  style  is,  to  an  uncommon  degree,  harsh 
and  forbidding  :  "  exile,  aridum,  conscissum,  ac  minutum." 

Knox  and  Buchanan  soon  became  disgusted  with  such  stu- 
dies, and  began  to  seek  entertainment  more  gratifying  to  their 
ardent  and  inquisitive  minds.  Having  set  out  in  search  of 
knowledge,  they  released  themselves  from  the  trammels,  and 
overleaped  the  boundaries,  prescribed  to  them  by  their  timid 
conductor.  Each  following  the  native  bent  of  his  genius  and 
inclination,  they  separated  in  the  prosecution  of  their  studies. 
|  Buchanan,  indulging  in  a  more  excursive  range,  explored  the 
extensive  fields  of  literature,  and  wandered  in  the  flowery  mead 
of  poesy  ;  while  Knox,  passing  through  the  avenues  of  secular 
learning,  devoted  himself  to  the  study  of  divine  truth,  and  the 
labours  of  the  sacred  ministry.  Both,  however,  kept  uniformly 

*  Lord  Hailes,  having  given  an  example  of  this,  adds,  "  After  this,  can 
Buchanan  be  censured  for  saying  that  he  was  'solo  cognomine  Major?  " 
(Provincial  Councils  of  the  Scottish  Clergy,  p.  11.)  By  the  way,  it  was 
Major  who  first  said  this  of  himself.  It  was  the  sight  of  these  words, 
"  Joannes,  solo  cognomine  Major,"  in  the  dedicatory  epistle  to  his  writings, 
that  drew  from  Buchanan  the  satirical  lines,  which  have  been  so  often  ap- 
pealed to  by  his  enemies,  as  an  infallible  proof  of  the  badness  of  his  heart. 
If  fault  there  was  in  this,  we  may  certainly  make  the  apology  which  his 
learned  editor  produces  for  him  in  another  case,  "Non  tarn  hominis  vitium, 
quam  poetae."  Poets  and  wits  cannot  always  spare  their  best  friends. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  23 

in  view  the  advancement  of  true  religion  and  liberty,  with  the 
love  of  which  they  were  equally  smitten ;  and  as,  during  their 
lives,  they  suffered  a  long  and  painful  exile,  and  were  exposed 
to  many  dangers,  for  adherence  to  this  kindred  cause,  so  their 
memories  have  not  been  divided  in  the  profuse  but  honourable 
obloquy  with  which  they  have  been  aspersed  by  its  enemies, 
and  in  the  deserved  and  grateful  recollections  of  its  genuine 
friends.* 

But  we  must  not  suppose  that  Knox  was  able  at  once  to 
divest  himself  of  the  prejudices  of  his  education  and  of  the 
times.  Barren  and  repulsive  as  the  scholastic  studies  appear 
to  our  minds,  there  was  something  in  the  intricate  and  subtle 
sophistry  then  in  vogue  calculated  to  fascinate  the  youthful  and 
ingenious  mind.  It  had  a  show  of  wisdom;  it  exercised, 
although  it  did  not  enrich,  the  understanding ;  it  even  gave 
play  to  the  imagination,  while  it  served  to  flatter  the  pride  of 
the  learned  adept.  Once  involved  in  the  mazy  labyrinth,  it 
was  no  easy  task  to  break  through  it,  and  to  escape  into  the 
open  field  of  rational  and  free  inquiry.  Accordingly,  Knox 
continued  for  some  time  captivated  with  these  studies,  and 
prosecuted  them  with  great  success.  After  he  was  created 
master  of  arts,  he  taught  philosophy,  most  probably  as  a  regent 
of  one  of  the  classes  in  the  university.!  His  class  became  cel- 
ebrated ;  and  he  was  considered  as  equalling,  if  not  excelling, 
his  master  in  the  subtleties  of  the  dialectic  art.J  About  the 
same  time,  although  he  had  no  interest  but  what  was  procured 
by  his  own  merit,  he  was  advanced  to  clerical  orders,  and  was 
ordained  a  priest,  before  he  reached  the  age  fixed  by  the  canons 
of  the  church. §  This  must  have  taken  place  previous  to  the 

*  Buchanan  always  mentions  Knox  in  terms  of  high  respect,  Oper.  ed. 
Ruddiman,  pp.  313,  321,  366.  And  the  Reformer,  in  his  Historie,  has  borne 
testimony  to  the  virtues  as  well  as  splendid  talents  of  the  Poet:  "That 
notable  man,  Mr.  George  Bucquhanane — remains  alyve  to  this  day,  in  the 
yeir  of  God  1566  years,  to  the  glory  of  God,  to  the  gret  honour  of  this  na- 
tioun,  and  to  the  comfort  of  thame  that  delyte  in  letters  and  vertew.  That 
eingulare  wark  of  David's  Psalmes,  in  Latin  meetre  and  poesie,  besyd  mony 
uther,  can  witness  the  rare  graices  of  God  gevin  to  that  man."  Historie, 
p.  24. 

f  D.  Buchanan's  Life  of  Knox.  Mackenzie's  Lives,  iii.  111.  Although 
I  have  followed  the  common  accounts,  I  have  great  doubts  if  Knox  was 
made  Master  of  Arts.  It  was  usual  to  put  Mr.  before  the  names  of  those 
who  had  been  laureated,  but  I  have  never  seen  this  title  prefixed  to  his 
name  in  any  old  record. 

}  "In  hac  iffitur  Anthropotheologia  egregie  versatus  Cnoxus,  eandem 
et  magna  autoritate  docuit :  visusque  fuit  magistro  suo  (si  qua  in  subtil- 
itate  felicitas),  in  quibusdam  felicior."  Verheiden.  Effigies  et  Elogia 
Prsestant  Theolog.  p.  92.  Hagaecomit.  1602.  Bezse  Icones,  Ee.  iij.  Melch. 
Adami  Vitse  Theolog.  Exter.  p.  137.  Francofurti,  1618. 

$  See  Note  E. 


24  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

year  1530,  at  which  time  he  had  arrived  at  his  twenty-fifth 
year,  the  canonical  age  for  receiving  ordination. 

It  was  not  long,  however,  till  his  studies  received  a  new 
direction,  which  led  to  a  complete  revolution  in  his  religious 
sentiments,  and  had  an  important  influence  on  the  whole  of  his 
future  life.  Not  satisfied  with  the  excerpts  from  ancient  authors, 
which  he  found  in  the  writings  of  the  scholastic  divines  and 
canonists,  he  resolved  to  have  recourse  to  the  original  works. 
In  them  he  found  a  method  of  investigating  and  communicating 
truth  to  which  he  had  hitherto  been  a  stranger,  and  the  simpli- 
city of  which  recommended  itself  to  his  mind,  in  spite  of  the 
prejudices  of  education  and  the  pride  of  superior  attainments  in 
his  own  favourite  art.  Among  the  fathers  of  the  Christian 
Church,  Jerome  and  Augustine  attracted  his  particular  attention. 
By  the  writings  of  the  former,  he  was  led  to  the  Scriptures  as 
the  only  pure  fountain  of  divine  truth,  and  instructed  in  the 
utility  of  studying  them  in  the  original  languages.  In  the  works 
of  the  latter,  he  found  religious  sentiments  very  opposite  to 
those  taught  in  the  Romish  Church,  who,  while  she  retained 
his  name  as  a  saint  in  her  calendar,  had  banished  his  doctrine, 
as  heretical,  from  her  pulpits.  From  this  time,  he  renounced 
the  study  of  scholastic  theology ;  and  although  not  yet  com- 
pletely emancipated  from  superstition,  his  mind  was  fitted  for 
improving  the  means  which  Providence  had  prepared  for  lead- 
ing him  to  a  fuller  and  more  comprehensive  view  of  the 
system  of  evangelical  religion.  It  was  about  the  year  1535 
when  this  favourable  change  commenced  ;*  but  it  does  not 
appear  that  he  professed  himself  a  Protestant  before  the  year 
1542. 

As  I  am  now  to  enter  upon  that  period  of  Knox's  life  at 
which  he  renounced  the  Roman  Catholic  communion  and  com- 
menced Reformer,  it  may  not  be  improper  to  take  a  survey  of 
the  state  of  religion  in  Scotland  at  that  time.  Without  an  ade- 
quate knowledge  of  this,  it  is  impossible  to  form  a  just  estimate 
of  the  necessity  and  importance  of  that  Reformation,  in  the  ad- 
vancement of  which  he  laboured  with  so  great  zeal ;  and  no- 
thing has  contributed  so  much  to  give  currency,  among  Pro- 
testants, to  prejudices  against  his  character,  as  ignorance,  or  a 
superficial  consideration  of  the  enormous  and  almost  incredible 
abuses  which  then  prevailed  in  the  Church.  This  must  be  my 
apology  for  a  digression  which  might  otherwise  be  deemed 
superfluous  or  disproportionate. 

The  corruptions  by  which  the  Christian  religion  was  univer- 

*  Bezos  Icones,  Verheidenii  Effigies,  Melchior  Adam ;  ut  supra.    Spots- 
wood's  History,  p.  265.    Lond.  1677. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  25 

sally  disfigured,  before  the  Reformation,  had  grown  to  a  greater 
height  in  Scotland  than  in  any  other  nation  within  the  pale  of 
the  Western  Church.  Superstition  and  religious  imposture,  in 
their  grossest  forms,  gained  an  easy  admission  among  a  rude 
and  ignorant  people.  By  means  of  these,  the  clergy  attained 
to  an  exorbitant  degree  of  opulence  and  power ;  which  were 
accompanied,  as  they  always  have  been,  with  the  corruption  of 
their  order,  and  of  the  whole  system  of  religion. 

The  full  half  of  the  wealth  of  the  nation  belonged  to  the 
clergy ;  and  the  greater  part  of  this  was  in  the  hands  of  a  few 
individuals,  who  had  the  command  of  the  whole  body.  Avarice, 
ambition,  and  the  love  of  secular  pomp,  reigned  among  the 
superior  orders.  Bishops  and  abbots  rivalled  the  first  nobility 
in  magnificence,  and  preceded  them  in  honours:  they  were 
Privy-Counsellors,  and  Lords  of  Session,  as  well  as  of  Parlia- 
ment, and  had  long  engrossed  the  principal  offices  of  state.  A 
vacant  bishopric  or  abbacy  called  forth  powerful  competitors, 
who  contended  for  it  as  for  a  principality  or  petty  kingdom ;  it 
was  obtained  by  similar  arts,  and  not  unfrequently  taken  pos- 
session of  by  the  same  weapons.*  Inferior  benefices  were 
openly  put  to  sale,  or  bestowed  on  the  illiterate  and  unworthy 
minions  of  courtiers  ;  on  dice-players,  strolling  bards,  and  the 
bastards  of  bishops.t  Pluralities  were  multiplied  without 
bounds,  and  benefices,  given  in  commendam,  were  kept  vacant 
during  the  life  of  the  commendator — nay,  sometimes  during 
several  lives  ;J  so  that  extensive  parishes  were  frequently  de- 
prived for  a  long  course  of  years,  of  all  religious  service, — if  a 
deprivation  it  could  be  called,  at  a  time  when  the  cure  of  souls 
was  no  longer  regarded  as  attached  to  livings  originally  endow- 
ed for  that  purpose.  The  bishops  never,  on  any  occasion,  con- 

*  During  the  minority  of  James  V.  the  celebrated  Gawin  Douglas  was 
recommended  by  the  Queen  to  the  archbishopric  of  St.  Andrews ;  but  John 
Hepburn,  prior  of  the  regular  canons,  opposed  the  nomination,  and  took  the 
archiepiscopal  palace  by  storm.  Douglas  afterwards  laid  siege  to  the  cath- 
edral of  Dunkeld,  and  carried  it  more  by  the  thunder  of  his  cannon,  than 
the  dread  of  the  excommunication  which  he  threatened  to  fulminate  against 
his  antagonist.  Buch.  Hist.  xiii.  44.  Spotsw.  61.  Life  of  Gawin  Doug- 
las, prefixed  to  his  translation  of  the  ^Eneid :  Ruddiman's  edition. 

t  Sir  David  Lindsay's  Works,  by  Chalmers,  i.  344 ;  ii.  237,  238.  Win- 
zet,  and  Kennedy ;  apud  Keith,  App.  488,  504. 

|  The  Popes  were  accustomed  to  grant  liberty  to  the  commendators  to 
dispose  of  benefices  which  they  held  by  this  tenure,  to  others  who  should 
succeed  to  them  after  their  death.  Introduction  to  Scots  Biography,  in 
Wodrow,  MSS.  vol.  ix.  p.  171 ;  Bibl.  Coll.  Glas.  So  late  as  anno  1534,  Clement 
VII.  granted,  in  commendam,  to  his  nephew,  Hypolitus,  Cardinal  de  Medici, 
ALL  the  benefices  in  the  world,  secular  and  regular,  dignities  and  parsona- 
ges, simple  and  with  cure,  being  vacant,  for  six  months;  with  power  to 
dispose  of  all  their  fruits,  and  convert  them  to  his  own  use.  Father  Paul's 
History  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  lib.  1.  p.  251.  Lond.  1620. 
3  J> 


26  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

descended  to  preach ;  indeed,  I  scarcely  recollect  an  instance 
of  it  mentioned  in  history,  from  the  erection  of  the  regular 
Scottish  Episcopacy  down  to  the  era  of  the  Reformation.*  The 
practice  had  even  gone  into  desuetude  among  all  the  secular 
clergy,  and  was  wholly  devolved  on  the  mendicant  monks, 
who  employed  it  for  the  most  mercenary  purposes.t 

The  lives  of  the  clergy,  exempted  from  secular  jurisdiction, 
and  corrupted  by  wealth  and  idleness,  were  become  a  scandal 
to  religion,  and  an  outrage  on  decency.  While  they  professed 
chastity,  and  prohibited,  under  the  severest  penalties,  any  of  the 
ecclesiastical  order  from  contracting  lawful  wedlock,  the  bishops 
set  an  example  of  the  most  shameless  profligacy  before  the 
inferior  clergy;  avowedly  kept  their  harlots,  provided  their 
natural  sons  with  benefices,  and  gave  their  daughters  in  marriage 
to  the  sons  of  the  nobility  and  principal  gentry,  many  of  whom 
were  so  mean  as  to  contaminate  the  blood  of  their  families  by 
such  base  alliances  for  the  sake  of  the  rich  dowries  which  they 
brought.  £ 

Through  the  blind  devotion  and  munificence  of  princes  and 
nobles,  monasteries,  those  nurseries  of  superstition  and  idleness, 
had  greatly  multiplied  in  the  nation ;  and  though  they  had  uni- 
versally degenerated,  and  were  notoriously  become  the  haunts 
of  lewdness  and  debauchery,  it  was  deemed  impious  and  sacri- 
legious to  reduce  their  number,  abridge  their  privileges,  or 
alienate  their  funds.  §  The  kingdom  swarmed  with  ignorant, 

*  One  exception  occurs,  and  must  not  be  omitted.  When  George  Wish- 
art  was  preaching  in  Ayr,  Dunbar,  archbishop  of  Glasgow,  took  posses- 
sion of  the  pulpit,  in  order  to  exclude  the  Reformer.  Some  of  the  more 
zealous  hearers  would  have  dispossessed  the  bishop,  but  Wishart  would 
not  suffer  them.  "The  bishope  preichit  to  his  jackmen,  and  to  some 
auld  boisses  of  the  toun.  The  soum  of  all  his  sermone  was,  They  sey, 
we  sould  preiche :  Quhy  not  1  Better  lait  thry ve  nor  nevir  thryve.  Had 
us  still  for  your  bishope,  and  we  sail  provyde  better  the  next  tyme." 
Knox,  Historic,  p.  44. 

f  War  not  the  preiching  of  the  begging  freiris, 
Tint  war  the  faith  among  the  seculeiris. 

Lyndsay,  ut  supra,  i.  343,  comp.  ii.  101. 

|  Lord  Hailes's  Notes  on  Ancient  Scottish  Poems,  pp.  249,  250,  297,  309. 
We  need  not  appeal  to  the  testimony  of  the  reformers,  nor  to  satirical 
poems  published  at  that  time,  in  proof  of  the  extreme  profligacy  of  the 
popish  clergy.  The  truth  is  registered  in  the  Acts  of  Parliament,  and  in 
the  decrees  of  their  own  councils,  (Wilkins,  Concil.  torn.  iv.  pp.  46—60. 
Keith's  Hist.  pref.  xiv.  and  p.  14,)  in  the  records  of  legitimation,  (Lord 
Hailes,  ut  supra,  pp.  249,  250,)  and  in  the  confessions  of  their  own  wri- 
ters. (Kennedy  and  Winzet,  apud  Keith,  append.  202,  205—207.  Lesley, 
Hist.  232.  Father  Alexander  Baillie's  True  Information  of  the  Unhallowed 
Offspring,  &c.  of  our  Scottish  Calvinian  Gospel,  pp.  15,  16 ;  Wirtzburg, 
anno  1628.) 

5  In  consequence  of  a  very  powerful  confederacy  against  the  religious 
knights,  called  Templars,  and  upon  charges  of  the  most  flagitious  crimes. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  27 

idle,  luxurious  monks,  who,  like  locusts,  devoured  the  fruits  of 
the  earth,  and  filled  the  air  with  pestilential  infection ;  with 
friars,  white,  black,  and  grey;  canons  regular,  and  of  St. 
Anthony ;  Carmelites,  Carthusians,  Cordeliers,  Dominicans, 
Franciscan  Conventuals  and  Observantines,  Jacobins,  Premon- 
stratensians,  monks  of  Tyrone,  and  of  Vallis  Caulium,  and 
Hospitallers,  or  Holy  Knights  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem ;  nuns 
of  St.  Austin,  St.  Clair,  St.  Scholastica,  and  St.  Catherine  of 
Sienna,  with  canonesses  of  various  clans.* 

The  ignorance  of  the  clergy  respecting  religion  was  as  gross 
as  the  dissoluteness  of  their  morals.  Even  bishops  were  not 
ashamed  to  confess  that  they  were  unacquainted  with  the  canon 
of  their  faith,  and  had  never  read  any  part  of  the  sacred  Scrip- 
tures, except  what  they  met  with  in  their  missals.t  Under  such 
masters  the  people  perished  for  lack  of  knowledge.  That  book, 
which  was  able  to  make  them  wise  unto  salvation,  and  intended 
to  be  equally  accessible  to  "  Jew  and  Greek,  Barbarian  and 
Scythian,  bond  and  free,"  was  locked  up  from  them,  and  the 
use  of  it  in  their  own  tongue  prohibited  under  the  heaviest 
penalties.  The  religious  service  was  mumbled  over  in  a  dead 
language,  which  many  of  the  priests  did  not  understand,  and 
some  of  them  could  scarcely  read ;  and  the  greatest  care  was 

that  order  was  suppressed  by  a  general  council,  anno  1312 ;  but  their  pos- 
sessions were  conferred  upon  another  order  of  sacred  knights.  The  pleni- 
tude of  papal  power  was  stretched  to  the  very  utmost,  in  this  dread  attempt : 
"  Quanquam,"  says  his  holiness  in  the  bull,  "  de  jure  non  possumus,  tamen 
ad  plenitudinem  potestatis  dictum  ordinem  reprobamus."  Walsingham, 
Histor.  Angl.  p.  99.  When  the  Gilbertine  monks  retired  from  Scotland, 
because  the  air  of  the  country  did  not  agree  with  them,  their  revenues 
were,  upon  their  resignation,  transferred  to  the  monastery  of  Paisley. 
Keith's  Scottish  Bishops,  p.  266. 

*  See  Note  F. 

f  Fox,  p.  1153,  printed  anno  1596.  Chalmers's  Lyndsay,  ii.  62,  63,  64. 
Lord  Hailes,  Provincial  Councils  of  the  Scottish  Clergy,  p.  30.  Sir  Ralph 
Sadler's  testimony  to  the  clergy,  as  the  only  men  of  learning  about  the  court 
of  James  V.  may  seem  to  contradict  what  I  have  asserted.  But  Sadler 
speaks  of  their  talents  for  political  management,  and  in  the  same  letter 
gives  a  proof  of  their  ignorance  in  other  respects.  The  clergy,  at  that 
time,  made  law  their  principal  study,  and  endeavoured  to  qualify  themselves 
for  offices  of  State.  This,  however,  engaged  their  whole  attention,  and 
they  were  grossly  ignorant  in  their  own  profession.  Sadler's  State  Papers, 
i.  47,  48 ;  Edin.  1809.  Knox,  Historic,  p.  18. 

Andrew  Forman,  bishop  of  Murray,  and  papal  legate  for  Scotland,  being 
obliged  to  say  grace,  at  an  entertainment  which  he  gave  to  the  pope  and 
cardinals  in  Rome,  blundered  so  in  his  latinity,  that  his  holiness  and  their 
eminences  lost  their  gravity,  which  so  disconcerted  the  bishop,  that  he 
concluded  the  blessing  by  giving  all  the  false  carles  to  the  devil,  in  nom- 
ine patris,jilii  et  sancti  spiritus ;  to  which  the  company,  not  understanding 
his  Scoto-Latin,  said  Amen.  "  The  holy  bishop,"  says  Pitscottie,  "  was  not 
a  good  scholar,  and  had  not  good  Latin."  History,  p.  106. 


28  LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX. 

taken  to  prevent  even  catechisms,  composed  and  approved  by 
the  clergy,  from  coming  into  the  hands  of  the  laity.* 

Scotland,  from  her  local  situation,  had  been  less  exposed  to 
disturbance  from  the  encroaching  ambition,  the  vexatious 
exactions,  and  fulminating  anathemas  of  the  Vatican  court, 
than  the  countries  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Rome.  But 
from  the  same  cause,  it  was  more  easy  for  the  domestic  clergy 
to  keep  up  on  the  minds  of  the  people  that  excessive  veneration 
for  the  Holy  See,  which  could  not  be  long  felt  by  those  who 
had  the  opportunity  of  witnessing  its  vices  and  worldly  politics.t 
The  burdens  which  attended  a  state  of  dependence  upon  a 
remote  foreign  jurisdiction  were  severely  felt.  Though  the 
popes  did  not  enjoy  the  power  of  presenting  to  the  Scottish  pre- 
lacies, they  wanted  not  numerous  pretexts  for  interfering  with 
them.  The  most  important  causes  of  a  civil  nature,  which  the 
ecclesiastical  courts  had  contrived  to  bring  within  their  juris- 
diction, were  frequently  carried  to  Rome.  Large  sums  of 
money  were  annually  exported  out  of  the  kingdom,  for  the 
confirmation  of  benefices,  the  conducting  of  appeals,  and  many 
other  purposes ;  in  exchange  for  which  were  received  leaden 
bulls,  woollen  palls,  wooden  images,  old  bones,  and  similar  arti- 
cles of  precious  consecrated  mummery 4 

Of  the  doctrine  of  Christianity  almost  nothing  remained  but 
the  name.  Instead  of  being  directed  to  offer  up  their  adora- 
tions to  one  God,  the  people  were  taught  to  divide  them  among 
an  innumerable  company  of  inferior  divinities.  A  plurality  of 
mediators  shared  the  honour  of  procuring  the  divine  favour 

*  Wilkins,  Concilia,  torn.  iv.  72.  Lord  Hailes's  Provincial  Councils 
of  the  Scottish  Clergy,  p.  36. 

f  Luther  often  mentioned  to  his  familiar  acquaintances  the  advantage 
which  he  derived  from  a  visit  to  Rome  in  1510,  and  used  to  say,  that  he 
would  not  exchange  that  journey  for  1000  florins;  so  much  did  it  con- 
tribute to  open  his  eyes  to  the  corruptions  of  the  Romish  Court,  and  to 
weaken  his  prejudices.  Melchior.  Adami,  Vitae  Germ.  Theol.  p.  104. 
Erasmus  had  a  sensation  of  the  same  kind,  although  weaker.  John  Rough, 
one  of  the  Scottish  Reformers,  felt  in  a  similar  way  after  visiting  Rome. 
Fox,  p.  1841. 

t  Notwithstanding  laws  repeatedly  made  to  restrain  persons  from  going 
to  Rome,  to  obtain  benefices,  the  practice  was  greatly  on  the  increase 
about  the  time  of  the  Reformation. 

It  is  schort  time  sen  ony  benefice 

Was  sped  in  Rome,  except  great  bishoprics ; 

But  now,  for  ane  unworthy  vickarage, 

A  priest  will  rin  to  Rome  in  Pilgrimage. 

Ane  cavill  quhilk  was  never  at  the  scule 

Will  rin  to  Rome,  and  keep  ane  bischopis  mule: 

And  syne  come  hame  with  mony  a  colorit  crack, 

With  ane  burdin  of  beneficis  on  his  back. 

Chalmers's  Lyndsay,  ii.  60 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  29 

with  the  "  one  Mediator  between  God  and  man ;"  and  more 
petitions  were  presented  to  the  Virgin  Mary,  and  other  saints, 
than  to  «  Him  whom  the  Father  heareth  always."  The  sacri- 
fice of  the  mass  was  represented  as  procuring  forgiveness  of 
sins  to  the  living  and  the  dead,  to  the  infinite  disparagement 
of  the  sacrifice  by  which  Jesus  Christ  expiated  sin  and  procured 
everlasting  redemption  ;  and  the  consciences  of  men  were  with- 
drawn from  faith  in  the  merits  of  their  Saviour  to  a  delusive 
reliance  upon  priestly  absolutions,  papal  pardons,  and  voluntary 
penances.  Instead  of  being  instructed  to  demonstrate  the  sin- 
cerity of  their  faith  and  repentance  by  forsaking  their  sins,  and 
to  testify  their  love  to  God  and  man  by  practising  the  duties  of 
morality,  and  observing  the  ordinances  of  worship  authorized 
by  Scripture,  they  were  taught  that,  if  they  regularly  said  their 
aves  and  credos,  confessed  themselves  to  a  priest,  punctually 
paid  their  tithes  and  church-offerings,  purchased  a  mass,  went 
in  pilgrimage  to  the  shrine  of  some  celebrated  saint,  refrained 
from  flesh  on  Fridays,  or  performed  some  other  prescribed  act 
of  bodily  mortification,  their  salvation  was  infallibly  secured  in 
due  time :  while  those  who  were  so  rich  and  so  pious  as  to 
build  a  chapel  or  an  altar,  and  to  endow  it  for  the  support  of  a 
priest,  to  perform  masses,  obits,  and  dirges,  procured  a  relaxa- 
tion of  the  pains  of  purgatory  for  themselves  or  their  relations, 
in  proportion  to  the  extent  of  their  liberality.  It  is  difficult  for 
us  to  conceive  how  empty,  ridiculous,  and  wretched  those  ha- 
rangues were  which  the  monks  delivered  for  sermons.  Legen- 
dary tales  concerning  the  founder  of  some  religious  order,  his 
wonderful  sanctity,  the  miracles  which  he  performed,  his  com- 
bats with  the  devil,  his  watchings,  fastings,  flagellations ;  the 
virtues  of  holy  water,  chrism,  crossing,  and  exorcism ;  the 
horrors  of  purgatory,  and  the  numbers  released  from  it  by  the 
intercession  of  some  powerful  saint ;  these,  with  low  jests, 
table-talk,  and  fireside  scandal,  formed  the  favourite  topics  of 
the  preachers,  and  were  served  up  to  the  people  instead  of  the 
pure,  salutary,  and  sublime  doctrines  of  the  Bible.* 

The  beds  of  the  dying  were  besieged,  and  their  last  moments 
disturbed,  by  avaricious  priests,  who  laboured  to  extort  be- 
quests to  themselves  or  to  the  Church.  Not  satisfied  with 
exacting  tithes  from  the  living,  a  demand  was  made  upon  the 
dead :  no  sooner  had  the  poor  husbandman  breathed  his  last, 
than  the  rapacious  vicar  came  and  carried  off  his  corpse-present, 
which  he  repeated  as  often  as  death  visited  the  family.t  Ec- 

*  Knox,  14—16.  Spotswood,  64,  69.  Keith,  append.  205.  Dalyell's 
Cursory  Remarks,  prefixed  to  Scottish  Poems  of  the  Sixteenth  Century,  i. 
16—18.  Chalmers's  Lyndsay,  i.  211. 

t  See  Note  G. 
3* 


30  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

clesiastical  censures  were  fulminated  against  those  who  were 
reluctant  in  making  these  payments,  or  who  showed  themselves 
disobedient  to  the  clergy ;  and,  for  a  little  money,  they  were 
prostituted  on  the  most  trifling  occasions.*  Divine  service  was 
neglected ;  and,  except  on  festival  days,  the  churches,  in  many 
parts  of  the  country,  were  no  longer  employed  for  sacred  pur- 
poses, but  served  as  sanctuaries  for  malefactors,  places  of  traffic, 
or  resorts  for  pastime.t 

Persecution,  and  the  suppression  of  free  inquiry,  were  the 
only  weapons  by  which  its  interested  supporters  were  able  to 
defend  this  system  of  corruption  and  imposture.  Every  avenue 
by  which  truth  might  enter,  was  carefully  guarded.  Learning 
was  branded  as  the  parent  of  heresy.  The  most  frightful  pic- 
tures were  drawn  of  those  who  had  separated  from  the  Romish 
Church,  and  held  up  before  the  eyes  of  the  people,  to  deter 
them  from  imitating  their  example.  If  any  person,  who  had 
attained  a  degree  of  illumination  amidst  the  general  darkness, 
began  to  hint  dissatisfaction  with  the  conduct  of  churchmen, 
and  to  propose  the  correction  of  abuses,  he  was  immediately 
stigmatized  as  a  heretic,  and,  if  he  did  not  secure  his  safety  by 
flight,  was  immured  in  a  dungeon,  or  committed  to  the  flames. 
And  when,  at  last,  in  spite  of  all  their  precautions,  the  light 
which  was  shining  around  did  break  in  and  spread  through  the 
nation,  the  clergy  prepared  to  adopt  the  most  desperate  and 
bloody  measures  for  its  extinction. 

From  this  imperfect  sketch  of  the  state  of  religion  in  this 
country,  we  may  see  how  false  the  representation  is  which 
some  persons  would  impose  on  us ;  as  if  popery  were  a  system, 
erroneous,  indeed,  but  purely  speculative,  superstitious  but 
harmless,  provided  it  had  not  been  accidentally  accompanied 
with  intolerance  and  cruelty.  The  very  reverse  is  the  truth. 
It  may  be  safely  said,  that  there  is  not  one  of  its  erroneous 
tenets,  or  of  its  superstitious  practices,  which  was  not  either 
originally  contrived,  or  afterwards  accommodated,  to  advance 
and  support  some  practical  abuse ;  to  aggrandize  the  ecclesias- 
tical order,  secure  to  them  immunity  from  civil  jurisdiction, 
sanctify  their  encroachments  upon  secular  authorities,  vindi- 
cate their  usurpations  upon  the  consciences  of  men,  cherish  im- 
plicit obedience  to  the  decisions  of  the  Church,  and  extinguish 
free  inquiry  and  liberal  science. 

It  was  a  system  not  more  repugnant  to  the  religion  of  the 
Bible,  than  incompatible  with  the  legitimate  rights  of  princes, 
and  the  independence,  liberty,  and  prosperity  of  kingdoms ; 
not  more  destructive  to  the  souls  of  men,  than  to  domestic  and 

*  Knox,  Historie,  p.  14. 

t  DalyelPs  Cursory  Remarks,  &c.  i.  28. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  31 

social  happiness,  and  the  principles  of  sound  morality.  Con- 
siderations from  every  quarter  combined  in  calling  aloud  for  a 
radical  and  complete  reform.  The  exertions  of  every  descrip- 
tion of  persons,  of  the  man  of  letters,  the  patriot,  the  prince,  as 
well  as  the  Christian,  each  acting  in  his  own  sphere  for  his  own 
interests,  with  the  joint  concurrence  of  all  as  in  a  common 
cause,  were  urgently  required  for  extirpating  abuses,  of  which 
all  had  reason  to  complain,  and  for  effectuating  a  revolution,  in 
the  advantages  of  which  all  would  participate.  There  was, 
however,  no  reasonable  prospect  of  accomplishing  this,  without 
exposing,  in  the  first  place,  the  falsehood  of  those  notions  which 
have  been  called  speculative.  It  was  principally  by  means  of 
these  that  superstition  had  established  its  empire  over  the  minds 
of  men ;  behind  them  the  Romish  ecclesiastics  had  intrenched 
themselves  and  defended  their  usurped  prerogatives  and  pos- 
sessions 5  and  had  any  prince  or  legislature  endeavoured  to  de- 
prive them  of  these,  while  the  great  body  of  the  people  remained 
unenlightened,  it  would  soon  have  been  found  that  the  attempt 
was  premature  in  itself,  and  replete  with  danger  to  those  by 
whom  it  was  made.  To  the  revival  of  the  primitive  doctrines 
and  institutions  of  Christianity,  by  the  preaching  and  writings 
of  the  reformers,  and  to  those  controversies  by  which  the  popish 
errors  were  confuted  from  Scripture,  (for  which  many  modern 
philosophers  seem  to  have  a  thorough  contempt),  we  are  chiefly 
indebted  for  the  overthrow  of  superstition,  ignorance,  and  des- 
potism ;  and  in  fact,  all  the  blessings,  political  and  religious, 
which  we  enjoy,  may  be  traced  to  the  Reformation  from 
popery. 

How  grateful  should  we  be  to  Divine  Providence  for  this 
happy  revolution !  For  those  persons  do  but  sport  with  their 
own  imaginations,  who  flatter  themselves  that  it  must  have 
taken  place  in  the  ordinary  course  of  human  affairs,  and  over- 
look the  many  convincing  proofs  of  the  superintending  direc- 
tion of  superior  wisdom  in  the  whole  combination  of  circum- 
stances which  contributed  to  bring  about  the  Reformation  in 
this  country,  as  well  as  throughout  Europe.  How  much  are  we 
indebted  to  those  men,  who,  under  God,  were  the  instruments 
in  effecting  it;  men  who  cheerfully  hazarded  their  lives  to 
achieve  a  design  which  involved  the  felicity  of  millions  unborn ; 
who  boldly  attacked  the  system  of  error  and  corruption,  though 
fortified  by  popular  credulity,  by  custom,  and  by  laws,  fenced 
with  the  most  dreadful  penalties;  and  who,  having  forced 
the  stronghold  of  superstition,  and  penetrated  the  recesses  of 
its  temple,  tore  aside  the  veil  that  concealed  the  monstrous  idol 
which  the  world  had  so  long  ignorantly  worshipped,  dissolved 
the  spell  by  which  the  human  mind  was  bound,  and  restored 
it  to  liberty !  How  criminal  must  those  be,  who,  sitting  at  ease 


32  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

under  the  vines  and  fig-trees,  planted  by  the  labours,  and 
watered  with  the  blood  of  these  patriots,  discover  their  dis- 
esteem  of  the  invaluable  privileges  which  they  inherit,  or  their 
ignorance  of  the  expense  at  which  they  were  purchased,  by  the 
most  unworthy  treatment  of  those  to  whom  they  owe  them — 
misrepresent  their  actions,  calumniate  their  motives,  and  load 
their  memories  with  every  species  of  abuse  !'* 

The  reformed  doctrine  had  made  considerable  progress  in 
Scotland  before  it  was  embraced  by  Knox.  Patrick  Hamilton, 
a  youth  of  royal  lineage,t  obtained  the  honour,  not  conferred 
upon  many  of  his  rank,  of  first  announcing  its  glad  tidings  to 
his  countrymen,  and  of  sealing  them  with  his  blood.  He  was 
bom  in  the  year  1504 ;  and  being  designed  for  the  Church  by 
his  relations,  the  abbacy  of  Feme  was  conferred  upon  him  in 
his  childhood,  according  to  a  ridiculous  custom  which  prevailed 
at  that  period.  But,  as  early  as  the  year  1526,  and  previous  to 
the  breach  of  Henry  VIII.  with  the  Romish  see,  a  gleam  of 
light  was,  by  some  unknown  means,:}:  imparted  to  his  mind, 
amidst  the  darkness  which  brooded  around  him.  His  recom- 
mendations of  ancient  literature,  at  the  expense  of  the  philoso- 
phy which  was  then  taught  in  the  schools,  and  the  free  lan- 

*  Patriots  have  toiled,  and  in  their  country's  cause 
Bled  nobly ;  and  their  deeds,  as  they  deserve, 

Receive  proud  recompense. 

But  fairer  wreaths  are  due,  though  never  paid, 
To  those  who,  posted  at  the  shrine  of  truth, 

Have  fallen  in  her  defence. 

Yet  few  remember  them. 

With  their  names 

No  bard  embalms  and  sanctifies  his  song : 
And  history,  so  warm  on  meaner  themes, 
Is  cold  on  this.     She  execrates,  indeed, 
The  tyranny  that  doomed  them  to  the  fire, 
But  gives  the  glorious  sufferers  little  praise. 

Cowper,  Task,  Book  V. 

In  the  margin,  Cowper  names  Hume  as  chargeable  with  the  injustice  which 
he  so  feelingly  upbraids.  While  it  is  painful  to  think  that  other  historians, 
since  Hume,  have  exposed  themselves  to  the  same  censure,  it  is  pleasant  to 
reflect,  that  Cowper  is  not  the  only  poet  who  has  "  sanctified,"  and,  I  trust, 
"  embalmed  his  song,"  with  the  praises  of  these  patriots.  The  reader  will 
easily  perceive  that  I  refer  to  the  author  of  The  Sabbath. 

f  His  father,  Sir  Patrick  Hamilton  of  Kincavil,  was  son  of  Lord  Hamilton, 
who  married  a  sister  of  King  James  III.  His  mother  was  a  daughter  of 
John  Duke  of  Albany,  brother  to  the  same  monarch.  Pinkerton's  Hist,  of 
Scotland,  ii.  45,  46,  289. 

t  There  was  an  act  of  Parliament,  as  early  as  17th  July  1525,  prohibiting 
ships  from  bringing  any  books  of  Luther  or  his  disciples  into  Scotland,  which 
had  always  "  bene  clene  of  all  sic  filth  and  vice."  Act.  Parl.  Scot.  vol.  ii. 
p.  295.  This  renders  it  highly  probable  that  such  books  had  already  been 
introduced  into  this  country. 


LIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX.  33 

guage  which  he  used  in  speaking  of  the  corruptions  of  the 
Church,  had  already  drawn  upon  him  the  suspicions  of  the 
clergy,  when  he  resolved  to  leave  Scotland,  and  to  improve  his 
mind  by  travelling  on  the  Continent.  He  set  out  with  three 
attendants,  and,  attracted  by  the  fame  of  Luther,  repaired  to 
Wittemberg.  Luther  and  Melancthori  were  highly  pleased 
with  his  zeal ;  and,  after  retaining  him  a  short  time  with  them, 
they  recommended  him  to  the  university  of  Marburg.  This 
university  was  newly  erected  by  that  enlightened  prince,  Philip, 
Landgrave  of  Hesse,  who  had  placed  at  its  head  the  learned 
and  pious  Francis  Lambert  of  Avignon.  Lambert,  who  had 
left  his  native  country,  and  sacrificed  a  lucrative  situation,  from 
love  to  the  reformed  religion,  conceived  a  strong  attachment  to 
the  young  Scotsman,  who  imbibed  his  instructions  with  extra- 
ordinary avidity.  While  he  was  daily  advancing  in  acquaint- 
ance with  the  Scriptures,  Hamilton  was  seized  with  an  uncon- 
querable desire  of  imparting  to  his  countrymen  the  know- 
ledge which  he  had  acquired.  In  vain  did  Lambert  represent 
to  him  the  dangers  to  which  he  would  be  exposed ;  his  deter- 
mination was  fixed ;  and  taking  along  with  him  a  single  atten- 
dant, he  left  Marburg,  and  returned  to  Scotland.* 

The  clergy  did  not  allow  him  long  time  to  disseminate  his 
opinions.  Pretending  to  wish  a  free  conference  with  him,  they 
decoyed  him  to  St.  Andrews,  where  he  was  thrown  into  prison 
by  Archbishop  Beatoun,  -and  committed  to  the  flames  on  the 
last  day  of  February  1528,  and  in  the  twenty-fourth  year  of 
his  age.  On  his  trial  he  defended  his  opinions  with  firmness, 
yet  with  great  modesty ;  and  the  mildness,  patience,  and  forti- 
tude, which  he  displayed  at  the  stake,  equalled  those  of  the 
first  martyrs  of  Christianity.  He  expired  with  these  words  in 
his  mouth:  "How  long,  0  Lord,  shall  darkness  cover  this 
realm  !  How  long  wilt  thou  suffer  this  tyranny  of  men !  Lord 
Jesus,  receive  my  spirit  !"t  "  The  murder  of  Hamilton,"  says 
a  modern  historian, J  "was  afterwards  avenged  in  the  blood  of 
the  nephew  and  successor  of  his  persecutor ;"  and  the  flames 
in  which  he  expired  were,  "  in  the  course  of  one  generation, 
to  enlighten  all  Scotland,  and  to  consume,  with  avenging  fury, 
the  Catholic  superstition,  the  papal  power,  and  the  prelacy 
itself." 

The  good  effects  which  resulted  from  the  martyrdom  of 

*  F.  Lamberti  Avenionensis  Comment,  in  Apocalypsin,  prsefat.  anno  1528. 

j  Lambert,  ut  supra.     Bezae  Icones  Ff  j.     Fox,  888.   Knox,  4 — 6.    Lind- 
say of  Pitcottie's  History  of  Scotland,  pp.  133—5;  Edin.  1728.     This  last 
author  gives  a  very  interesting  account  of  Hamilton's  trial,  but  he  is  wrong 
as  to  the  year  of  his  martyrdom. 
Pinkerton. 


34  LIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

Hamilton  soon  began  to  appear.  Many  of  the  learned,  as  well 
as  of  the  common  people,  in  St.  Andrews,  beheld  with  deep 
interest  the  cruel  death  of  a  person  of  rank,  and  could  not 
refrain  from  admiring  the  heroism  with  which  he  endured  it. 
This  excited  inquiry  into  the  opinions  for  which  he  suffered, 
and  the  result  of  inquiry,  in  many  cases,  was  a  conviction  of 
their  truth.  Gawin  Logie,  principal  of  St.  Leonard's  College, 
was  so  successful  in  instilling  them  into  the  minds  of  the  stu- 
dents under  his  care,  that  it  became  proverbial  to  say  of  any 
one  who  was  suspected  of  Lutheranism,  that  he  «  had  drunk 
of  St.  Leonard's  well."*  Under  the  connivance  of  John  Win- 
ram,  the  subprior,  they  also  secretly  spread  among  the  novici- 
ates of  the  abbey.t 

These  sentiments  were  not  long  confined  to  St.  Andrews, 
and  everywhere  persons  were  to  be  found  who  held  that  Pat- 
rick Hamilton  had  died  a  martyr.  Alarmed  at  the  progress 
of  the  new  opinions,  the  clergy  adopted  the  most  rigorous 
measures  for  their  extirpation.  Strict  inquisition  was  made 
after  heretics ;  the  flames  of  persecution  were  kindled  in  all 
quarters  of  the  country;  and,  from  1530  to  1540,  many  inno- 
cent and  excellent  men  suffered  the  most  inhuman  death. :{: 
Henry  Forrest,  David  Straiton,  Norman  Gourlay,  Jerom  Rus- 
sel,  Kennedy,  Kyllor,  Beveridge,  Duncan  Sympson,  Robert 
Forrester,  and  Thomas  Forrest,  were  the  names  of  those  early 
martyrs,  whose  sufferings  deserve  a  -more  conspicuous  place 
than  can  be  given  to  them  in  these  pages.  A  few,  whose 
constancy  was  overcome  by  the. horrors  of  the  stake,  purchased 
their  lives  by  abjuring  their  opinions.  Numbers  made  their 
escape  to  England  and  the  Continent ;  among  whom  were  the 
following  learned  men,  Gawin  Logie,  Alexander  Seatoun, 
Alexander  Aless,  John  Macbee,  John  Fife,  John  Macdowal, 
'  Johrj — Macbray,  George  Buchanan,  James  Harrison,  and 
Robert  Richardson. §  Few  of  these  exiles  afterwards  returned 
to  their  native  country.  England,  Denmark,  Germany,  France, 
and  even  Portugal,  offered  an  asylum  to  them ;  and  foreign 
universities  and  schools  enjoyed  the  benefit  of  those  talents 
which  their  bigoted  countrymen  were  incapable  of  appreciating. 
To  maintain  their  authority,  and  to  preserve  those  corruptions 
from  which  they  derived  their  wealth,  the  clergy  would  wil- 
lingly have  driven  into  banishment  all  the  learned  men  in  the 
kingdom,  and  quenched  for  ever  the  light  of  science  in  Scotland. 

*  Cald.  MS.  i.  69. 

f  In  1546,  Winram  having-  spoken  to  the  bishops  in  favour  of  George 
Wishart,  Cardinal  Beatoim  upbraided  him,  saying,  "  Well,  sir,  and  you,  we 
know  what  a  man  you  are,  seven  years  ago."  Pitscottie,  189. 

t  See  Note  H.  $  See  Note  I. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  35 

Various  causes  contributed  to  prevent  these  measures  from 
arresting  the  progress  of  the  truth.  Among  these,  the  first 
place  is  unquestionably  due  to  the  circulation  of  the  Scriptures 
in  the  vulgar  language.  Against  this  the  patrons  of  ignorance 
had  endeavoured  to  guard  with  the  utmost  jealousy.  But 
when  the  desire  of  knowledge  has  once  been  excited  among  a 
people,  they  easily  contrive  methods  of  eluding  the  vigilance 
of  those  who  would  prevent  them  from  gratifying  it.  By  means 
of  merchants  who  traded  from  England  and  the  Continent  to 
the  ports  of  Leith,  Dundee,  and  Montrose,  Tindall's  translations 
of  the  Scriptures,  with  many  Protestant  books,  were  imported. 
These  were  consigned  to  persons  of  tried  principles  and  pru- 
dence, who  circulated  them  in  private  with  great  industry. 
One  copy  of  the  Bible,  or  of  the  New  Testament,  supplied  sev- 
eral families.  At  the  dead  hour  of  night,  when  others  were 
asleep,  they  assembled  in  a  private  house  ;  the  sacred  volume 
was  brought  from  its  concealment,  and  while  one  read,  the  rest 
listened  with  mute  attention.  In  this  way  the  knowledge 
of  the  Scriptures  was  diffused,  at  a  period  when  it  does  not 
appear  that  there  was  a  single  public  teacher  of  the  truth  in 
Scotland.* 

Nor  must  we  overlook  another  means  which  operated  very 
extensively  in  alienating  the  public  mind  from  the  established 
religion.  Those  who  have  investigated  the  causes  which  led 
to  the  Reformation  on  the  Continent,  have  ascribed  a  consider- 
able share  of  influence  to  the  writings  of  the  poets  and  satirists 
of  the  age.  Poetry  has  charms  for  persons  of  every  descrip- 
tion ;  and  in  return  for  the  pleasure  which  it  affords  them, 
mankind  have  in  all  ages  been  disposed  to  allow  a  greater  lib- 
erty to  poets  than  to  any  other  class  of  writers.  Strange  as  it 
may  appear,  the  poets  who  flourished  before  the  Reformation 
used  very  great  freedom  with  the  Church,  and  there  were  not 
wanting  many  persons  of  exalted  rank  who  encouraged  them 
in  this  species  of  composition.  The  same  individuals  who  were 
ready,  at  the  call  of  the  pope  and  clergy,  to  undertake  a  crusade 
for  extirpating  heresy,  entertained  poets  who  inveighed  against 
the  abuses  of  the  court  of  Rome,  and  lampooned  the  religious 
orders.  One  day  they  assisted  at  an  auto-da-fe,  in  which  her- 
etics were  committed  to  the  flames  for  the  preservation  of  the 
Catholic  Church  ;  next  day  they  were  present  at  the  acting  of 
a  pantomime  or  a  play,  in  which  the  ministers  of  that  Church 
were  held  up  to  ridicule.  Intoxicated  with  power,  and  lulled 
asleep  by  indolence,  the  clergy  had  either  overlooked  these 
attacks,  or  treated  them  with  contempt ;  it  was  only  from  ex- 

*  Wodrow's  MSS.  in  Bibl.  Coll.  Glas.  vol.  i.  p.  2.  Calder wood's  MS. 
Hist  of  the  Church  of  Scotland,  vol.  i.  p.  35.  Knox,  Historic,  p.  22. 


36  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

perience  that  they  learned  their  injurious  tendency ;  and  before 
they  made  the  discovery,  the  practice  had  become  so  common 
that  it  could  no  longer  be  restrained.  This  weapon  was  wield- 
ed with  much  success  by  the  friends  of  the  reformed  doctrine  in 
Scotland.  Some  of  their  number  had  acquired  great  celebrity 
among  their  countrymen  as  poets ;  and  others,  who  could  not 
lay  claim  to  high  poetical  merit,  possessed  a  talent  for  wit  and 
humour.  They  employed  themselves  in  writing  satires,  in 
which  the  ignorance,  the  negligence,  and  the  immorality,  of  the 
clergy  were  stigmatized,  and  the  absurdities  and  superstitions 
of  the  popish  religion  exposed  to  ridicule.  These  poetical 
effusions  were  easily  committed  to  memory,  and  were  circu- 
lated without  the  intervention  of  the  press,  which  was  at  that 
time  entirely  under  the  control  of  the  bishops.  An  attack  still 
more  bold  was  made  upon  the  Church.  Dramatic  composi- 
tions, partly  written  in  the  same  strain,  were  repeatedly  acted 
in  the  presence  of  the  royal  family,  the  nobili-ty,  and  vast 
assemblies  of  people,  to  the  great  mortification,  and  the  still 
greater  disadvantage,  of  the  clergy.  The  bishops  repeatedly 
procured  the  enactment  of  laws  against  the  circulation  of  sedi- 
tious rhymes  and  blasphemous  ballads :  but  metrical  epistles, 
moralities,  and  psalms,  in  the  Scottish  language,  continued  to 
be  read  with  avidity,  notwithstanding  prohibitory  statutes  and 
legal  prosecutions.* 

In  the  year  1540,  the  reformed  doctrine  could  number  among 
its  converts,  besides  a  multitude  of  the  common  people,  many 
persons  of  rank  and  external  respectability  :  among  whom  were 
William,  Earl  of  Glencairn;  his  son  Alexander,  Lord  Kil- 
maurs  ;  William,  Earl  of  Errol ;  William,  Lord  Ruthven ;  his 
daughter  Lilias,  wife  of  the  Master  of  Dmmmond ;  John 
Stewart,  son  of  Lord  Methven;  Sir  James  Sandilands,  Sir 
David  Lindsay,  Campbell  of  Cesnock,  Erskine  of  Dun,  Melville 
of  Raith,  Balnaves  of  Halhill,  Straiton  of  Laurieston,  with  Wil- 
liam Johnston,  and  Robert  Alexander,  advocates.!  The  early 
period  at  which  they  were  enrolled  as  friends  to  the  Reforma- 
tion, renders  these  names  more  worthy  of  consideration.  It 
has  often  been  alleged  that  the  desire  of  sharing  in  the  rich 
spoils  of  the  Popish  Church,  together  with  the  intrigues  of  the 
Court  of  England,  engaged  the  Scottish  nobles  on  the  side  of 
the  Reformed  religion.  At  a  later  period,  there  is  reason  to 
think  that  this  allegation  was  not  altogether  groundless.  But 
at  the  time  of  which  we  now  speak,  the  prospect  of  overturning 
the  Established  Church  was  too  distant  and  uncertain  to  induce 
persons,  who  had  no  higher  motive  than  to  gratify  avarice,  to 

*  See  Note  K. 

t  Cald.  MS.  i.  103, 119.    Sadler,  i.  47.    Knox,  21,  24. 


LIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX.  37 

take  a  step  by  which  they  exposed  their  lives  and  fortunes  to 
the  most  imminent  hazard ;  nor  had  the  English  monarch  yet 
extended  his  influence  in  Scotland  by  those  arts  of  political 
intrigue  which  he  afterwards  employed. 

During  the  two  last  years  of  the  reign  of  James  V.  the  num- 
bers of  the  reformed  rapidly  increased.  Twice  did  the  clergy 
attempt  to  cut  them  off  by  a  desperate  blow.  They  presented 
to  the  king  a  list,  containing  the  names  of  some  hundreds,  pos- 
sessed of  property  and  wealth,  whom  they  denounced  as  here- 
tics ;  and  endeavoured  to  procure  his  consent  to  their  condemn- 
ation, by  flattering  him  with  the  immense  riches  which  would 
accrue  to  him  from  the  forfeiture  of  their  estates.  When  this 
proposal  was  first  made  to  him,  James  rejected  it  with  strong 
marks  of  displeasure  ;  but  so  violent  was  the  antipathy  which 
he  at  last  conceived  against  his  nobility,  and  so  much  did  he 
fall  under  the  influence  of  the  clergy,  that  it  is  highly  probable 
he  would  have  yielded  to  the  solicitations  of  the  latter,  if  the 
disgraceful  issue  of  an  expedition,  which  they  had  instigated 
him  to  undertake  against  the  English,  had  not  impaired  his 
reason,  and  put  an  end  to  his  unhappy  life  on  the  13th  of 
December,  1542.* 

*  Sadler,  i.  94.  Knox,  27,  28.  Pitscottie,  164.  Keith,  22.  Sir  James 
Melvil's  Memoirs,  2—4,  Lond.  1683.  Knox  says,  that  the  roll  contained 
"mo  than  ane  hundreth  landit  men,  besides  utheris  of  meener  degre, 
amongis  quhome  was  the  Lord  Hamiltoun,  then  second  persoun  in  the  realme." 
Sadler  says,  "eighteen  score  noblemen  and  gentlemen,  all  well  minded  to 
God's  word,  which  then  they  durst  not  avow  ;"  among  whom  was  the  Earl 
of  Arran,  the  Earl  of  Cassils,  and  the  Earl  Marishal.  Pitscottie  says, 
"  seventeen  score  ;"  but  he  includes  in  his  account  not  only  "  earls,  lords, 
barons,  gentlemen,"  but  also  "  honest  burgesses  and  craftsmen." 

4 


38  LIFE   OF  JOHN   KNOX. 


PERIOD  II. 

FROM  THE  YEAR  1542,  WHEN  HE  EMBRACED  THE  REFORMED  RELI- 
GION, TO  THE  YEAR  1549,  WHEN  HE  WAS  RELEASED  FROM  THE 
FRENCH  GALLEYS. 

WHILE  this  fermentation  of  opinion  was  spreading  through  the 
nation,  Knox,  from  the  state  of  his  mind,  could  not  remain 
long  unaffected.  The  reformed  doctrines  had  been  imbibed  by 
several  persons  of  his  acquaintance,  and  they  were  the  topic  of 
common  conversation  and  dispute  among  the  learned  and 
inquisitive  at  the  university.*  His  change  of  views  first  dis- 
covered itself  in  his  philosophical  lectures,  in  which  he  began 
to  forsake  the  scholastic  path,  and  to  recommend  to  his  pupils 
a  more  rational  and  useful  method  of  study.  Even  this  inno- 
vation excited  against  him  violent  suspicions  of  heresy,  which 
were  confirmed  when  he  proceeded  to  reprehend  the  corruptions 
that  prevailed  in  the  Church.  He  was  then  teaching  at  St. 
Andrews ;  but  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  remain  long  in  a 

*  The  progress  of  opinion  in  Scotland,  and  the  jealous  measures  adopted 
for  checking  it,  may  be  traced  in  the  variations  introduced  into  the  Act  of 
Parliament,  17th  of  July,  1525,  "  For  eschewing  of  Heresy,"  as  these  are 
marked  in  the  original  record.  The  act,  as  originally  drawn,  in  prohibiting 
the  rehearsing  of,  or  disputing  about,  the  heresies  of  Luther,  or  his  disci- 
ples, has  this  exception ;  "  gif  (i.  e.  unless)  it  be  to  the  confusion  thairof ;" 
but  this  being  thought  too  loose,  the  following  clause  is  added  on  the  mar- 
gin, "  and  that  be  clerkis  in  the  sculis  alenarlie."  According  to  the  tenor 
of  the  act,  when  passed  in  1525,  "  na  maner  of  persoun,  strangear,  that 
happenis  to  arrive  with  thare  schip  within  ony  part  of  this  realme,  bring 
with  thame  any  bukis  or  workis  of  the  said  Luther,  his  discipulis,  or  ser- 
vandis,  disputis  or  rehersis  his  heresies,  &c.  under  the  pane  of  escheting 
of  thare  schipis  and  guidis,  and  putting  of  thaire  personis  in  presoun." 
But  in  1527,  the  chancellor  and  lords  of  council  added  this  clause :  "  and 
all  uther  the  kingis  liegis  assistaris  to  sic  opunyeons  be  punist  in  semeible 
wise,  and  the  effect  of  the  said  act  to  straik  upon  thaim."  From  this  it 
appears  that,  in  1525,  Protestant  books  and  opinions  were  circulated  by 
strangers  only,  who  came  into  Scotland  for  the  purpose  of  trade  ;  but  that, 
in  1527,  it  was  found  necessary  to  extend  the  penalties  of  the  act  to  na- 
tives of  the  kingdom.  Both  these  additions  were  embodied  in  the  act,  as 
renewed  12th  June,  1535.  Acta  Parliamentorum  Scotise,  vol.  ii.  p.  295, 
341,  342,  published  by  the  authority  of  his  Majesty's  Commissioners  on 
the  Public  Records  of  the  Kingdom.  This  highly  valuable  and  accurate 
work  will  afterwards  be  referred  to  under  the  title  of  Act.  Parl.  Scot. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  39 

town  which  was  wholly  under  the  power  of  Cardinal  Beatoun, 
the  chief  supporter  of  the  Romish  Church,  and  a  determined 
enemy  to  all  reform.  Accordingly,  he  left  that  place,  and  re- 
tired to  the  south  of  Scotland,  where  he  avowed  his  belief  of 
the  Protestant  doctrine.  Provoked  by  his  defection,  and 
alarmed  lest  he  should  draw  others  after  him,  the  clergy  were 
anxious  to  rid  themselves  of  such  an  adversary.  Having 
passed  sentence  against  him  as  a  heretic,  and  degraded  him 
from  the  priesthood,  the  cardinal  employed  assassins  to  waylay 
him,  by  whose  hands  he  must  have  fallen,  had  not  Providence 
placed  him  under  the  protection  of  Douglas  of  Langniddrie.* 

The  change  produced  in  the  political  state  of  the  kingdom 
by  the  death  of  James  V.  had  great  influence  upon  the  Refor- 
mation. After  a  bold  but  unsuccessful  attempt  by  Cardinal 
Beatoun  to  secure  to  himself  the  government  during  the  minority 
of  the  infant  queen,  the  Earl  of  Arran  was  peaceably  estab- 
lished in  the  regency.  Arran  had  formerly  shewn  himself 
attached  to  the  reformed  doctrines,  and  he  was  now  surrounded 
with  counsellors  who  were  of  the  same  principles.  Henry 
VIII.  laid  hold  of  this  opportunity  for  accomplishing  his 
favourite  measure  of  uniting  the  two  crowns,  and  eagerly 
pressed  a  marriage  between  his  son  Edward,  and  Mary,  the 
young  Queen  of  Scots.  Notwithstanding  the  determined  oppo- 
sition of  the  whole  body  of  the  clergy,  the  Scottish  Parliament 
agreed  to  the  match ;  commissioners  were  sent  into  England 
to  settle  the  terms ;  and  the  contract  of  marriage  was  drawn 
out,  subscribed,  and  ratified,  by  all  the  parties.  But,  through 
the  intrigues  of  the  cardinal  and  queen-mother,  the  fickleness 
and  timidity  of  the  regent,  and  the  violence  of  the  English 
monarch,  the  treaty,  after  proceeding  thus  far,  was  broken  off; 
and  Arran  not  only  renounced  connection  with  England,  but 
abjured  the  reformed  religion  publicly  in  the  church  of  Stirling. 
The  Scottish  queen  was  soon  after  betrothed  to  the  dauphin 
of  France,  and  sent  into  that  kingdom ;  a  measure  which,  at  a 
subsequent  period,  nearly  accomplished  the  ruin  of  the  inde- 
pendence of  Scotland,  and  the  extirpation  of  the  Protestant 
religion. 

The  Reformation  had,  however,  made  very  considerable  pro- 
gress during  the  short  time  that  it  was  patronized  by  the  regent. 
In  1542,  the  Parliament  passed  an  act,  declaring  it  lawful  for 
all  the  subjects  to  read  the  Scriptures  in  the  vulgar  language. 
This  act,  which  was  proclaimed  in  spite  of  the  protestations  of 
the  bishops,  was  a  signal  triumph  of  truth  over  error. t  For- 

*  Bezse  Icones,  Ee.  iij. 

f  Act.  Parl.  Scot.  ii.  415,  425.  Sadler's  Letters,  i.  83.  Crawfurd's  Offi- 
cers of  State,  77,  438.  Keith,  36,  37. 


40  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

merly,  it  was  reckoned  a  crime  to  look  on  the  sacred  books ; 
now,  to  read  them  was  safe,  and  even  the  way  to  honour.  The 
Bible  was  to  be  seen  on  every  gentleman's  table ;  the  New 
Testament  was  almost  in  every  one's  hands.*  Hitherto,  the 
Reformation  had  been  advanced  by  books  imported  from  Eng- 
land ;  but  now  the  errors  of  popery  were  attacked  in  publica- 
tions which  issued  from  the  Scottish  press.  The  reformed 
preachers,  whom  the  regent  had  chosen  as  chaplains,  dissemi- 
nated their  doctrines  throughout  the  kingdom,  and,  under  the 
sanction  of  his  authority,  made  many  converts  from  the  Roman 
Catholic  faith.t 

One  of  these  preachers  deserves  particular  notice  here,  as  it 
was  by  means  of  his  sermons  that  Knox  first  perceived  the 
beauty  of  evangelical  truth,  and  had  deep  impressions  of  reli- 
gion made  upon  his  heart.J  Thomas  Guillaume,  or  Williams, 
was  born  at  Athelstoneford,  a  village  in  East  Lothian,  and  had 
entered  into  the  order  of  Black  Friars,  or  Dominican  monks, 
among  whom  he  rose  to  great  eminence. §  But  having  em- 
braced the  sentiments  of  the  reformers,  he  threw  off  the  monk- 
ish habit.  His  learning  and  elocution  recommended  him  to 
Arran  and  his  Protestant  counsellors ;  and  he  was  much 
esteemed  by  the  people  as  a  clear  expositor  of  Scripture.  When 
the  regent  began  to  waver  in  his  attachment  to  the  Reforma- 
tion, Guillaume  was  dismissed  from  the  court,  and  retired  into 
England,  after  which  I  do  not  find  him  noticed  in  history. 

But  the  person  to  whom  our  Reformer  was  most  indebted, 
was  George  Wishart,  a  brother  of  the  laird  of  Pittarrow  in 
Mearns.  Being  driven  into  banishment  by  the  Bishop  of 
Brechin,  for  teaching  the  Greek  Testament  in  Montrose,  he 
had  resided  for  some  years  at  the  university  of  Cambridge.  In 
the  year  1544,  he  returned  to  his  native  country,  in  the  com- 
pany of  the  commissioners  who  had  been  sent  to  negotiate  a 
treaty  with  Henry  VIII.  of  England.  Seldom  do  we  meet,  in 
ecclesiastical  history,  with  a  character  so  amiable  and  interest- 
ing as  that  of  George  Wishart.  Excelling  all  his  countrymen 
at  that  period  in  learning,  of  the  most  persuasive  eloquence, 
irreproachable  in  life,  courteous  and  affable  in  manners,  his 
fervent  piety,  zeal,  and  courage  in  the  cause  of  truth,  were 
tempered  with  uncommon  meekness,  modesty,  patience,  pru- 


*  Knox,  34.  f  Ibid.  33,  34. 

|  Life  of  Knox,  prefixed  to  his  History  of  the  Reformation,  anno  1644. 

§  Cald.  MS.  i.  118.  Calderwood  says,  that  he  was  provincial  of  the  order 
of  Dominicans,  or  black  Friars,  in  Scotland.  But  a  late  author  informs  us, 
that  the  chartulary  of  the  Black  Friars'  monastery  at  Perth  mentions  John 
Grierson  as  having  been  provincial  from  the  year  1525  to  the  tune  of  the 
Reformation.  Scott's  History  of  the  Reformers,  p.  96. 


LIFE   OF   JOHN    KNOX.  41 

dence,  and  charity.*  In  his  tour  of  preaching  through  Scot- 
land, he  was  usually  accompanied  by  some  of  the  principal 
gentry ;  and  the  people,  who  flocked  to  hear  him,  were  rav- 
ished with  his  discourses.  To  this  teacher  Knox  attached  him- 
self, and  profited  greatly  by  his  sermons  and  private  instruc- 
tions. During  the  last  visit  which  Wishart  paid  to  Lothian, 
Knox  waited  constantly  on  his  person,  and  bore  the  sword, 
which  was  carried  before  him,  from  the  time  that  an  attempt 
was  made  to  assassinate  him  in  Dundee.  Wishart  was  highly 
pleased  with  the  zeal  of  his  faithful  attendant,  and  seems  to 
have  presaged  his  future  usefulness,  at  the  same  time  that  he 
laboured  under  a  strong  presentiment  of  his  own  approaching 
martyrdom.  On  the  night  on  which  he  was  apprehended  by 
Bothwell  at  the  instigation  of  the  cardinal,  he  directed  the 
sword  to  be  taken  from  Knox ;  and,  on  the  latter  insisting  for 
liberty  to  accompany  him  to  Ormiston,  the  martyr  dismissed 
him  with  this  reply,  "  Nay,  return  to  your  bairnes,"  (meaning 
his  pupils,)  "  and  God  bless  you :  ane  is  sufficient  for  a 
sacrifice." 

Having  relinquished  all  thoughts  of  officiating  in  that  Church 
which  had  invested  him  with  clerical  orders,  Knox  had  entered 
as  tutor  into  the  family  of  Hugh  Douglas  of  Langniddrie,  a 
gentleman  in  East  Lothian,  who  had  embraced  the  reformed 
doctrines.  John  Cockburn  of  Ormiston,  a  neighbouring  gentle- 
man of  the  same  persuasion,  also  put  his  son  under  his  tuition. 
These  young  men  were  instructed  by  him  in  the  principles  of 
religion,  as  well  as  in  the  learned  languages.  He  managed 
their  religious  instruction  in  such  a  way  as  to  allow  the  rest  of 
the  family,  and  the  people  of  the  neighbourhood,  to  reap  ad- 
vantage from  it.  He  catechized  them  publicly  in  a  chapel  at 
Langniddrie,  in  which  he  also  read,  at  stated  times,  a  chapter 
of  the  Bible,  accompanied  with  explanatory  remarks.  The 
memory  of  this  fact  has  been  preserved  by  tradition,  and  the 
chapel,  the  ruins  of  which  are  still  apparent,  is  popularly  called 
John  Knox's  Kirk.t 

It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  he  would  be  suffered  long  to 
continue  this  employment,  under  a  government  which  was  now 
entirely  at  the  devotion  of  Cardinal  Beatoun,  who  had  gained  a 
complete  ascendant  over  the  mind  of  the  timid  and  irresolute 
regent.  But,  in  the  midst  of  his  cruelties,  and  while  he  was 
planning  still  more  desperate  deeds,:}:  the  cardinal  was  himself 

*  See  Note  L. 

f  Chalmers's  Caledonia,  ii.  526.  comp.  Knox,  Historic,  67. 

|  In  his  progress  through  the  kingdom  with  the  governor,  he  instigated  him 
"  to  hang  (at  Perth)  four  honest  men,  for  eating  of  a  goose  on  Friday  ;  and 
drowned  a  young  woman,  because  she  refused  to  pray  to  our  lady  in  her 
4*  F 


42  LIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

suddenly  cut  off.  A  conspiracy  was  formed  against  his  life ; 
and  a  small  but  determined  band  (some  of  whom  seem  to  have 
been  instigated  by  resentment  for  private  injuries,  and  the  influ- 
ence of  the  English  court,  others  animated  by  a  desire  to 
revenge  his  cruelties,  and  deliver  their  country  from  his  oppres- 
sion) seized  upon  the  castle  of  St.  Andrews,  in  which  he  resided, 
and  put  him  to  death,  on  the  29th  of  May,  1546. 

The  death  of  Beatoun  did  not,  however,  free  Knox  from  per- 
secution. John  Hamilton,  an  illegitimate  brother  of  the  regent, 
who  was  nominated  to  the  vacant  bishopric,  sought  his  life  with 
as  great  eagerness  as  his  predecessor.  He  was  obliged  to  con- 
ceal himself,  and  to  remove  from  place  to  place,  to  provide  for 
his  safety.  Wearied  with  this  mode  of  living,  and  apprehen- 
sive that  he  would  some  day  fall  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies, 
he  came  to  the  resolution  of  leaving  Scotland. 

England  presented  the  readiest  and  most  natural  sanctuary 
to  those  who  were  persecuted  by  the  Scottish  prelates.  But, 
though  they  usually  fled  to  that  kingdom  in  the  first  instance, 
they  did  not  find  their  situation  comfortable,  and  the  greater 
part,  after  a  short  residence  there,  proceeded  to  the  Continent. 
Henry  VIII.,  from  motives  which,  to  say  the  least,  were  highly 
suspicious,  had  renounced  subjection  to  the  Roman  see,  and 
compelled  his  subjects  to  follow  his  example.  He  invested 
himself  with  the  ecclesiastical  supremacy,  within  his  own 
dominions,  which  he  had  wrested  from  the  Bishop  of  Rome ; 
and  in  the  arrogant  and  violent  exercise  of  that  power,  the 
English  pope  was  scarcely  exceeded  by  any  of  the  pretended 
successors  of  St.  Peter.  Having  signalized  himself  at  a  former 
period  as  a  literary  champion  against  Luther,  he  was  anxious 
to  demonstrate  that  his  breach  with  the  court  of  Rome,  had  not 
alienated  him  from  the  Catholic  faith ;  and  he  would  suffer 
none  to  proceed  a  step  beyond  the  narrow  and  capricious  line 
of  reform  which  he  was  pleased  to  prescribe.  Hence,  the 
motley  system  of  religion  which  he  established,  and  the  contra- 
dictory measures  by  which  it  was  supported.  Statutes  against 
the  authority  of  the  pope,  and  against  the  tenets  of  Luther, 
were  enacted  in  the  same  parliament ;  and  Papists  and  Protes- 
tants were  alternately  brought  to  the  same  stake.  The  Protes- 
tants in  Scotland  were  universally  dissatisfied  with  this  bastard 
reformation,  a  circumstance  which  had  contributed  not  a  little 
to  cool  their  zeal  for  the  lately  proposed  alliance  with  England. 
Sir  Ralph  Sadler,  his  ambassador,  found  himself  in  a  very 

birth."  Pitscqttie,  188.  Knox  says,  that  the  woman,  "  having  an  soucking 
babe  upon  hir  briest,  was  drounit."  Historic,  40.  Petrie's  History  of  the 
Church  of  Scotland,  part  ii.  p.  182.  He  had  planned  the  destruction  of  the 
principal  gentlemen  of  Fife,  as  appeared  from  documents  found  after  his 
death.  Knox,  63,  64. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  43 

awkward  predicament  on  this  account ;  for  the  Papists  were 
offended  because  he  had  gone  so  far  from  Rome,  the  Protes- 
tants because  he  had  gone  no  further.  The  latter  disrelished, 
in  particular,  the  restrictions  which  he  had  imposed  upon  the 
reading  and  interpretation  of  the  Scriptures,  and  which  he  urged 
the  regent  to  imitate  in  Scotland.  And  they  had  no  desire  for 
the  king's  book,  of  which  Sadler  was  furnished  with  copies  to 
distribute,  and  which  lay  as  a  drug  upon  his  hands.* 

On  these  accounts  Knox  had  no  desire  to  go  to  England, 
where,  although  "  the  pope's  name  was  suppressed,  his  laws 
and  corruptions  remained  in  full  vigour."!  His  determination 
was  to  visit  Germany,  and  to  prosecute  his  studies  in  some  of 
the  Protestant  universities,  until  he  should  see  a  favourable 
change  in  the  state  of  his  native  country.  But  the  lairds  of 
Langniddrie  and  Ormiston,  who  were  extremely  reluctant  to 
part  with  him,  prevailed  on  him  to  relinquish  his  design,  and 
to  repair,  along  with  their  sons,  to  the  castle  of  St.  Andre ws.J 

The  conspirators  against  Cardinal  Beatoun  kept  possession 
of  the  castle  after  his  death.  The  regent  had  assembled  an 
army  and  laid  siege  to  it,  from  a  desire  not  so  much  to  avenge 
the  murder  of  the  cardinal,  at  whose  fall  he  secretly  rejoiced, 
as  to  comply  with  the  importunity  of  the  clergy,  and  to  release 
his  eldest  son,  who  had  been  retained  by  Beatoun  as  a  pledge 
of  his  father's  fidelity,  and  had  now  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the 
conspirators.  But  the  besieged,  having  obtained  assistance 
from  England,  baffled  all  his  skill ;  and  a  treaty  was  at  last 
concluded,  by  which  they  engaged  to  deliver  up  the  castle  to 
the  regent,  upon  his  procuring  to  them  from  Rome  a  pardon 
for  the  cardinal's  murder.  The  pardon  was  obtained ;  but  the 
conspirators,  alarmed,  or  affecting  to  be  alarmed,  at  the  contra- 
dictory terms  in  which  it  was  expressed,  refused  to  perform 
their  stipulation,  and  the  regent  felt  himself  unable,  without 
foreign  aid,  to  enforce  a  compliance.  In  this  interval,  a  number 
of  persons  who  were  harassed  for  their  attachment  to  the  re- 


*  Sadler's  State  Papers,  i.  264,  265,  comp.  p.  128.  Sir  John  Borthwick 
(who  fled  to  England  in  the  year  1540)  ridicules  the  Scottish  clergy  for 
making  it  an  article  of  accusation  against  him,  that  he  had  approved  of  "  all 
those  heresies,  commonly  called  the  heresies  of  England ;"  "  Because," 
says  he,  "  what  religion  at  that  time  was  used  hi  England,  the  like  the  whole 
realm  of  Scotland  did  embrace  ;  in  this  point  only  the  Englishmen  differed 
from  the  Scottes,  that  they  had  cast  off  the  yoke  of  Antichrist,  the  other  not. 
Idols  were  worshipped  of  both  nations ;  the  prophanating  of  the  supper  and 
baptisme  was  like  unto  them  both. — Truly,  it  is  most  false  that  I  had  sub- 
scribed unto  such  kinde  of  heresies."  Fox,  1149,  1150. 

f  Knox,  Historic,  p.  67.  {  Ibid. 


44  LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX. 

formed  sentiments,  repaired  to  the  castle  where  they  enjoyed 
the  free  exercise  of  their  religion.* 

Writers,  unfriendly  to  Knox,  have  endeavoured  to  fix  an 
accusation  upon  him  respecting  the  assassination  of  Cardinal 
Beatoun.  Some  have  ignorantly  asserted,  that  he  was  one  of 
the  conspirators.!  Others,  better  informed,  have  argued  that 
he  made  himself  accessory  to  their  crime,  by  taking  shelter 
among  them4  With  more  plausibility,  others  have  appealed 
to  his  writings,  as  a  proof  that  he  vindicated  the  deed  of  the 
conspirators  as  laudable,  or  at  least  innocent.  I  know  that 
some  of  Knox's  vindicators  have  denied  this  charge,  and  main- 
tain that  he  justified  it  only  so  far  as  it  was  the  work  of  God, 
or  a  just  retribution  in  Providence  for  the  crimes  of  which  the 
cardinal  had  been  guilty,  without  approving  the  conduct  of 
those  who  were  the  instruments  of  punishing  him.§  The  just 
judgment  of  Heaven  is,  I  acknowledge,  the  chief  thing  to  which 
he  directs  the  attention  of  his  readers ;  at  the  same  time,  I  think 
no  one  who  carefully  reads  what  he  has  written  on  this  subject, 
can  doubt  that  he  justified  the  action  of  the  conspirators.  ||  The 
truth  is,  he  held  the  opinion,  that  persons  who,  according  to  the 
law  of  God,  and  the  just  laws  of  society,  have  forfeited  their 
lives  by  the  commission  of  flagrant  crimes,  such  as  notorious 
murderers  and  tyrants,  may  warrantably  be  put  to  death  by 
private  individuals,  provided  all  redress,  in  the  ordinary  course 
of  justice,  is  rendered  impossible,  in  consequence  of  the  offen- 
ders having  usurped  the  executive  authority,  or  being  system- 
atically protected  by  oppressive  rulers.  This  is  an  opinion  of 

*  Act.  Parl.  Scot.  ii.  471,  477—9.  Keith,  50,  51.  Knox,  66,  67.  Bu- 
chanan, i.  296. 

f  This  is  done  in  a  book  entitled,  "  The  image  of  both  Churches,  Hie- 
rusalem  and  Babell,  TJnitie  and  Confusion,  Obedience  and  Sedition,  by  P. 
D,  M."  (supposed  to  be  Sir  Tobie  Matthews)  pp.  139,  140,  Torney,  1623. 
In  p.  136,  the  author  says,  "  Yet  there  is  one  aduise  of  Knox  which  is 
to  be  recorded  with  admiration,  'It  wear  good,  that  rewards  wear  pub- 
licklie  appointed  by  the  peopl  for  such  as  kill  tyrants,  as  well  as  for  those 
that  kill  wolfs.'  "  In  proof  of  this  he  refers  to  Knox's  Historic,  p.  372. 
The  reader  who  chooses  to  give  himself  the  trouble,  will  probably  search 
in  vain  (as  I  have  done)  for  such  a  sentiment,  either  in  that  or  in  any  other 
part  of  the  History. 

|  "  Quorum  se  societate,  non  multo  post,  implicaret  Joannes  Knoxus, 
Calvinistarum  minister,  qui  se  evangelicae  perfectionis  cumulum  assecu- 
tum  non  arbitrabatur  nisi  in  cardinalis  ac  sacerdotis  sanguine  ac  csede 
triumphasset."  Leslseus  de  rebus  gestis  Scotorum,  lib.  x.  The  bishop 
should  have  recollected,  that  the  violence  of  his  popish  brethren  drove 
"the  Calvinistic  minister"  to  this  "pinnacle  of  evangelical  perfection." 

§  Principal  Baillie's  Historical  Vindication  of  the  Government  of  the 
Church  of  Scotland,  p.  42.  A.  1646.  Cald.  MS.  ad  an.  1590. 

[|  Historic,  88. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  45 

the  same  kind  with  that  of  tyrannicide,  held  by  so  many  of  the 
ancients,  and  defended  by  Buchanan,  in  his  dialogue,  De  jure 
regni  apud  Scotos.  It  is  a  principle,  I  confess,  of  very  dange- 
rous application,  and  extremely  liable  to  be  abused  by  factious, 
fanatical,  and  desperate  men,  as  a  pretext  for  perpetrating  the 
most  nefarious  deeds.  It  would  be  unjust,  however,  on  this 
account,  to  confound  it  with  the  principle,  which,  by  giving  to 
individuals  a  liberty  to  revenge  their  own  quarrels,  legitimates 
assassination,  a  practice  which  was  exceedingly  common  in 
that  age.  I  may  add,  that  there  have  been  instances  of  persons, 
not  invested  with  public  authority,  taking  the  execution  of 
punishment  into  their  own  hands,  whom  we  may  scruple  to 
load  with  an  aggravated  charge  of  murder,  although  we  cannot 
approve  of  their  conduct.* 

Knox  entered  the  castle  of  St.  Andrews  at  the  time  of  Easter, 
1547,  and  conducted  the  education  of  his  pupils  after  his  accus- 
tomed manner.  In  the  chapel  within  the  castle,  he  read  to 
them  lectures  upon  the  Scriptures,  beginning  at  the  place  in  the 
Gospel  according  to  John,  where  he  had  left  off  at  Langnid- 
drie ;  and  he  catechized  them  publicly  in  the  parish-church 
belonging  to  the  city.  Among  the  refugees  in  the  castle  who 
attended  these  exercises,  and  who  had  not  been  concerned  in 
the  conspiracy  against  Beatoun,t  there  were  three  persons  who 
deserve  to  be  particularly  noticed. 

Sir  David  Lindsay  of  the  Mount,  Lyon  King  at  Arms,  had 
been  a  favourite  at  the  court  both  of  James  IV.,  and  of  his  son 
James  V.  He  was  esteemed  one  of  the  first  poets  of  the  age, 
and  his  writings  had  contributed  greatly  to  the  advancement  of 
the  Reformation.  Notwithstanding  the  indelicacy  which  dis- 
figures several  of  his  poetical  productions,!  the  personal  deport- 
ment of  Lindsay  was  grave,  his  morals  were  correct,  and  his 
writings  discover  a  strong  desire  to  reform  the  manners  of  the 
age,  as  well  as  ample  proofs  of  true  poetical  genius,  extensive 
learning,  and  wit  the  most  keen  and  penetrating.  He  had  long 
lashed  the  vices  of  the  clergy,  and  exposed  the  absurdities  and 
superstitions  of  popery,  in  the  most  popular  and  poignant 
satires,  being  protected  by  James  V.,  who  retained  a  strong 
attachment  to  the  companion  of  his  early  sports,  and  the  poet 

*  See  Note  M. 

f  Spotswood  says,  that  "  seven-score  persons  entered  into  the  castle  the 
day  after  the  slaughter"  of  the  cardinal.  History,  p.  84. 

}  The  coarseness  of  the  age,  and  the  strong  temptation  which  he  was 
under  to  gratify  a  voluptuous  prince,  will  not  excuse  the  gross  indelica- 
cies of  Lindsay ;  and  still  less  will  the  desire  of  preserving  the  ancient 
dialect  of  Scotland,  and  of  gratifying  an  antiquarian  passion,  apologize 
for  giving  to  the  modern  public  a  complete  edition  of  his  works,  accom- 
panied with  a  glossary  and  explanatory  notes. 


46  LIFE   OF  JOHN   KNOX. 

who  had  often  amused  his  leisure  hours.  After  the  death  of 
that  monarch,  he  entered  zealously  into  the  measures  pursued 
by  the  Earl  of  Arran  at  the  commencement  of  his  government ; 
and  when  the  regent  dismissed  his  reforming  counsellors,  Sir 
David  was  left  exposed  to  the  vengeance  of  the  clergy,  who 
could  never  forgive  the  injuries  which  they  had  received  from 
his  pen.* 

Henry  Balnaves  of  Halhill  had  raised  himself,  by  his  talents 
and  probity,  from  an  obscure  situation  to  the  highest  honours 
of  the  state,  and  was  justly  regarded  as  one  of  the  principal 
ornaments  of  the  reformed  cause  in  Scotland.  Descended  from 
poor  parents  in  the  town  of  Kirkaldy,  he  travelled,  when  only 
a  boy,  to  the  Continent,  and  hearing  of  a  free  school  in  Cologne, 
he  gained  admission  to  it,  and  received  a  liberal  education, 
together  with  instruction  in  the  principles  of  the  Protestant 
religion.  Returning  to  his  native  country,  he  applied  himself 
to  the  study  of  law,  and  practised  for  some  time  before  the 
consistorial  court  of  St.  Andrews.!  Notwithstanding  the  jeal- 
ousy of  the  clergy,  his  reputation  daily  increased,  and  he  at 
length  obtained  a  seat  in  parliament,  and  in  the  court  of  ses- 
sion, ij:  James  V.  employed  him  in  managing  public  affairs  of 
great  importance ;  and  at  the  beginning  of  Arran's  regency,  he 
was  made  secretary  of  state.  The  active  part  which  he  at  that 
time  took  in  the  measures  for  promoting  the  Reformation,  ren- 
dered him  peculiarly  obnoxious  to  the  administration  which  suc- 
ceeded, and  obliged  him  to  seek  shelter  within  the  walls  of  the 
castle.§ 

John  Rough  having  conceived  a  disgust  at  being  deprived 
of  some  property  to  which  he  thought  himself  entitled,  had  left 
his  parents,  and  entered  a  monastery  in  Stirling,  when  he  was 
only  seventeen  years  of  age.||  During  the  time  that  the  light 
of  divine  truth  was  spreading  through  the  nation,  and  pene- 
trating even  the  recesses  of  cloisters,  he  had  felt  its  influence, 
and  became  a  convert  to  the  reformed  sentiments.  The  repu- 
tation which  he  had  gained  as  a  preacher  was  such,  that  in 
the  year  1543,  the  Earl  of  Arran  procured  a  dispensation  for 
his  leaving  the  monastery,  and  appointed  him  one  of  his  chap- 
lains. Upon  the  apostasy  of  Arran  from  the  reformed  religion, 


*  Heroes  ex  omni  Historia  Scotica  lectissimi :  Auctore  Johan.  Johnstono 
Abredonense  Scoto,  pp.  27,  28.  Lugduni  Batavorum,  1603,  4to.  Chal- 
mers's Life  of  Lindsay,  Works,  vol.  i. 

t  Cald.  MS.  i.  119. 

|  Lord  Hailes,  Catalogue  of  the  Lords  of  Session,  p.  2.  Act.  Parl. 
Scot.  ii.  353. 

§  Act.  Parl.  Scot.  ii.  409.     Sadler's  State  Papers,  i.  83.    Knox,  35. 
H  Fox,  p.  1840.     He  was  born  A.  D.  1510. 


LIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX.  47 

he  retired  first  into  Kyle,  and  afterwards  into  the  castle  of  St. 
Andrews,  where  he  was  chosen  preacher  to  the  garrison.* 

These  persons  were  so  much  pleased  with  Knox's  talents, 
and  his  manner  of  teaching  his  pupils,  that  they  urged  him 
strongly  to  preach  in  public,  and  to  become  colleague  to  Rough. 
But  he  resisted  all  their  solicitations,  assigning  as  his  reason, 
that  he  did  not  consider  himself  as  having  a  call  to  this  employ- 
ment, and  would  not  be  guilty  of  intrusion.  They  did  not, 
however,  desist  from  their  purpose  ;  but  having  consulted  with 
their  brethren,  came  to  a  resolution  without  his  knowledge, 
that  a  call  should  be  publicly  given  him,  in  the  name  of  the 
whole,  to  become  one  of  their  ministers. 

Accordingly,  on  a  day  fixed  for  the  purpose,  Rough  preached 
a  sermon  on  the  election  of  ministers,  in  which  he  declared  the 
power  which  a  congregation,  however  small,  had  over  any  one 
in  whom  they  perceived  gifts  suited  to  the  office,  and  how 
dangerous  it  was  for  such  a  person  to  reject  the  call  of  those 
who  desired  instruction.  Sermon  being  concluded,  the  preacher 
turned  to  Knox,  who  was  present,  and  addressed  him  in  these 
words :  "  Brother,  you  shall  not  be  offended,  although  I  speak 
unto  you  that  which  I  have  in  charge,  even  from  all  those  that 
are  here  present,  which  is  this  :  In  the  name  of  God  and  of  his 
Son,  Jesus  Christ,  and  in  the  name  of  all  that  presently  call  you 
by  my  mouth,  I  charge  you  that  you  refuse  not  this  holy  voca- 
tion, out,  as  you  tender  the  glory  of  God,  the  increase  of  Christ's 
kingdom,  the  edification  of  your  brethren,  and  the  comfort  of 
me,  whom  you  understand  well  enough  to  be  oppressed  by  the 
multitude  of  labours,  that  you  take  the  public  office  and  charge 
of  preaching,  even  as  you  look  to  avoid  God's  heavy  displea- 
sure, and  desire  that  he  shall  multiply  his  grace  unto  you." 
Then,  addressing  himself  to  the  congregation,  he  said,  «  Was 
not  this  your  charge  unto  me?  and  do  ye  not  approve  this 
vocation?"  They  all  answered,  "It  was;  and  we  approve 
it."  Overwhelmed  by  this  unexpected  and  solemn  charge, 
Knox,  after  an  ineffectual  attempt  to  address  the  audience, 
burst  into  tears,  rushed  out  of  the  assembly,  and  shut  himself 
up  in  his  chamber.  "  His  countenance  and  behaviour,  from 
that  day  till  the  day  that  he  was  compelled  to  present  himself 
in  the  public  place  of  preaching,  did  sufficiently  declare  the 
grief  and  trouble  of  his  heart ;  for  no  man  saw  any  sign  of 
mirth  from  him,  neither  had  he  pleasure  to  accompany  any  man 
for  many  days  together.! 

This  proof  of  the  sensibility  of  his  temper,  and  the  reluctance 
which  he  felt  at  undertaking  a  public  office,  may  surprise  those 

*  Fox,  p.  1840.    Knox,  Historic,  pp.  33,  36,  37. 
t  Knox,  Historic,  p.  68. 


48  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

who  have  carelessly  adopted  the  common  notions  respecting 
our  Reformer's  character  ;  but  we  shall  meet  with  many  exam- 
ples of  the  same  kind  in  the  course  of  his  life.  The  scene,  too, 
will  he  extremely  interesting  to  such  as  are  impressed  with  the 
weight  of  the  ministerial  function,  and  will  naturally  awaken  a 
train  of  feelings  in  the  breasts  of  those  who  have  been  intrusted 
with  the  Gospel.  It  revives  the  memory  of  those  early  days 
of  the  Church,  when  persons  did  not  rush  forward  to  the  altar, 
nor  beg  to  "  be  put  into  one  of  the  priest's  offices,  to  eat  a  piece 
of  bread ;"  when  men  of  piety  and  talents,  deeply  affected  with 
the  awful  responsibility  of  the  office,  and  with  their  own  insuf- 
ficiency, were  with  great  difficulty  induced  to  take  on  them 
those  orders  which  they  had  long  desired,  and  for  which  they 
had  laboured  to  qualify  themselves.  What  a  contrast  did  this 
exhibit  to  the  conduct  of  the  herd,  which  at  that  time  filled  the 
stalls  of  the  Popish  Church  !  The  behaviour  of  Knox  serves 
also  to  reprove  those  who  become  preachers  of  their  own  ac- 
cord ;  and  who,  from  vague  and  enthusiastic  desires  of  doing 
good,  or  a  fond  conceit  of  their  own  gifts,  trample  upon  good 
order,  and  thrust  themselves  into  employment  without  any 
regular  call. 

We  must  not,  however,  imagine,  that  his  distress  of  mind, 
and  the  reluctance  which  he  discovered  to  comply  with  the  call 
which  he  had  received,  proceeded  from  consciousness  qf  its 
invalidity,  through  the  defect  of  certain  external  formalities 
which  had  been  usual  in  the  church,  or  which,  in  ordinary 
cases,  may  be  observed  with  propriety  in  the  installation  of 
persons  into  sacred  offices.  These,  as  far  as  warranted  by 
Scripture,  or  conducive  to  the  preservation  of  order,  he  did  not 
contemn ;  and  his  judgment  respecting  them  may  be  learned 
from  the  early  practice  of  the  Scottish  Reformed  Church,  in  the 
organization  of  which  he  had  so  active  a  share.  In  common 
with  all  the  original  reformers,  he  rejected  the  order  of  episcopal 
ordination,  as  totally  unauthorized  by  the  laws  of  Christ ;  nor 
did  he  even  regard  the  imposition  of  the  hands  of  presbyters  as  a 
rite  essential  to  the  validity  of  orders,  or  of  necessary  observance 
in  all  circumstances  of  the  Church.  The  Papists,  indeed,  did 
not  fail  to  declaim  on  this  topic,  representing  Knox,  and  other 
reformed  ministers,  as  destitute  of  all  lawful  vocation.  In  the 
same  strain  did  many  hierarchical  writers  of  the  English  Church 
afterwards  learn  to  talk,  not  scrupling,  by  their  extravagant 
doctrine  of  the  absolute  necessity  of  ordination  by  the  hands  of  a 
bishop,  who  derived  his  powers  by  uninterrupted  succession  from 
the  apostles,  to  invalidate  and  nullify  the  orders  of  all  the  re- 
formed churches,  except  their  own, — a  doctrine  which  has  been 
revived  in  the  present  enlightened  age, and  unblushingly  avowed 
and  defended,  with  the  greater  part  of  its  absurd,  illiberal,  and 


LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX.  49 

horrid  consequences.  The  fathers  of  the  English  Reformation, 
however,  were  very  far  from  entertaining  such  contracted  and 
unchristian  sentiments.  When  Knox  afterwards  went  to  Eng- 
land, they  accepted  his  services  without  the  smallest  hesitation. 
They  maintained  a  constant  correspondence  with  the  reformed 
divines  on  the  Continent,  and  cheerfully  owned  them  as  brethren 
and  fellow-labourers  in  the  ministry.  And  they  were  not  so 
ignorant  of  their  principles,  nor  so  forgetful  of  their  character,  as 
to  prefer  ordination  by  popish  prelates  to  that  which  was  con- 
ferred by  protestant  presbyters.*  I  will  not  say  that  our 
Reformer  utterly  disregarded  his  early  ordination  in  the  Popish 
Church,  although,  if  we  may  credit  the  testimony  of  his  adver- 
saries, this  was  his  sentiment  ;t  but  I  have  little  doubt  that  he 
looked  upon  the  charge  which  he  received  at  St.  Andrews  as 
principally  constituting. his  call  to  the  ministry. 

His  distress  of  mind,  on  the  present  occasion,  proceeded  from 
a  higher  source  than  the  deficiency  of  some  external  formalities 
in  his  call.  He  had  now  very  different  thoughts  as  to  the 
importance  of  the  ministerial  office,  from  what  he  had  enter- 
tained when  ceremoniously  invested  with  orders.  The  care  of 

*  Whittingham,  Dean  of  Durham,  was  ordained  in  the  English  Church 
at  Geneva,  of  which  Knox  was  pastor ;  and  Travers,  the  opponent  of 
Hooker,  was  ordained  by  a  presbytery  at  Antwerp.  Attempts  were  made 
by  some  highflyers  to  invalidate  their  orders,  and  induce  them  to  submit 
to  re-ordination ;  but  they  did  not  succeed.  Strype's  Annals,  vol.  ii.  520 — 4. 

In  the  year  1582,  Archbishop  Grindal,  by  a  formal  deed,  declared  the 
validity  of  the  orders  of  Mr.  John  Morrison,  who  had  been,  ordained  by 
the  Synod  of  Lothian,  "  according  to  the  laudable  form  and  rite  of  the 
Reformed  Church  of  Scotland,"  says  the  instrument,  "per  generalem 
synodum  sive  congregationem  illius  comitatus,  juxta  laudabilem  ecclesise 
Scotise  Reformatse  formam  et  ritum,  ad  sacros  ordines  et  sacrosanctum 
ministerium  per  manuum  impositionem  admissus  et  ordinatus.  Nos  igitur 
formam  ordinationis  et  prsefectionis  tuae  hujusmodi,  modo  praemisso  factam, 
quantum  in  nos  est,  et  de  jure  possumus,  approbantes  et  ratificantes,"  &c. 
Strype's  Life  of  Grindal.  Append.  Book  ii.  Numb.  xvii.  p.  101. 

It  has  been  objected  that  Archbishop  Grindal  was  at  this  time  under 
sequestration,  and  that  the  license  was  granted,  not  by  him,  but  by  Dr. 
Aubrey,  as  vicar-general.  To  this  it  is  sufficient  to  reply,  that  Mr.  Strype 
is  of  opinion,  that  the  sequestration  was  taken  off  from  the  time  that  the 
writs  and  instruments  run  in  the  name  of  Aubrey  alone,  without  any 
mention  of  Clark,  (Life  of  Grindal,  p.  271  ;)  that,  even  during  the  period 
of  the  sequestration,  "  all  licenses  to  preach,  &c.  were  granted  by  those 
two  civilians,  with  a  deference  to  the  archbishop,  and  consultation  with 
him  in  what  they  did,"  (Ibid.  p.  240;)  and  that  the  license  in  question 
bears,  that  it  was  granted  "  with  the  consent  and  express  command  of 
the  most  reverend  father  in  Christ,  the  Lord  Edmund,  by  the  Divine 
Providence,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  to  us  signified ;" — •"  de  consensu 
et  expresso  mandate  reverendiss.  in  Christo  patris  domini  Edmundi,  &c. 
nobis  significato."  Ibid.  p.  271.  Append,  p.  101. 

t  Ninian  Winzet,  apud  Keith's  History,  App.  pp.  212, 213.  Burne's  Dis- 
putation, p.  128.  Parise,  1581. 

5  G 


50  LIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

immortal  souls,  of  whom  he  must  give  an  account  to  the  Chief 
Bishop  ;  the  charge  of  declaring  "  the  whole  counsel  of  God? 
keeping  nothing  back,"  however  ungrateful  it  might  be  to  his 
hearers ;  the  manner  of  life,  afflictions,  persecutions,  imprison- 
ment, exile,  and  violent  death,  to  which  the  preachers  of  the 
Protestant  doctrine  were  exposed ;  the  hazard  of  his  sinking 
under  these  hardships,  and  "  making  shipwreck  of  faith  and  a 
good  conscience," — these,  with  similar  considerations,  rushed 
into  his  mind,  and  filled  it  with  anxiety  and  fear.  Satisfied,  at 
length,  that  he  had  the  call  of  God  to  engage  in  this  work,  he 
composed  his  mind  to  a  reliance  on  Him  who  had  engaged  to 
make  his  "  strength  perfect  in  the  weakness"  of  his  servants, 
and  resolved,  with  the  apostle,  "  not  to  count  his  life  dear,  that 
he  might  finish  with  joy  the  ministry  which  he  received  of  the 
Lord,  to  testify  the  gospel  of  the  grace  of  God."  Often  did  he 
afterwards  reflect  with  lively  emotion  upon  this  very  interesting 
step  of  his  life,  and  never,  in  the  midst  of  his  greatest  sufferings, 
did  he  see  reason  to  repent  of  the  choice  which  he  had  so  delib- 
erately made. 

An  occurrence  which  took  place  about  this  time  contributed 
to  fix  his  wavering  resolution,  and  induced  an  earlier  compliance 
with  the  call  of  the  congregation  than  he  might  otherwise  have 
been  disposed  to  yield.  Though  sound  in  doctrine,  Rough's 
literary  acquirements  were  moderate.  Of  this  circumstance  the 
patrons  of  the  established  religion  in  the  university  and  abbey 
took  advantage ;  and  among  others,  Dean  John  Annand*  had 
long  proved  vexatious  to  him,  by  stating  objections  to  the 
doctrine  which  he  preached,  and  entangling  him  with  sophisms, 
or  garbled  quotations  from  the  fathers.  Knox  had  assisted 
the  preacher  with  his  pen,  and  by  his  superior  skill  in  logic 
and  the  writings  of  the  fathers  had  exposed  Annand's  falla- 
cies, and  confuted  the  popish  errors.  This  polemic  being 
one  day,  at  a  private  disputation  in  the  parish  church,  driven 
from  all  his  usual  defences,  fled,  as  his  last  refuge,  to  the 
infallible  authority  of  the  church,  which,  he  alleged,  had  ren- 
dered all  farther  debate  on  these  points  unnecessary,  in  conse- 
quence of  its  having  condemned  the  tenets  of  the  Lutherans  as 
heretical.  To  this  Knox  replied,  that,  before  they  could  submit 
to  such  a  summary  determination  of  the  matters  in  controversy, 
it  was  requisite  to  ascertain  the  true  Church  by  the  marks  given 
in  Scripture,  lest  they  should  blindly  receive,  as  their  spiritual 

*  In  the  former  editions,  I  had  spoken  of  Annand  as  probably  a  friar, 
who,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  times,  had  assumed  the  honorary 
title  of  dean.  But  I  have  since  ascertained  that  he  was  a  person  of  great 
note  in  the  university.  It  appears  from  the  Records,  that  he  was  prin- 
cipal of  St.  Leonard's  College  in  1544,  and  continued  to  hold  that  office 
during  several  years  subsequent  to  that  period. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  51 

mother,  "  a  harlot  instead  of  the  immaculate  spouse  of  Jesus 
Christ."  "  For/7  continued  he,  «  as  for  your  Roman  Church, 
as  it  is  now  corrupted,  wherein  stands  the  hope  of  your  victory, 
I  no  more  doubt  that  it  is  the  synagogue  of  Satan,  and  the  head 
thereof,  called  the  pope,  to  be  that  man  of  sin  of  whom  the 
apostle  speaks,  than  I  doubt  that  Jesus  Christ  suffered  by  the 
procurement  of  the  visible  church  of  Jerusalem.  Yea,  I  offer 
myself,  by  word  or  writing,  to  prove  the  Roman  Church  this 
day  farther  degenerate  from  the  purity  which  was  in  the  days 
of  the  apostles,  than  were  the  Church  of  the  Jews  from  the 
ordinances  given  by  Moses,  when  they  consented  to  the  inno- 
cent death  of  Jesus  Christ."  This  was  a  bold  charge  ;  but  the 
minds  of  the  people  were  prepared  to  listen  to  the  proof.  They 
exclaimed,  that,  if  this  was  true,  they  had  been  miserably  de- 
ceived, and  insisted  that,  as  they  could  not  all  read  his  writings, 
he  should  ascend  the  pulpit,  and  give  them  an  opportunity  of 
hearing  the  probation  of  what  he  had  so  confidently  affirmed. 
The  request  was  reasonable,  and  the  challenge  was  not  to  be 
retracted.  The  following  Sabbath  was  accordingly  fixed  for 
making  good  his  promise. 

On  the  day  appointed,  he  appeared  in  the  pulpit  of  the  parish 
church,  and  gave  out  the  twenty-fourth  and  twenty-fifth  verses 
of  the  seventh  chapter  of  Daniel,  as  his  text.  After  an  introduc- 
tion, in  which  he  explained  the  vision,  and  showed  that  the  four 
animals  hieroglyphically  represented  four  empires, — the  Baby- 
lonian, Persian,  Grecian,  and  Roman,  out  of  the  ruins  of  the 
last  of  which  rose  the  empire  described  in  his  text,  he  proceeded 
to  show  that  this  was  applicable  to  no  power  but  the  papal.  He 
compared  the  parallel  passages  in  the  New  Testament,  and 
showed  that  the  king  mentioned  in  his  text  was  the  same  else- 
where called  the  Man  of  Sin,  the  Antichrist,  the  Babylonian 
harlot ;  and  that,  in  prophetical  style,  these  expressions  did  not 
describe  a  single  person,  but  a  body  or  multitude  of  people  under 
a  wicked  head,  including  a  succession  of  persons  occupying  the 
same  place.  In  support  of  his  assertion,  that  the  papal  power 
was  antichristian,  he  described  it  under  the  three  heads  of  life, 
doctrine,  and  laws.  He  depicted  the  scandalous  lives  of  the 
popes  from  records  published  by  Roman  Catholic  writers,  and 
contrasted  their  doctrine  and  laws  with  those  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament, particularly  on  the  heads  of  justification,  holydays,  and 
abstinence  from  meats  and  from  marriage.  He  quoted  from  the 
canon  law  the  blasphemous  titles  and  prerogatives  ascribed  to 
the  pope,  as  an  additional  proof  that  he  was  described  in  his 
text.*  In  conclusion,  he  signified  that,  if  any  of  his  hearers 

*  The  doctrine  which  the  preacher  delivered  at  this  time  was  after- 
wards put  into  "  ornate  meeter,"  by  one  of  his  hearers,  Sir  David  Lind- 


52  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

thought  that  he  had  misquoted  or  misinterpreted  the  testimo- 
nies which  he  had  produced  from  the  Scriptures,  ecclesiastical 
history,  or  the  writings  of  the  fathers,  he  was  ready,  upon  their 
coming  to  him,  in  the  presence  of  witnesses,  to  give  them  sat- 
isfaction. Among  the  audience  were  his  former  preceptor, 
Major,  and  the  other  members  of  the  university,  the  sub-prior 
of  the  abbey,  and  a  great  number  of  canons  and  friars  of  dif- 
ferent orders. 

This  sermon,  delivered  with  a  considerable  portion  of  that 
popular  eloquence  for  which  Knox  was  afterwards  so  celebrat- 
ed, made  a  great  noise,  and  excited  much  speculation  among 
all  classes.*  The  preachers  who  had  preceded  him,  not  even 
excepting  Wishart,  had  contented  themselves  with  refuting 
some  of  the  grosser  errors  of  the  established  religion :  Knox 
struck  at  the  root  of  popery,  by  boldly  pronouncing  the  pope  to 
be  antichrist,  and  the  whole  system  erroneous  and  antiscriptural. 
The  report  of  this  sermon,  and  of  the  effects  produced  by  it, 
having  reached  Hamilton,  the  bishop- elect  of  St.  Andrews,  he 
wrote  to  Wiriram,  who  was  vicar-general  during  the  vacancy 
of  the  see,  expressing  his  surprise  that  such  heretical  and  schis- 
matical  tenets  were  allowed  to  be  taught  without  opposition. 
Winram  was  at  bottom  friendly  to  the  reformed  doctrine  ;  but 
he  durst  not  altogether  disregard  this  admonition,  and,  there- 
fore, appointed  a  convention  of  the  learned  men  of  the  abbey 
and  university  to  be  held  in  St.  Leonard's  Yards,  to  which  he 
summoned  Knox  and  Rough. 

The  two  preachers  appeared  before  that  assembly.  Nine 
articles,  drawn  from  their  sermons,  were  exhibited,  "  the  strange- 
ness of  which,"  the  sub-prior  said,  "  had  moved  him  to  call  for 
them  to  hear  their  answers."  Kriox  conducted  the  defence,  for 
himself  and  his  colleague,  with  much  acuteness  and  moderation. 
He  expressed  high  satisfaction  at  appearing  before  an  auditory  so 
honourable,  modest,  and  grave.  As  he  was  not  a  stranger  to  the 

say,  who,  in  his  "  Monarchie,"  finished  in  1553,  has  given  a  particular 
account  of  the  rise  and  corruptions  of  popery,  under  the  name  of  the 
"  fifth  spiritual  and  papal  monarchic."  Chalmers's  Lindsay,  iii.  83 — 116. 

*  "  Sum  said,  utheris  hued  the  branches  of  papistry,  hot  he  straiketh 
at  the  rute,  to  destroye  the  whole.  Utheris  said,  gif  the  doctors  and 
magistri  nostri  defend  not  now  the  pope  and  his  authoritie,  which  in  their 
owin  presence  is  so  manifestlie  impugnit,  the  devill  have  my  part  of  him 
and  his  lawes  bothe.  Utheris  said,  Mr.  George  Wischeart  spak  never  so 
planelie,  and  yet  he  was  brunt ;  even  so  will  he  be  in  the  end.  Utheris 
said,  the  tyrannic  of  the  Cardinal  maid  not  his  cause  the  better,  neither 
yet  the  suffering  of  Godis  servand  maid  his  cause  the  wors. — And  thair- 
foir  we  wald  counsail  yow  and  thame  to  provyde  better  defences  than  fyre 
and  sword ;  for  it  may  be  that  allis  ye  shall  be  disappointed :  men  now 
have  uther  eyes  than  they  had  then.  This  answer  gave  the  laird  of 
Nydrie."  Knox,  Historie,  p.  70. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  53 

report  concerning  the  private  sentiments  of  Winram,  and  nothing 
was  more  abhorrent  to  his  own  mind  than  dissimulation,  he,  be- 
fore commencing  his  defence,  obtested  him  to  deal  uprightly  in  a 
matter  of  such  magnitude.  "  The  people,"  he  said,  "  ought  nof 
to  be  deceived  or  left  in  the  dark ;  if  his  colleague  and  he  had 
advanced  any  thing  unscriptural,  he  wished  the  sub-prior  by 
all  means  to  expose  it ;  but,  if,  on  the  other  hand,  the  doctrine 
taught  by  them  was  true,  it  was  his  duty  to  give  it  the  sanction 
of  his  authority."  Winram  cautiously  replied,  that  he  did  not 
corne  there  as  a  judge,  and  would  neither  approve  nor  con- 
demn ;  he  wished  a  conference,  and,  if  Knox  pleased,  he  would 
reason  with  him  a  little.  Accordingly,  he  proceeded  to  state 
some  objections  to  one  of  the  propositions  maintained  by  Knox, 
"  That,  in  the  worship  of  God,  and  especially  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  sacraments,  the  rule  prescribed  in  the  Scriptures 
is  to  be  observed,  without  addition  or  diminution ;  and  that  the 
Church  has  no  right  to  devise  religious  ceremonies,  and  impose 
significations  upon  them."  After  maintaining  the  argument 
for  a  short  time,  the  sub-prior  devolved  it  on  a  grey  friar,  named 
Arbukgill,  who  took  it  up  with  great  confidence,  but  was  soon 
forced  to  yield  with  disgrace.  He  rashly  engaged  to  prove  the 
divine  institution  of  ceremonies ;  and,  being  pushed  by  his  an- 
tagonist from  the  Gospels  and  Acts  to  the  Epistles,  and  from 
one  epistle  to  another,  he  was  driven  at  last  to  affirm,  "  that  the 
apostles  had  not  received  the  Holy  Ghost  when  they  wrote  the 
Epistles,  but  they  afterwards  received  him,  and  ordained  cere- 
monies." Knox  smiled  at  the  extravagant  assertion.  "  Father !" 
exclaimed  the  sub-prior,  "  what  say  ye  ?  God  forbid  that  ye 
say  that !  for  then  farewell  the  ground  of  our  faith."  Alarmed 
and  abashed,  the  friar  attempted  to  correct  his  error,  but  in 
vain.  He  could  not  afterwards  be  brought  to  argument  upon 
any  of  the  articles,  but  resolved  all  into  the  authority  of  the 
Church.  His  opponent  urging  that  the  Church  could  have  no 
authority  to  act  in  opposition  to  the  express  directions  of  Scrip- 
ture, which  enjoined  an  exact  conformity  to  the  divine  laws 
respecting  worship  :  "  If  so,"  said  Arbugkill,  "  you  will  leave 
us  no  Church."  "  Yes,"  rejoined  Knox,  sarcastically,  "  in  David 
I  read  of  the  church  of  malignants,  Odi  ecclesiam  malignan- 
tium;  this  church  you  may  have  without  the  word,  and  fight- 
ing against  it.  Of  this  church  if  you  will  be,  I  cannot  hinder 
you ;  but  as  for  me  I  will  be  of  no  other  church  but  that  which 
has  Jesus  Christ  for  pastor,  hears  his  voice,  and  will  not  hear 
the  voice  of  a  stranger."  For  purgatory,*  the  friar  had  no  bet- 

*  Knox,  Historic,  p.  70 — 74.     "  Alexander  Arbuckylle"  was  made  Bach- 
elor of  Arts,  Nov.  3.  1525.     Act.  Fac.  Art. 


54  LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX. 

ter  authority  than  that  of  Virgil  in  the  sixth  ^Eneid ;  and  the 
pains  of  it,  according  to  him,  were — a  bad  wife. 

Solventur  risu  tabulae ;  tu  missus  abibis. 

Instructed  by  the  issue  of  this  convention,  the  Papists  avoided 
for  the  future  all  disputation,  which  tended  only  to  injure  their 
cause.  Had  the  castle  of  St.  Andrews  been  in  their  power, 
they  would  soon  have  silenced  these  troublesome  preachers; 
but  as  matters  stood,  more  moderate  and  crafty  measures  were 
necessary.  The  plan  adopted  for  counteracting  the  popular 
preaching  of  Knox  and  Rough 'was  artfully  laid.  Orders  were 
issued,  that  all  the  learned  men  of  the  abbey  and  university 
should  preach  by  turns  every  Sunday  in  the  parish  church. 
By  this  means  the  reformed  preachers  were  excluded  on  those 
days  when  the  greatest  audiences  attended ;  and  it  was  expect- 
ed that  the  diligence  of  the  established  clergy  would  conciliate 
the  affections  of  the  people.  To  avoid  offence  or  occasion  of 
speculation,  they  were  also  instructed  not  to  touch  in  their  ser- 
mons upon  any  of  the  controverted  points.  Knox  easily  saw 
through  this  artifice ;  but  he  contented  himself  with  expressing 
a  wish,  in  the  sermons  which  he  still  delivered  on  week  days, 
that  the  clergy  would  show  themselves  equally  diligent  in 
places  where  their  labours  were  more  necessary.  He,  at  the 
same  time,  expressed  his  satisfaction  that  Christ  was  preached, 
and  that  nothing  was  spoken  publicly  against  the  truth ;  if  any 
thing  of  this  kind  should  be  attempted,  he  requested  the  people 
to  suspend  their  judgment,  until  they  should  have  an  opportu- 
nity of  hearing  him  in  reply.* 

His  labours  were  so  successful  during  the  few  months  that 
he  preached  at  St.  Andrews,  that,  besides  the  garrison  in  the 
castle,  a  great  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  renounced 
popery,  and  made  profession  of  the  Protestant  faith,  by  parti- 
cipating of  the  Lord's  Supper.  This  was  the  first  time  that 
the  sacrament  of  the  supper  was  dispensed  after  the  reformed 
mode  in  Scotland,  if  we  except  the  administration  of  it  by 
Wishart  in  the  same  place,  which  was  performed  with  great 
privacy  immediately  before  his  martyrdom.t  Those  who  pre- 
ceded Knox  appear  to  have  contented  themselves  with  preach- 
ing ;  and  such  as  embraced  their  doctrine  had  most  probably 
continued  to  receive  the  sacraments  from  the  popish  clergy,  at 
least  from  such  of  them  as  were  most  friendly  to  the  reforma- 
tion of  the  Church.  The  gratification  which  he  felt  in  these 

*  Knox,  Historie,  pp.  74,  75. 

t  Buchanan,  Hist.  lib.  xv.  Oper.  torn.  i.  293,  294.  Pitscottie,  189,  folio 
edit. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  55 

first  fruits  of  his  ministry,  was  considerably  abated  by  instances 
of  vicious  conduct  in  the  persons  under  his  charge,  some  of 
whom  were  guilty  of  those  acts  of  licentiousness  which  are  too 
common  among  soldiery  when  placed  in  similar  circumstances. 
From  the  time  that  he  was  chosen  to  be  their  preacher,  he  had 
openly  rebuked  these  disorders ;  and  when  he  perceived  that 
his  admonitions  failed  in  putting  a  stop  to  them,  he  did  not  con- 
ceal his  apprehensions  of  the  unsuccessful  issue  of  the  enter- 
prise in  which  they  were  engaged.* 

In  the  end  of  June,  1547,  a  French  fleet,  with  a  considerable 
body  of  land  forces,  under  the  command  of  Leo  Strozzi,  ap- 
peared before  St.  Andrews  to  assist  the  governor  in  the  reduc- 
tion of  the  castle.  It  was  invested  both  by  sea  and  land ;  and, 
being  disappointed  of  the  expected  aid  from  England,  the 
besieged,  after  a  brave  and  vigorous  resistance,  were  under  the 
necessity  of  capitulating  to  the  French  commander  on  the  last 
day  of  July.  The  terms  which  they  obtained  were  honour- 
able ;  the  lives  of  all  in  the  castle  were  to  be  spared ;  they 
were  to  be  transported  to  France,  and  if  they  did  not  choose 
to  enter  into  the  service  of  the  French  king,  were  to  be  con- 
veyed to  any  country  which  they  might  prefer,  except  Scotland. 
John  Rough  had  left  them  previous  to  the  commencement  of  the 
siege,  and  retired  to  England.!  Knox,  although  he  did  not 
expect  that  the  garrison  would  be  able  to  hold  out,  could  not 
prevail  upon  himself  to  desert  his  charge,  and  resolved  to  share 
with  his  brethren  in  the  hazard  of  the  siege.  He  was  con- 
veyed along  with  them  on  board  the  fleet,  which,  in  a  few 
days,  set  sail  for  France,  arrived  at  Fecamp,  and,  going  up  the 
Seine,  anchored  before  Rouen.  The  capitulation  was  violated, 
and  they  were  all  detained  prisoners  of  war  at  the  solicitation 
of  the  pope  and  Scottish  clergy.  The  principal  gentlemen  were 
incarcerated  in  Rouen,  Cherburg,  Brest,  and  Mont  St.  Michel. 
Knox,  with  a  few  others,  was  confined  on  board  the  galleys ; 
and  in  addition  to  the  rigours  of  ordinary  captivity,  was  loaded 
with  chains,  and  exposed  to  all  the  indignities  with  which  Pa- 

*  Buchan.  Oper.  i.  295.     Pitscottie,  191.     Knox,  76. 

f  Rough  continued  to  preach  in  England  until  the  death  of  Edward  VI. 
when  he  retired  to  Norden  in  Friesland.  There  he  was  obliged  to  support 
himself  and  his  wife  (whom  he  had  married  in  England)  by  knitting  caps, 
stockings,  &c.  Having  come  over  to  London  in  the  course  of  his  trade,  he 
heard  of  a  congregation  of  Protestants  which  met  secretly  in  that  city,  to 
whom  he  joined  himself,  and  was  elected  their  pastor.  A  few  weeks  after 
this,  the  conventicle  was  discovered  by  the  treachery  of  one  of  their  own 
number,  and  Rough  was  carried  before  Bishop  Bonner,  by  whose  orders  he 
was  committed  to  the  flames  on  the  22d  of  December,  1557.  An  account 
of  his  examination,  and  two  of  his  letters  breathing  the  true  spirit  of  a 
martyr,  may  be  seen  in  Fox,  pp.  1840 — 1842. 


56  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

pists  were  accustomed  to  treat  those  whom  they  regarded  as 
heretics.* 

From.  Rouen  they  sailed  to  Nantes,  and  lay  upon  the  Loire 
during  the  following  winter.  Solicitations,  threatenings,  and 
violence  were  all  employed  to  induce  the  prisoners  to  change 
their  religion,  or  at  least  to  countenance  the  popish  worship. 
But  so  great  was  their  abhorrence  of  that  system,  that  not  a 
single  individual  of  the  whole  company,  on  land  or  water, 
could  be  induced  to  symbolize  in  the  smallest  degree  with  idol- 
aters. While  the  prison-ships  lay  on  the  Loire,  mass  was  fre- 
quently said,  and  salve  regina  sung  on  board,  or  on  the  shore 
within  their  hearing.  On  these  occasions,  they  were  brought 
out  and  threatened  with  the  torture,  if  they  did  not  give  the 
usual  signs  of  reverence  ;  but  instead  of  complying,  they  covered 
their  heads  as  soon  as  the  service  began.  Knox  has  preserved 
in  his  history  a  humorous  incident  which  took  place  on  one  of 
these  occasions ;  and  although  he  has  not  said  so,  it  is  highly 
probable  that  he  himself  was  the  person  concerned  in  the  affair. 
One  day  a  fine  painted  image  of  the  Virgin  was  brought  into 
one  of  the  galleys,  and  a  Scotch  prisoner  was  desired  to  give  it 
the  kiss  of  adoration.  He  refused,  saying,  that  such  idols  were 
accursed,  and  he  would  not  touch  it.  "  But  you  shall,"  replied 
one  of  the  officers  roughly,  at  the  same  time  forcing  it  towards 
his  mouth.  Upon  this  the  prisoner  seized  the  image,  and 
throwing  it  into  the  river,  said,  "  Lat  our  Ladie  now  save  hir- 
S3lf;  sche  is  lycht  enoughe,  lat  hir  leirne  to  swyme."  The 
officers  with  difficulty  saved  their  goddess  from  the  waves: 
and  the  prisoners  were  relieved  for  the  future  from  such  trou- 
blesome importunities.! 

In  summer  1548,  as  nearly  as  I  can  collect,  the  galleys  in 
which  they  were  confined  returned  to  Scotland,  and  continued 
for  a  considerable  time  on  the  east  coast,  watching  for  English 
vessels.  Knox's  health  was  now  greatly  impaired  by  the  se- 
verity of  his  confinement,  and  he  was  seized  with  a  fever,  dur- 
ing which  his  life  was  despaired  of  by  all  in  the  ship.f  But 
even  in  this  state  his  fortitude  of  mind  remained  unsubdued,§ 
and  he  comforted  his  fellow-prisoners  with  hopes  of  release. 

*  Balnaves's  Confession,  Epist.  Dedic.  Archibald  Hamilton  says,  that  he 
was  condemned  to  work  at  the  oar : — *  Impellendis  longarum  navium  remis, 
cum  reliquis  adjudicator/  Dialogus  de  Confusione  Calvinianse  Sectse,  p. 
64,  b. 

f  Knox,  Historie,  p.  83.  \  MS.  Letters,  p.  53. 

\  One  of  his  most  bitter  adversaries  has  borne  an  involuntary  but  hon- 
ourable testimony  to  his  magnanimity  at  this  time: — "Ubi  longo  maris 
taedio,  et  laboris  molestia  extenuatum  quidem,  et  subactum  corpus  fuit ;  sed 
animi  elatio  eum  subinde  rerum  magnarum  spe  extimulans,  nihilo  magia 
tune  quam  prius  quiescere  potuit." — Hamiltonii  Dialogus,  p.  64,  b. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  57 

To  their  anxious  desponding  inquiries  (natural  to  men  in  their 
situation),  "  if  he  thought  they  would  ever  obtain  their  liberty/' 
his  uniform  answer  was,  "  God  will  deliver  us  to  his  glory,  even 
in  this  life."  While  they  lay  on  the  coast  between  Dundee  and 
St.  Andrews,  Mr.  (afterwards  Sir)  James  Balfour,  who  was 
confined  in  the  same  ship  with  him,  pointed  to  the  spires  of  St. 
Andrews,  and  asked  him  if  he  knew  the  place.  "  Yes/'  replied 
the  sickly  and  emaciated  captive,  « I  know  it  well ;  for  I  see 
the  steeple  of  that  place  where  God  first  opened  my  mouth  in 
public  to  his  glory ;  and  I  am  fully  persuaded,  how  weak  soever 
I  now  appear,  that  I  shall  not  depart  this  life,  till  that  my 
tongue  shall  glorify  his  godly  name  in  the  same  place."  This 
striking  reply  Sir  James  repeated  in  the  presence  of  a  number 
of  witnesses  many  years  before  Knox  returned  to  Scotland,  and 
when  there  was  very  little  prospect  of  his  words  being  verified.* 

We  must  not,  however,  think  that  he  possessed  this  tranquil- 
lity and  elevation  of  mind  during  the  whole  period  of  his  im- 
prisonment. When  first  thrown  into  fetters,  insulted  by  his 
enemies,  and  deprived  of  all  prospect  of  release,  he  was  not  a 
stranger  to  the  anguish  of  despondency,  so  pathetically  de- 
scribed by  the  royal  Psalmist  of  Israel.t  He  felt  that  conflict 
in  his  spirit,  with  which  all  good  men  are  acquainted,  and 
which  becomes  peculiarly  sharp  when  aggravated  by  corporal 
affliction ;  but  having  had  recourse  to  prayer,  the  never-failing 
refuge  of  the  oppressed,  he  was  relieved  from  all  his  fears,  and 
reposing  upon  the  promise  and  the  providence  of  the  God 
whom  he  served,  he  attained  to  "  the  confidence  and  rejoicing 
of  hope."  Those  who  wish  for  a  more  particular  account  of 
the  state  of  his  mind  at  this  time,  will  find  it  in  the  notes,  ex- 
tracted from  a  rare  work  which  he  composed  on  Prayer,  and 
the  chief  materials  of  which  were  suggested  by  his  own  expe- 
rience.:}: 

When  free  from  fever,  he  relieved  the  tedious  hours  of  cap- 
tivity, by  committing  to  writing  a  confession  of  his  faith,  con- 
taining the  substance  of  what  he  had  taught  at  St.  Andrews, 
with  a  particular  account  of  the  disputation  which  he  had 
maintained  in  St.  Leonard's  Yards.  This  he  found  means  to 
convey  to  his  religious  acquaintances  in  Scotland,  accompanied 
with  an  earnest  exhortation  to  persevere  in  the  faith  which 
they  had  professed,  whatever  persecutions  they  might  suffer  for 
its  sake.§  To  this  confession  I  find  him  referring  in  the  defence 
which  he  afterwards  made  before  the  Bishop  of  Durham.  "  Let 
no  man  think,  that  because  I  am  in  the  realm  of  England, 
therefore  so  boldly  I  speak.  No  :  God  hath  taken  that  suspi- 

*  Knox,  Historic,  p.  74.  f  Psalm  xlii.  J  See  Note  N. 

§  Rnox,  Historic,  p.  74.    This  Treatise  appears  to  have  been  lost 

H 


58  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

cion  from  me.  For  the  body  lying  in  most  painful  bands,  in 
the  midst  of  cruel  tyrants,  his  mercy  and  goodness  provided 
that  the  hand  should  write  and  bear  witness  to  the  confession 
of  the  heart,  more  abundantly  than  ever  yet  the  tongue  spake."* 

Notwithstanding  the  rigour  of  their  confinement,  the  prison- 
ers who  were  separated  found  opportunities  of  occasionally 
corresponding  with  one  another.  Henry  Balnaves  of  Halhill 
had  composed,  in  his  prison,  a  treatise  on  Justification,  and  the 
Works  and  Conversation  of  a  Justified  Man.  This  having 
been  conveyed  to  Knox,  probably  after  his  return  from  the 
coast  of  Scotland,  he  was  so  much  pleased  with  the  work,  that 
he  divided  it  into  chapters,  and  added  some  marginal  notes, 
and  a  concise  epitome  of  its  contents ;  to  the  whole  he  prefixed 
a  recommendatory  dedication,  intending  that  it  should  be  pub- 
lished for  the  use  of  his  brethren  in  Scotland,  as  soon  as  an 
opportunity  offered.t  The  reader  will  not,  I  am  persuaded,  be 
displeased  to  have  some  extracts  from  this  dedication,  which 
represent,  more  forcibly  than  any  description  of  mine  can  do, 
the  pious  and  heroic  spirit  which  animated  the  Reformer,  when 
"  his  feet  lay  in  irons ;"  and  I  shall  quote  more  freely,  as  the 
book  is  rare. 

It  is  thus  inscribed  :|  "  John  Knox,  the  boimd  servant  of 
Jesus  Christ,  unto  his  best  beloved  brethren  of  the  congregation 
of  the  castle  of  St.  Andrews,  and  to  all  professors  of  Christ's 
true  evangel,  desireth  grace,  mercy,  and  peace,  from  God  the 
Father,  with  perpetual  consolation  of  the  Holy  Spirit."  After 
mentioning  a  number  of  instances  in  which  the  name  of  God 
had  been  magnified,  and  the  interests  of  religion  advanced,  by 
the  exile  of  those  who  were  driven  from  their  native  countries 

*  MS.  Letters,  p.  40. 

f  The  manuscript,  there  is  reason  to  think,  was  conveyed  to  Scotland 
about  that  time,  but  it  fell  aside,  and  was  long  considered  as  lost.  After 
the  death  of  Knox,  it  was  discovered  by  his  servant,  Richard  Bannatyne,  in 
the  house  of  Ormiston,  and  was  printed,  anno  1584,  by  Thomas  Vaultrollier, 
in  12mo,  with  the  title  of  "  Confession  of  Faith,  &c.,  by  Henry  Balnaves 
of  Halhill,  one  of  the  Lords  of  Council  and  Session  of  Scotland." — David 
Buchanan,  in  his  edition  of  Knox's  History,  anno  1644,  among  his  other 
alterations  and  interpolations,  makes  Knox  to  say  that  this  work  was 
published  at  the  time  he  wrote  his  History:  which  may  be  numbered 
among  the  anachronisms  in  that  edition,  which,  for  some  time,  discredited 
the  authenticity  of  the  History,  and  led  many  to  deny  that  Knox  was  its 
author.  But  in  the  genuine  editions,  Knox  expresses  the  very  reverse. 
"  In  the  presoun,  he  (Balnaves)  wrait  a  maist  profitabill  treatise  of  justifica- 
tioun,  and  of  the  warkis  and  conversatioun  of  a  justifyed  man :  *  but  how  it 
was  suppressit  we  knaw  not.' "  Historic,  p.  83,  Edin.  anno  1732.  See  also 
p.  181  of  the  first  edition,  in  8vo,  printed  at  London  by  Vaultrollier  in  the 
year  1586. 

}  I  have  not  adhered  to  the  orthography  of  the  printed  work,  which  is 
evidently  different  from  what  it  must  have  been  in  the  MS. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  69 

by  tyranny,  as  in  the  examples  of  Joseph,  Moses,  Daniel,  and 
the  primitive  Christians,  he  goes  on  thus :  "  Which  thing  shall 
openly  declare  this  godly  work  subsequent.  The  counsel  of 
Satan  in  the  persecution  *  of  us,  first,  was  to  stop  the  whole- 
some wind  of  Christ's  evangel  to  blow  upon  the  parts  where 
we  converse  and  dwell ;  and,  secondly,  so  to  oppress  ourselves 
by  corporal  affliction  and  worldly  calamities,  that  no  place 
should  we  find  to  godly  study.  But  by  the  great  mercy  and 
infinite  goodness  of  God  our  Father,  shall  these  his  counsels 
be  frustrate  and  vain.  For,  in  despite  of  him  and  all  his  wicked 
members,  shall  yet  that  same  word  (0  Lord,  this  I  speak,  con- 
fiding in  thy  holy  promise)  openly  be  proclaimed  in  that  same 
country.  And  how  that  our  merciful  Father,  amongst  these 
tempestuous  storms,  byt  all  men's  expectation,  hath  provided 
some  rest  for  us,  this  present  work  shall  testify,  which  was  sent 
to  me  in  Roane,  lying  in  irons,  and  sore  troubled  by  corporal 
infirmity,  in  a  galley  named  Nostre  Dame,  by  an  honourable 
brother,  Mr.  Henry  Balnaves  of  Halhill,  for  the  present  holden 
as  prisoner  (though  unjustly)  in  the  old  palace  of  Roane.  J 
Which  work  after  I  had  once  and  again  read,  to  the  great  comfort 
and  consolation  of  my  spirit,  by  counsel  and  advice  of  the  fore- 
said  noble  and  faithful  man,  author  of  the  said  work,  I  thought 
expedient  it  should  be  digested  in  chapters,  &c.  Which  thing 
I  have  done  as  imbecility  of  ingine  §  and  incommodity  of  place 
would  permit ;  not  so  much  to  illustrate  the  work  (which  in 
the  self  is  godly  and  perfect)  as,  together  with  the  foresaid 
noble  man  and  faithful  brother,  to  give  my  confession  of  the 
article  of  justification  therein  contained.  ||  And  I  beseech  you, 
beloved  brethren,  earnestly  to  consider,  if  we  deny  any  thing 
presently  (or  yet  conceal  and  hide)  which  any  time  before  we 
professed  in  that  article.  And  now  we  have  not  the  castle  of 
St.  Andrews  to  be  our  defence,  as  some  of  our  enemies  falsely 
accused  us,  saying,  If  we  wanted  our  walls,  we  would  not 
speak  so  boldly.  But  blessed  be  that  Lord  whose  infinite  good- 
ness and  wisdom  hath  taken  from  us  the  occasion  of  that  slan- 
der, and  hath  shown  unto  us,  that  the  serpent  hath  power  only 
to  sting  the  heel,  that  is,  to  molest  and  trouble  the  flesh,  but 
not  to  move  the  spirit  from  constant  adhering  to  Christ  Jesus, 
nor  public  professing  of  his  true  word.  0  blessed  be  thou, 
Eternal  Father !  which,  by  thy  only  mercy,  hast  preserved  us 
to  this  day,  and  provided  that  the  confession  of  our  faith  (which 
ever  we  desired  all  men  to  have  known)  should,  by  this  trea- 
tise, come  plainly  to  light.  Continue,  0  Lord  !  and  grant  unto 

*  It  is  '  perfection'  in  the  printed  copy,  which  is  evidently  a  mistake, 
f  i.  e.  beyond.  J  Rouen,  not  Roane,  is  the  place  meant. 

\  i.  e.  genius  or  knowledge.  ||  See  Note  O. 


60  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

us,  that,  as  now  with  pen  and  ink,  so  shortly  we  may  confess 
with  voice  and  tongue  the  same  before  thy  congregation ;  upon 
whom,  look,  0  Lord  God !  with  the  eyes  of  thy  mercy,  and 
suffer  no  more  darkness  to  prevail.  I  pray  you,  pardon  me, 
beloved  brethren,  that  on  this  manner  I  digress :  vehemency  of 
spirit  (the  Lord  knoweth  I  lie  not)  compelleth  me  thereto." 

The  prisoners  in  Mont  St.  Michel  consulted  Knox  as  to  the 
lawfulness  of  attempting  to  escape  by  breaking  their  prison, 
which  was  opposed  by  some  of  them,  lest  their  escape  should 
subject  their  brethren  who  remained  in  confinement  to  more 
severe  treatment.  He  returned  for  answer,  that  such  fears 
were  not  a  sufficient  reason  for  relinquishing  the  design,  and 
that  they  might,  with  a  safe  conscience,  effect  their  escape,  pro- 
vided it  could  be  done  "  without  the  blood  of  any  shed  or  spilt ; 
but  to  shed  any  man's  blood  for  their  freedom,  he  would  never 
consent."  *  The  attempt  was  accordingly  made  by  them,  and 
successfully  executed, "  without  harm  done  to  the  person  of 
any,  and  without  touching  any  thing  that  appertained  to  the 
king,  the  captain,  or  the  house."  t 

At  length,  after  enduring  a  tedious  and  severe  imprisonment 
of  nineteen  months,  Knox  obtained  his  liberty.  This  happened 
in  the  month  of  February  1549,  according  to  the  modern  com- 
putation.:}: By  what  means  his  liberation  was  procured  I  cannot 
certainly  determine.  One  account  says,  that  the  galley  in  which 
he  was  confined  was  taken  in  the  Channel  by  the  English.§ 
According  to  another  account,  he  was  liberated  by  order  of  the 
King  of  France,  because  it  appeared,  on  examination,  that  he 
was  not  concerned  in  the  murder  of  Cardinal  Beatoun,  nor 
accessory  to  other  crimes  committed  by  those  who  held  the 

*  This  is  the  man  whom  a  high-church  historian  has  represented  as  hold- 
ing the  principles  of  the  ancient  Zealots  or  Sicarii,  and  teaching  that  any 
person  who  met  a  Papist  might  kill  him !  Collier,  Eccles.  Hist.  ii.  545. 

t  Knox,  Historic,  pp.  84,  85. 

|  In  one  of  his  letters,  preserved  by  Calderwood,  Knox  says,  that  he  was 
nineteen  months  at  the  French  galleys.  Cald.  MS.  vol.  i.  256.  In  the 
printed  Calderwood,  the  period  of  his  confinement  is  limited  to  nine  months, 
a  mistake  which  has  been  copied  by  several  writers.  It  is  proper  that  the 
reader  of  that  book  should  be  aware,  that  it  is  an  abridgment  of  a  larger 
work,  still  in  manuscript ;  and  though  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  it  was 
drawn  up  by  Calderwood  himself,  yet,  having  been  printed  after  his  death, 
and  in  a  foreign  country,  it  is  often  incorrect.  Knox,  in  a  conference  with 
Mary  of  Scotland,  told  the  queen,  that  he  was  five  years  resident  in  Eng- 
land (Historic,  p.  289).  Now,  as  he  came  to  England  immediately  after  he 
obtained  his  liberty,  and  left  it  (as  we  shall  afterwards  see)  in  the  end  of 
January  or  beginning  of  February  1554,  this  accords  exactly  with  the  date 
of  his  liberation,  which  is  given  above  from  Calderwood's  MS. 

§  This  is  mentioned  in  a  MS.  in  my  possession  ;  but  little  credit  can  be 
given  to  it,  as  it  is  written  in  a  modern  hand,  and  no  authority  is  produced. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  61 

castle  of  St.  Andrews.*  In  the  opinion  of  others,  his  liberty  was 
purchased  by  his  acquaintances,  who  fondly  cherished  the  hope 
that  he  was  destined  to  accomplish  some  great  achievements, 
and  were  anxious,  by  their  interposition  in  his  behalf,  to  be  in- 
strumental in  promoting  the  designs  of  Providence.!  It  is 
more  probable,  however,  that  he  owed  his  deliverance  to  the 
comparative  indifference  with  which  he  and  his  brethren  were 
now  regarded  by  the  French  court,  who,  having  procured  the 
consent  of  the  Parliament  of  Scotland  to  the  marriage  of  Queen 
Mary  to  the  dauphin,  and  obtained  possession  of  her  person,  felt 
no  longer  any  inclination  to  revenge  the  quarrels  of  the  Scottish 
clergy. 

*  Petrie's  Church  History,  part  ii.  p.  184. 
f  Hamiltonii  Dialog,  p.  64. 

6 


62  LIFEOFJOHNKNOX. 


PERIOD  III. 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1549,  WHEN  HE  WAS  RELEASED  FROM  THE  FRENCH 
GALLEYS,  TO  THE  YEAR  1554,  WHEN  HE  FLED  FROM  ENGLAND 

UPON  regaining  his  liberty,  Knox  immediately  repaired  to 
England.  The  objections  which  he  had  formerly  entertained 
against  a  residence  in  that  kingdom  were  now  in  a  great  measure 
removed.  Henry  VIII.  had  died  in  the  year  1547  ;  and  Arch- 
bishop Cranmer,  released  from  the  severe  restraint  under  which 
he  had  been  held  by  his  tyrannical  and  capricious  master,  now 
exerted  himself  with  much  zeal  in  advancing  the  Reformation. 
In  this  he  was  cordially  supported  by  those  who  governed  the 
kingdom  during  the  minority  of  Edward  VI.  But  the  under- 
taking was  extensive  and  difficult ;  and,  in  carrying  it  on,  he 
found  a  great  deficiency  of  ecclesiastical  coadjutors.  Although 
the  most  of  the  bishops  had  externally  complied  with  the  altera- 
tions introduced  by  authority,  they  remained  attached  to  the  old 
religion,  and  secretly  thwarted,  instead  of  seconding,  the  measures 
of  the  primate.  The  inferior  clergy  were,  in  general,  as  unable 
as  they  were  unwilling  to  undertake  the  instruction  of  the  people,* 
whose  ignorance  of  religion  was  in  many  parts  of  the  country 
extreme,  and  whose  superstitious  habits  had  become  quite  inve- 
terate. This  evil,  which  prevailed  universally  throughout  the 
Popish  Church,  instead  of  being  corrected,  was  considerably 
aggravated  by  a  ruinous  measure  adopted  at  the  commencement 
of  the  English  Reformation.  When  Henry  suppressed  the 
monasteries,  and  seized  their  revenues,  he  allowed  pensions  to 
the  monks  during  life  ;  but,  to  relieve  the  royal  treasury  of  this 
burden,  small  benefices  in  the  gift  of  the  crown  were  afterwards 
substituted  in  the  place  of  pensions.  The  example  of  the  mon- 
arch was  imitated  by  the  nobles  who  had  procured  monastic 
lands.  By  this  means  a  great  part  of  the  inferior  livings  were 

*  Peter  Martyr,  in  a  letter  dated  Oxford,  1st  July  1650,  laments  the  paucity 
of  useful  preachers  in  England.  "  Doleo  plus  quam  dici  possit,  tanta  ubique 
in  Anglia  verbi  Dei  penuria  laborari ;  et  eos  qui  oves  Christi  doctrina  pas- 
cere  tenentur,  cum  usque  eo  remisse  agant,  ut  officium  facere  prorsus  recu- 
sant, nescio  quo  fletii,  quibusve  lachrymis  deplorari  possit.  Verum  confido 
fore  ut  meliora  simus  visuri."  Martyri  Epist.  apud  Loc.  Commun.  p.  760. 
Geneva,  1624. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  63 

held  by  ignorant  and  superstitious  monks,  who  were  a  dead 
weight  upon  the  English  Church,  and  a  principal  cause  of  the 
nation's  sudden  relapse  to  Popery,  at  the  subsequent  accession 
of  Queen  Mary.* 

Cranmer  had  already  adopted  measures  for  remedying  this 
alarming  evil  With  the  concurrence  of  the  protector  and  privy 
council,  he  had  invited  a  number  of  learned  Protestants  from 
Germany  into  England,  and  had  placed  Peter  Martyr,  Martin 
Bucer,  Paul  Fagius,  and  Emanuel  Tremellius,  as  professors  in 
the  universities  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge.  This  was  a  wise 
measure,  which  secured  a  future  supply  of  useful  preachers, 
trained  up  by  these  able  masters;  but  the  necessity  was  urgent, 
and  demanded  immediate  provision.  For  this  purpose,  instead 
of  fixing  a  number  of  orthodox  and  popular  preachers  in  partic- 
ular charges,  it  was  judged  most  expedient  to  employ  them  in 
itinerating  through  different  parts  of  the  kingdom,  where  the 
clergy  were  most  illiterate  or  disaffected  to  the  Reformation,  and 
where  the  inhabitants  were  most  addicted  to  superstition. 

In  these  circumstances,  our  zealous  countryman  did  not  re- 
main long  unemployed.  The  reputation  which  he  had  gained 
by  his  preaching  at  St.  Andrews,t  and  his  late  sufferings,  re- 
commended him  to  the  English  council ;  and  soon  after  his 
arrival  in  England,  he  was  sent  down  from  London  to  preach 
in  Berwick.! 

The  council  had  every  reason  to  be  pleased  with  the  choice 
which  they  had  made  of  a  northern  preacher.  He  had  long 
thirsted  for  the  opportunity  which  he  now  enjoyed.  His  love 
for  the  truth,  and  his  zeal  against  Popery,  had  been  inflamed 
during  his  captivity,  and  he  spared  neither  time  nor  labour  in  the 
instruction  of  those  to  whom  he  was  sent.  Regarding  the  wor- 
ship of  the  Romish  Church  as  idolatrous,  and  its  doctrines  as 
damnable,  he  attacked  both  with  the  utmost  fervour,  and  exerted 
himself  in  drawing  his  hearers  from  the  belief  of  the  one,  and 

*  Buraet's  Hist,  of  the  Reformation,  ii.  24.  The  suppression  of  the  chan- 
tries, in  the  reign  of  Edward  VI.  was  attended  with  similar  effects.  Strype's 
Memorials  of  the  Reformation,  ii.  446. 

f  I  omitted  mentioning  in  the  proper  place,  that  the  biographer  of  Sir 
David  Lindsay  has  stated,  from  the  minutes  of  the  English  council,  that 
Knox  was  in  the  pay  of  England  as  early  as  the  year  1547.  Chalmers's 
Lindsay,  i.  32.  I  cannot  suppose  that  the  learned  author  would  confound 
the  salary  which  Knox  received  during  his  residence  in  England,  with  a 
pension  allotted  to  him  when  he  was  in  his  native  country.  But,  on  the 
other  hand,  I  think  it  very  unlikely  that  he  should  have  been  known  to  the 
English  Court  before  he  entered  the  castle  of  St.  Andrews,  and  am  inclined 
to  suppose  that  any  pension  which  he  received  from  them  did  not  commence 
until  that  period  at  soonest.  Mr.  Chalmers's  language  conveys  the  idea, 
that  he  was  pensioned  by  England  before  he  went  to  the  castle. 

J  Strype's  Memor.  of  the  Reform,  iii.  235.     Knox.  Hist.  85,  299. 


64  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

from  the  observance  of  the  other,  with  as  much  eagerness  as  if 
he  had  been  saving  their  lives  from  a  devouring  flame  or  flood. 
Nor  were  his  efforts  fruitless.  During  the  two  years  that  he  con- 
tinued in  Berwick,  numbers  were  converted  by  his  ministry  from 
ignorance  and  the  errors  of  Popery  ;  and  a  visible  reformation 
of  manners  was  produced  upon  the  soldiers  of  the  garrison,  who 
had  formerly  been  noted  for  licentiousness  and  turbulence.* 

The  popularity  and  success  of  a  Protestant  preacher  were  very 
galling  to  the  clergy  in  that  quarter,  who  were,  almost  to  a  man, 
bigoted  Papists,  and  enjoyed  the  patronage  of  the  bishop  of  the 
diocese.  Tonstal,  Bishop  of  Durham,  like  his  friend  Sir  Thomas 
More,  was  one  of  those  men  of  whom  it  is  extremely  difficult  to 
give  a  correct  idea,  qualities  of  an  opposite  kind  being  mixed  and 
blended  in  his  character.  Surpassing  all  his  brethren  in  polite 
learning,  he  was  the  patron  of  bigotry  and  superstition.  Dis- 
playing, in  private  life,  that  moderation  and  suavity  of  manners 
which  liberal  studies  usually  inspire,!  he  was  accessory  to  the 
public  measures  of  a  reign  disgraced  throughout  by  the  mpst 
shocking  barbarities.  Claiming  our  praise  for  honesty  by  oppos- 
ing in  parliament  innovations  which  his  judgment  condemned, 
he  forfeited  it  by  the  most  tame  acquiescence  and  ample  confor- 
mity ;  thereby  maintaining  his  station  amidst  all  the  revolutions 
of  religion  during  three  successive  reigns.  He  had  paid  little 
attention  to  the  science  immediately  connected  with  his  profes- 
sion, and  most  probably  was  indifferent  to  the  controversies  then 
agitated;  but,  living  in  an  age  in  which  it  was  necessary  for  every 
man  to  choose  his  side,  he  adhered  to  those  opinions  which  had 
been  long  established,  and  which  were  friendly  to  the  power  and 
splendour  of  the  ecclesiastical  order.  As  if  anxious  to  atone  for 
his  fault,  in  having  been  instrumental  in  producing  a  breach 
between  England  and  the  Roman  see,  he  opposed  in  parliament 
all  the  subsequent  changes.  Opposition  awakened  his  zeal ;  he 
became  at  last  a  strenuous  advocate  for  the  popish  tenets  ;  and 
wrote  a  book  in  defence  of  tran substantiation,  of  which,  says 
Bishop  Burnet,  "  the  Latin  style  is  better  than  the  divinity." 

The  labours  of  one  who  exerted  himself  to  overthrow  what 
the  bishop  wished  to  support,  could  not  fail  to  be  very  disagree- 
able to  Tonstal.  As  Knox  acted  under  the  authority  of  the 
protector  and  council,  he  durst  not  inhibit  him;  but  he  was 
disposed  to  listen  to  the  informations  which  were  lodged  against 
him  by  the  clergy.  Although  the  town  of  Berwick  was  Knox's 
principal  station  during  the  years  1549  and  1550,  it  is  probable 


*  Knox,  Historie,  p.  289. 

f  Sir  Thomas  More,  in  one  of  his  letters  to  Erasmus,  gives  the  following 
character  of  Tonstal : — "  Ut  nemo  est  omnihusbonisliteris  instructior,  nemo 
vita  moribusque  severior,  ita  nemo  est  usquam  in  convictu  jucundior." 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  65 

tnat  he  was  appointed  to  preach  occasionally  in  the  adjacent 
country.  Whether,  in  the  course  of  his  itinerancy,  he  had 
preached  in  Newcastle,  or  whether  he  was  called  up  to  it  in 
consequence  of  complaints  against  the  sermons  which  he  had 
delivered  at  Berwick,  it  is  difficult  to  ascertain.  It  is,  however, 
certain,  that  a  charge  was  exhibited  against  him  before  the 
bishop,  for  teaching  that  the  sacrifice  of  the  mass  was  idola- 
trous, and  that  a  day  was  appointed  for  him  publicly  to  assign 
his  reasons  for  this  opinion. 

Accordingly,  on  the  4th  of  April,  1550,  a  large  assembly 
being  convened  in  Newcastle,  among  whom  were  the  members 
of  the  council,*  the  Bishop  of  Durham,  and  the  learned  men 
of  his  cathedral,  Knox  delivered  in  their  presence  an  ample 
defence  of  his  doctrine.  After  an  appropriate  exordium,  in 
which  he  stated  to  the  audience  the  occasion  and  design  of  his 
appearance,  and  cautioned  them  against  the  powerful  preju- 
dices of  education  and  custom  in  favour  of  erroneous  opinions 
and  corrupt  practices  in  religion,  he  proceeded  to  establish  the 
doctrine  which  he  had  taught.  The  manner  in  which  he  treated 
the  subject  was  well  adapted  to  his  auditory,  which  was  com- 
posed both  of  the  learned  and  the  illiterate.  He  proposed  his 
arguments  in  the  syllogistic  form,  according  to  the  practice  of 
the  schools,  but  illustrated  them  with  a  plainness  level  to  the 
meanest  capacity  among  his  hearers.  The  propositions  on 
which  he  rested  his  defence  are  very  descriptive  of  his  charac- 
teristic boldness  of  thinking  and  acting.  A  more  cautious  and 
timid  disputant  would  have  satisfied  himself  with  attacking  the 
grosser  notions  which  were  generally  entertained  by  the  people 
on  this  subject,  and  exposing  the  glaring  abuses  of  which  the 
priests  were  guilty  in  the  lucrative  sale  of  masses.  Knox 
scorned  to  occupy  himself  in  demolishing  these  feeble  and  fall- 
ing outworks,  and  proceeded  directly  to  establish  a  principle 
which  overthrew  the  whole  fabric  of  superstition.  He  engaged 
to  prove  that  the  mass,  "  even  in  her  most  high  degree,"  and 
when  stripped  of  the  meretricious  dress  in  which  she  now  ap- 
peared, was  an  idol  struck  from  the  inventive  brain  of  super- 
stition, which  had  supplanted  the  sacrament  of  the  supper,  and 
engrossed  the  honour  due  to  the  person  and  sacrifice  of  Jesus 
Christ.  "  Spare  no  arrows,"  was  Knox's  motto  ;  the  authority 
of  Scripture,  and  the  force  of  reasoning,  grave  reproof,  and 

*  Besides  the  great  council  which  managed  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom 
under  the  protector,  a  number  of  the  privy  counsellors  who  belonged  to  that 
part  of  the  country,  composed  a  subordinate  board,  called  "  the  council  of 
the  north."  The  members  here  referred  to  probably  belonged  to  this  coun- 
cil, and  not  to  the  town  council  of  Newcastle.  If  I  am  right  in  this  con- 
jecture, Knox  might  owe  to  them,  and  not  to  the  bishop,  the  liberty  of  this 
public  defence. 

6*  I 


66  LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX. 

pointed  irony,  were  weapons  which  he  alternately  employed. 
In  the  course  of  this  defence,  he  did  not  restrain  those  sallies  of 
raillery,  which  the  fooleries  of  the  popish  superstition  irresisti- 
bly provoke,  even  from  such  as  are  deeply  impressed  with  its 
pernicious  tendency.  Before  concluding  his  discourse,  he  ad- 
verted to  certain  doctrines  which  he  had  heard  in  that  place  on 
the  preceding  Sabbath,  the  falsehood  of  which  he  engaged  to 
demonstrate ;  but,  in  the  first  place,  he  said,  he  would  submit 
the  notes  of  the  sermon,  which  he  had  taken  down,  to  the 
preacher,  that  he  might  correct  them  as  he  saw  proper ;  for  his 
object  was  not  to  misrepresent,  or  captiously  entrap  a  speaker, 
by  catching  at  words  unadvisedly  uttered,  but  to  defend  the 
truth,  and  warn  his  hearers  against  errors  destructive  to  their 
souls.  The  defence,  as  drawn  up  by  Knox  himself,  is  now 
before  me  in  manuscript,  and  the  reader  who  wishes  a  more 
particular  account  of  its  contents,  will  find  it  in  the  notes.* 

This  defence  had  the  effect  of  extending  Knox's  fame  through 
the  north  of  England,  while  it  completely  silenced  the  bishop 
and  his  learned  assistants.!  He  continued  to  preach  at  Berwick 
during  the  remaining  part  of  this  year,  and  in  the  following 
was  removed  to  Newcastle,  and  placed  in  a  sphere  of  greater 
usefulness.  In  December,  1551,  the  privy  council  conferred 
on  him  a  mark  of  their  approbation,  by  appointing  him  one  of 
King  Edward's  chaplains  in  ordinary.  "  It  was  appointed," 
says  his  majesty,  in  a  journal  of  important  transactions  which 
he  wrote  with  his  own  hand,  "  that  I  should  have  six  chaplains 
ordinary,  of  which  two  ever  to  be  present,  and  four  absent  in 
preaching;  one  year,  two  in  Wales,  two  in  Lancashire  and 
Derby ;  next  year,  two  in  the  marches  of  Scotland,  and  two  in 
Yorkshire ;  the  third  year,  two  in  Norfolk  and  Essex,  and  two 
in  Kent  and  Sussex.  These  six  to  be  Bill,  Harle,J  Perne,  Grin- 


*  See  Note  P. 

f  The  compiler  of  the  account  of  Knox,  prefixed  to  the  edition  of  his 
History  printed  in  1732,  says,  that  the  MS.  containing  the  defence  bears, 
that  it  "  quite  silenced"  the  bishop  and  his  doctors.  But  that  writer  does 
not  appear  to  have  ever  seen  the  MS.,  which  contains  nothing  of  the  kind. 
The  fact,  however,  is  attested  by  the  Bishop  of  Ossory,  who  had  good  oppor- 
tunities of  knowing  the  truth,  and  who  is  accurate  in  his  account  of  other 
circumstances  relative  to  it.  His  words  are,  "  Et  4  die  Aprilis  ejusdem  anni 
[1550]  aperiens  in  concione  opinionem,  ejus  idolatrias  et  horrendas  blasphe- 
mias,  tarn  solidis  argumentis,  abominationem  esse  probabat,  ut,  cum  omnibus 
Bciolis,  Saturnius  ille  somniator  [Dunelmensis]  refragare  non  possit."  Baleus, 
De  Script.  Scot,  et  Hibern.  Art.  Knoxus. 

\  John  Harle  or  Harley,  was  afterwards  made  Bishop  of  Hereford,  May 
26,  1553.  Strype's  Cranmer,  p.  301.  A  late  writer  has  confounded  this 
Englishman  with  William  Harlowe,  who  was  minister  of  St.  Cuthbert's 
church,  near  Edinburgh.  Scott's  History  of  the  Reformers  in  Scotland,  p. 
242. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  67 

dal,  Bradford,  and ."  *     The  name  of  the  sixth  has  been 

dashed  out  of  the  journal,  but  the  industrious  Strype  has  shown 
that  it  was  Knox.t  "  These,  it  seems,  were  the  most  zealous 
and  readiest  preachers,  who  were  sent  about  as  itinerants,  to 
supply  the  defects  of  the  greatest  part  of  the  clergy,  who  were 
generally  very  faulty.":}:  An  annual  salary  of  forty  pounds 
was  allotted  to  each  of  the  chaplains.  § 

In  the  course  of  this  year,  Knox  was  consulted  about  the 
Book  of  Common  Prayer,  which  was  undergoing  a  revisal. 
On  that  occasion,  it  is  probable  that  he  was  called  up  for  a 
short  time  to  London.  Although  the  persons  who  had  the 
chief  direction  of  ecclesiastical  affairs  were  not  disposed,  or  did 
not  deem  it  as  yet  expedient,  to  introduce  that  thorough  reform 
which  he  judged  necessary,  in  order  to  reduce  the  worship  of 
the  English  Church  to  the  Scripture  model,  his  representations 
on  this  head  were  not  altogether  disregarded.  He  had  influ- 
ence to  procure  an  important  change  in  the  communion  office, 
completely  excluding  the  notion  of  the  corporal  presence  of 
Christ  in  the  sacrament,  and  guarding  against  the  adoration  of 
the  Elements,  which  was  too  much  countenanced  by  the  prac- 
tice, still  continued,  of  kneeling  at  their  reception.  ||  In  his 
Admonition  to  the  Professors  of  the  Truth  in  England,  Knox 
speaks  of  these  amendments  with  great  satisfaction.  "  Also 
God  gave  boldness  and  knowledge  to  the  court  of  parliament 
to  take  away  the  round  clipped  god,  wherein  standeth  all  the 
holiness  of  the  Papists,  and  to  command  common  bread  to  be 
used  at  the  Lord's  table,  and  also  to  take  away  the  most  part 
of  superstitions  (kneeling  at  the  Lord's  table  excepted)  which 
before  profaned  Christ's  true  religion."  These  alterations  gave 
great  offence  to  the  Papists.  In  a  disputation  with  Latimer, 
after  the  accession  of  Queen  Mary,  the  prolocutor,  Dr.  Weston, 
complained  of  our  countryman's  influence  in  procuring  them . 

*  King  Edward's  Journal,  apud  Burnet,  ii.  Records,  p.  42. 

f  Memorials  of  the  Reformation,  ii.  297.  Memor.  of  Cranmer,  p.  292. 
Burnet,  iii.  212.  Records,  420,  422. 

t  Burnet,  ii.  171. 

§  Strype's  Memor.  of  Reform,  ut  supra.  Life  of  Grindal,  p.  7.  Mr. 
Strype  says,  that  the  number  of  chaplains  was  afterwards  reduced  to  four, 
Bradford  and  Knox  being  dropped  from  the  list.  But  both  of  these  preached 
in  their  turn  before  the  court,  in  the  year  1553.  And  in  the  council  book  a 
warrant  is  granted,  October  27,  1552,  to  four  gentlemen,  to  pay  to  Knox, 
"  his  majesty's  preacher  in  the  north,  forty  pounds,  as  his  majesty's  reward." 
Strype's  Cranmer,  292.  This  salary  he  retained  until  the  death  of  Edward  : 
for,  in  a  letter  written  by  him  at  the  time  he  left  England,  he  says,  "  Ather 
the  queen's  majestic,  or  sum  thesaurer,  will  be  40  pounds  rycher  by  me,  sae 
meikle  lack  I  of  the  dutie  of  my  patentis ;  but  that  littil  trublis  me."  MS. 
Letters,  p.  286. 

H  See  Note  Q. 


68  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

"  A  rurm agate  Scot  did  take  away  the  adoration  or  worship- 
ping of  Christ  in  the  sacrament,  by  whose  procurement  that 
heresy  was  put  into  the  last  communion  book ;  so  much  pre- 
vailed that  one  man's  authority  at  that  time."  *  In  the  follow- 
ing year,  he  was  employed  in  revising  the  Articles  of  Religion, 
previous  to  their  ratification  by  parliament. t 

During  his  residence  at  Berwick,  he  had  formed  an  acquaint- 
ance with  Marjory  Bowes,  a  young  lady,  who  afterwards  be- 
came his  wife.  Her  father,  Richard  Bowes,  was  the  youngest 
son  of  Sir  Ralph  Bowes  of  Streatlem ;  her  mother  was  Eliza- 
beth, the  daughter  and  one  of  the  co-heirs  of  Sir  Roger  Aske 
of  Aske4  Before  he  left  Berwick,  Knox  had  paid  his  addresses 
to  this  young  lady,  and  met  with  a  favourable  reception.  Her 
mother  also  was  friendly  to  the  match ;  but,  owing  to  some 
reason,  most  probably  the  presumed  aversion  of  her  father,  it 
was  deemed  prudent  to  delay  solemnizing  the  union.  But 
having  come  under  a  formal  promise  to  her,  he  considered  him- 
self, from  that  time,  as  sacredly  bound,  and  in  his  letters  to  Mrs. 
Bowes  always  addressed  that  lady  by  the  name  of  mother.  § 

Without  derogating  from  the  praise  justly  due  to  those  worthy 
men  who  were  at  this  time  employed  in  disseminating  religious 
truth  through  England,  I  may  say,  that  our  countryman  was  not 
behind  the  first  of  them,  in  the  unwearied  assiduity  with  which 
he  laboured  in  the  stations  assigned  to  him.  From  an  early 
period  his  mind  seems  to  have  presaged,  that  the  golden  oppor- 
tunity now  enjoyed  would  not  be  of  long  duration.  He  was 
eager  to  "redeem  the  time,"  and  indefatigable  both  in  his  studies 

*  Fox,  p.  1326.  Strype  questions  the  truth  of  Weston's  statement,  and 
says  that  Knox  "  was  hardly  come  into  England  (at  least  any  further  than 
Newcastle)  at  this  time."  Annals,  iii.  117.  But  we  have  already  seen  that 
he  arrived  in  England  as  early  as  the  beginning  of  1549. 

t  "  October  2,  (1552),  a  letter  was  directed  to  Messrs.  Harley,  Bill,  Horn, 
Grindal,  Pern,  and  Knox,  to  consider  certain  articles  exhibited  to  the  king's 
majesty,  to  be  subscribed  by  all  such  as  shall  be  admitted  to  be  preachers  or 
ministers  in  any  part  of  the  realm ;  and  to  make  report  of  their  opinions 
touching  the  same."  Council  book,  apud  Strype's  Cranmer,  p.  273.  Their 
report  was  returned  before  the  20th  of  November,  ibid.  p.  301.  Burnet 
says,  the  order  was  given  Oct.  20.  History,  iii.  212.  The  articles  agreed 
to  at  this  time  were  forty-two.  In  1562,  they  were  reduced  to  thirty-nine, 
their  present  number. 

I  See  the  pedigree  of  the  family  of  Bowes  among  the  original  papers  at 
the  end  of  the  work. 

§  From  this  appellation  in  the  MS.  letters,  I  concluded  that  Knox  was 
married  to  Miss  Bowes  before  he  left  Berwick,  until  I  met  with  one  of  his 
printed  works,  to  which  a  letter  from  him  to  Mrs.  Bowes  is  added.  On  the 
margin  of  this,  opposite  to  a  place  in  which  he  had  called  her  mother,  is 
this  note :  "  I  had  maid  faithful  promise,  before  witness,  to  Mariorie  Bowes, 
her  daughter,  so  as  she  took  me  for  sone,  I  hartly  embrased  her  as  my  mo- 
ther." Knox's  Answer  to  Tyrie,  the  Jesuit.  F.  ij. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  69 

and  in  teaching.  In  addition  to  his  ordinary  services  on  Sabbath, 
he  preached  regularly  on  week-days,  frequently  on  every  day  of 
the  week.*  Besides  the  portion  of  time  which  he  allotted  to 
study,  he  was  often  employed  in  conversing  with  persons  who 
applied  to  him  for  advice  on  religious  subjects.!  The  council 
were  not  insensible  to  the  value  of  his  services,  and  conferred  on 
him  several  marks  of  their  approbation.  They  wrote  different 
letters  to  the  governors  and  principal  inhabitants  of  the  places 
where  he  preached,  recommending  him  to  their  notice  and  pro- 
tection.:]: They  secured  him  in  the  regular  payment  of  his  salary 
until  he  should  be  provided  with  a  benefice.  §  And  out  of  respect 
to  him,  they,  in  September  1552,  granted  a  patent  to  his  brother, 
William  Knox,  a  merchant,  giving  him  liberty,  for  a  limited  time, 
to  trade  to  any  port  of  England,  in  a  vessel  of  a  hundred  tons 
burden.  1 1 

But  the  things  which  recommended  Knox  to  the  council, 
drew  upon  him  the  hatred  of  a  numerous  and  powerful  party  in 
the  northern  counties,  who  remained  addicted  to  Popery.  Irri- 
tated by  his  boldness  and  success  in  attacking  their  superstition, 
and  sensible  that  it  would  be  vain,  and  even  dangerous,  to  prefer 
an  accusation  against  him  on  that  ground,  they  watched  for  an 
opportunity  of  catching  at  something  in  his  discourses  or  beha- 
viour, which  they  might  improve  to  his  disadvantage.  He  had 
long  observed,  with  great  anxiety,  the  impatience  with  which  the 
Papists  submitted  to  the  present  government,  and  their  eager 

*  MS.  Letters,  pp.  265,  276.  f  Ibid,  passim. 

|  They  wrote  a  letter  in  commendation  of  him,  Dec.  9,  1552,  to  Lord 
Wharton,  deputy  warden  of  the  Borders.  During  the  following  year,  when 
he  was  employed  in  Buckinghamshire,  in  order  to  secure  greater  acceptance 
and  respect  to  him  in  that  county,  the  council  wrote  in  his  favour  to  Lords 
Russel  and  Windsor,  to  the  justices  of  the  peace,  and  to  several  other  gen- 
tlemen. Strype's  Cranmer,  p.  292. 

§  Strype's  Memor.  of  the  Reformation,  ii.  533. 

||  Bishop  Burnet,  and  Mr.  Strype  (Memor.  of  Reform,  ii.  299),  who  have 
recorded  this  fact,  conjectured  that  the  patentee  was  a  relation  of  our  Re- 
former. That  he  was  his  brother,  is  evident  from  Knox's  letters,  which 
mention  his  being  in  England  about  this  time.  In  a  letter  written  in  1553, 
he  says :  "  My  brother,  Williame  Knox,  is  presentlie  with  me.  What  ye 
wald  haif  frome  Scotland,  let  me  knaw  this  Monunday  at  nycht ;  for  hie 
must  depart  on  Tyisday."  MS.  Letters,  p.  271.  Perhaps  the  same  person 
is  referred  to  in  the  following  extract  from  another  letter :  "  My  brother 
hath  communicat  his  haill  hart  with  me,  and  I  persave  the  mychtie  opera- 
tion of  God.  And  sa  let  us  be  establissit  in  his  infinit  gudnes  and  maist 
sure  promissis."  Ib.  p.  266. 

William  Knox  afterwards  became  a  preacher,  and  was  minister  of  Cock- 
pen,  in  Mid- Lothian,  after  the  establishment  of  the  Reformation  in  Scotland. 
No  fewer  than  fourteen  ministers  of  the  Church  of  Scotland  are  numbered 
among  his  descendants.  Genealogical  Account  of  the  Knoxes,  apud  Scott's 
History  of  the  Reformers  in  Scotland,  p.  152. 


70  LIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

desires  for  any  change  which  might  lead  to  the  overthrow  of  the 
Protestant  religion, — desires  which  were  expressed  by  them  in 
the  north,  without  that  reserve  which  prudence  dictated  in  places 
adjacent  to  the  seat  of  authority.  He  had  witnessed  the  joy 
with  which  they  received  the  news  of  the  protector's  fall,  and 
was  no  stranger  to  the  satisfaction  with  which  they  circulated 
prognostications  as  to  the  speedy  demise  of  the  king.  In  a  sermon 
preached  by  him  about  Christmas  1552,  he  gave  vent  to  his 
feelings  on  this  subject ;  and,  lamanting  the  obstinacy  of  the 
Papists,  asserted,  that  such  as  were  enemies  to  the  gospel  then 
preached  in  England,  were  secret  traitors  to  the  crown  and 
commonwealth,  thirsted  for  nothing  more  than  his  majesty's 
death,  and  cared  not  who  should  reign  over  them,  provided  they 
got  their  idolatry  again  erected.  The  freedom  of  this  speech 
was  immediately  laid  hold  of  by  his  enemies,  and  transmitted, 
with  many  aggravations,  to  some  great  men  about  court,  secretly 
in  their  interest,  who,  thereupon,  accused  him  of  high  misde- 
meanours before  the  privy  council.* 

In  taking  this  step,  they  were  not  a  little  encouraged  by  their 
knowledge  of  the  sentiments  of  the  Duke  of  Northumberland, 
who  had  lately  come  down  to  his  charge  as  warden-general  of  the 
northern  marches.t  This  ambitious  and  unprincipled  nobleman 
had  affected  much  zeal  for  the  reformed  religion,  that  he  might 
the  more  easily  attain  the  highest  preferment  in  the  State,  which 
he  had  recently  secured  by  the  ruin  of  the  Duke  of  Somerset, 
the  protector  of  the  kingdom.  Knox  had  offended  him  by 
publicly  lamenting  the  fall  of  Somerset  as  dangerous  to  the  Re- 
formation, of  which  this  nobleman  had  always  shown  himself  a 
zealous  friend,  however  blamable  his  conduct  might  have  been 
in  other  respects.^  Nor  could  the  freedom  which  the  preacher 
used  in  reproving  from  the  pulpit  the  vices  of  great  as  well  as 
small,  fail  to  be  displeasing  to  a  man  of  Northumberland's 
character.  On  these  accounts,  the  duke  was  desirous  to  have 
Knox  removed  from  that  quarter,  and  had  actually  applied  for 
this,  by  a  letter  to  the  council,  previous  to  the  occurrence  just 
mentioned,  alleging,  as  a  pretext  for  this,  that  great  numbers  of 

*  MS.  Letters,  p.  193.  Knox's  Admonition  to  the  Professors  of  the  Truth 
in  England,  p.  61,  apud  History,  Edin.  1644,  4to. 

f  The  Earl  of  Warwick,  now  created  Duke  of  Northumberland,  was  ap- 
pointed warden-general  of  the  northern  marches  in  October  1551.  But 
being  occupied  in  securing  his  interest  at  court,  he  got  himself  excused 
from  going  north  until  June  1552.  Strype's  Memor.  of  the  Reformation,  ii. 
282,  339. 

|  MS.  Letters,  pp.  112,  173.  Admonition,  p.  51,  apud  History,  Edin- 
burgh, 1644.  Knox  considered  that  the  Papists  had  a  secret  hand  in  foment- 
ing those  dissensions  which  led  to  the  condemnation  and  death  of  the  pro- 
tector. Nor  were  his  suspicions  ill-founded.  See  Strype's  Memor.  of  the 
Reform,  ii.  303—7. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  71 

Scotsmen  resorted  to  him ;  as  if  any  real  danger  was  to  be 
apprehended  from  this  intercourse  with  a  man,  of  whose  fidelity 
the  existing  government  had  so  many  strong  pledges,  and  who 
uniformly  employed  all  his  influence  to  remove  the  prejudices 
of  his  countrymen  against  England.* 

In  consequence  of  the  charge  exhibited  against  him  to  the 
council,  he  was  summoned  to  repair  immediately  to  London,  and 
answer  for  his  conduct.  The  following  extract  of  a  letter, 
written  by  him  to  Miss  Bowes,t  will  show  the  state  of  his  mind 
on  receiving  this  citation.  "  Urgent  necessity  will  not  suffer 
that  I  testify  my  mind  unto  you.  My  Lord  of  Westmoreland  £ 
has  written  unto  me  this  Wednesday,  at  six  of  the  clock  at 
night,  immediately  thereafter  to  repair  unto  him,  as  I  will 
answer  at  my  peril.  I  could  not  obtain  licence  to  remain  the 
time  of  the  sermon  upon  the  morrow.  Blessed  be  God  who  does 
ratify  and  confirm  the  truth  of  his  word  from  time  to  time,  as 
our  weakness  shall  require !  Your  adversary,  sister,  doth  labour, 
that  you  should  doubt  whether  this  be  the  word  of  God  or  not. 
If  there  had  never  been  testimonial  of  the  undoubted  truth 
thereof  before  these  our  ages,  may  not  such  things  as  we  see 
daily  come  to  pass  prove  the  verity  thereof  ?  Doth  it  not  affirm, 
that  it  shall  be  preached,  and  yet  contemned  and  lightly  regarded 
by  many ;  that  the  true  professors  thereof  shall  be  hated  by 
father,  mother,  and  others  of  the  contrary  religion ;  that  the 
most  faithful  shall  be  persecuted  ?  And  cometh  not  all  these 
things  to  pass  in  ourselves  ?  Rejoice,  sister,  for  the  same  word 
that  forespeaketh  trouble  doth  certify  us  of  the  glory  consequent. 
As  for  myself,  albeit  the  extremity  should  now  apprehend  me,  it 
is  not  come  unlocked  for.  But,  alas  !  I  fear  that  yet  I  be  not 
ripe,  nor  able  to  glorify  Christ  by  my  death ;  but  what  lacketh 
now,  God  shall  perform  in  his  own  time.  Be  sure  I  will  not 

*  The  duke's  letter  was  dated  Nov.  23,  1552.  Hayne's  State  Papers, 
p.  136.  Brand's  History  of  Newcastle,  p.  304.  Redpath's  Border  History, 
p.  577. 

t  A  great  number  of  his  letters  in  the  MS.  are  superscribed  "  to  his  sis- 
ter." It  appears  from  internal  evidence,  that  this  was  a  daughter  of  Mrs. 
Bowes ;  and,  although  I  cannot  be  positive,  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  she 
was  the  young  lady  whom  he  married.  One  letter  has  this  superscription, 
"  To  Mariorie  Bowes,  who  was  his  first  wife."  In  it  he  addresses  her  by 
the  name  of  Sister,  and  at  the  close  says,  "  I  think  this  be  the  first  letter 
that  I  ever  wrait  to  you."  MS.  Letters,  p.  335.  But  there  is  no  date  by 
which  to  compare  it  with  other  letters. 

|  Henry  Nevyl,  Earl  of  Westmoreland,  was,  by  the  interest  of  the  Duke 
of  Northumberland,  admitted  a  member  of  the  privy  council  in  1552.  He 
was  also  a  member  of  the  council  for  the  north,  and  lord  lieutenant  of  the 
bishopric  of  Durham.  His  private  character  was  indifferent.  Strype's 
Memor.  of  the  Reformation,  ii.  401,  457 — 9. 


72  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

forget  you  and  your  company,  so  long  as  mortal  man  may  re- 
member any  earthly  creature."* 

Upon  reaching  London,  he  found  that  his  enemies  had  been 
uncommonly  industrious  in  their  endeavours  to  excite  prejudices 
against  him.  But  the  council,  after  hearing  his  defence,  were 
convinced  of  the  malice  of  his  accusers,  and  gave  him  an 
honourable  acquittal.  He  was  employed  to  preach  before  the 
court,  and  his  sermons  gave  great  satisfaction  to  his  majesty, 
who  contracted  a  favour  for  him,  and  was  anxious  to  have  him 
promoted  in  the  Church.t  The  council  resolved  that  he  should 
preach  in  London  and  the  southern  counties  during  the  following 
year ;  but  they  allowed  him  to  return  for  a  short  time  to  New- 
castle, either  that  he  might  settle  his  aifairs  in  the  north,  or  that 
a  public  testimony  might  be  borne  to  his  innocence  in  the  place 
where  it  had  been  attacked.  In  a  letter  to  his  sister,  dated 
Newcastle,  23d  March  1553,  we  find  him  writing  as  follows  : 
"  Look  farther  of  this  matter  in  the  other  letter,^  written  unto 
you  at  such  time  as  many  thought  I  should  never  write  after  to 
man.  Heinous  were  the  delations  laid  against  me,  arid  many 
are  the  lies  that  are  made  to  the  council.  But  God  one  day 
shall  destroy  all  lying  tongues,  and  shall  deliver  his  servants 
from  calamity.  I  look  but  one  day  or  other  to  fall  in  their 
hands ;  for  more  and  more  rageth  the  members  of  the  devil 
against  me.  This  assault  of  Satan  has  been  to  his  confusion, 
and  to  the  glory  of  God.  And  therefore,  sister,  cease  not  to 
praise  God,  and  to  call  for  my  comfort ;  for  great  is  the  multi- 
tude of  enemies,  whom  every  one  the  Lord  shall  confound.  I 
intend  not  to  depart  from  Newcastle  before  Easter." 

His  confinement  in  the  French  Galleys,  together  with  his 
labours  in  England,  had  considerably  impaired  the  vigour  of  his 
constitution,  and  brought  on  the  gravel.  In  the  course  of  the 
year  1553,  he  endured  several  violent  attacks  of  this  acute 
disorder,  accompanied  with  severe  pain  in  his  head  and  stomach. 
"  My  daily  labours  must  now  increase,"  says  he,  in  the  letter 
last  quoted,  "  and  therefore  spare  me  as  much  as  you  may.  My 
old  malady  troubles  me  sore,  and  nothing  is  more  contrarious  to 
my  health  than  writing.  Think  not  that  I  weary  to  visit  you  ; 
but  unless  my  pain  shall  cease,  I  will  altogether  become  unpro- 
fitable. Work,  0  Lord,  even  as  pleaseth  thy  infinite  goodness, 
and  relax  the  troubles,  at  thy  own  pleasure,  of  such  as  seeketh 
thy  glory  to  shine.  Amen!"§  In  another  letter  to  the  same 
correspondent,  he  writes  :  "  The  pain  of  my  head  and  stomach 

*  MS.  Letters,  p.  267—9. 

f  MS.  Letters,  p.  112.     Melchior  Adam,  Vitas  Theolog.  Ext.  p.  137. 

|  The  letter  last  quoted.    MS.  Letters,  p.  273 — 4,  compared  with  p.  268. 

§  MS.  Letters,  p.  276. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  73 

troubles  me  greatly.  Daily  I  find  my  body  decay  ;  but  the  pro- 
vidence of  my  G  od  shall  not  be  frustrate.  I  am  charged  to  be 
at  Widdrington  upon  Sunday,  where,  I  think,  I  shall  also 
remain  Monday.  The  Spirit  of  the  Lord  Jesus  rest  with  you. 
Desire  such  faithful  with  whom  ye  communicate  your  mind,  to 
pray  that,  at  the  pleasure  of  our  good  God,  my  dolour  both  of 
body  and  spirit  may  be  relieved  somewhat ;  for  presently  it  is 
very  bitter.  Never  found  I  the  spirit,  I  praise  my  God,  so 
abundant,  where  God's  glory  ought  to  be  declared  ;  and,  there- 
fore, 1  am  sure  there  abides  something  that  yet  we  see  not."* 
"  Your  messenger/'  says  he,  in  another  letter,  "  found  me  in 
bed,  after  a  sore  trouble  and  most  dolorous  night ;  and  so  dolour 
may  complain  to  dolour  when  we  two  meet.  But  the  infinite 
goodness  of  God,  who  never  despiseth  the  petitions  of  a  sore 
troubled  heart,  shall,  at  his  good  pleasure,  put  end  to  these  pains 
that  we  presently  suffer,  and,  in  place  thereof,  shall  crown  us 
with  glory  and  immortality  for  ever.  But,  dear  sister,  I  am 
even  of  mind  with  faithful  Job,  yet  more  sore  tormented,  that 
my  pain  shall  have  no  end  in  this  life.  The  power  of  God  may, 
against  the  purpose  of  my  heart,  alter  such  things  as  appear  not 
to  be  altered,  as  he  did  unto  Job  ;  but  dolour  and  pain,  with 
sore  anguish,  cries  the  contrary.  And  this  is  more  plain  than 
ever  I  spake,  to  let  you  know  ye  have  a  fellow  and  companion 
in  trouble.  And  thus  rest  in  Christ ;  for  the  head  of  the 
serpent  is  already  broken  down,  and  he  is  stinging  us  upon  the 
heel."t 

About  the  beginning  of  April,  1553,  he  returned  to  London. 
In  the  month  of  February  preceding,  Archbishop  Cranmer  had 
been  directed  by  the  council  to  present  him  to  the  vacant  living 
of  All-Hallows,  in  the  city.J  This  proposal,  which  originated 
in  the  personal  favour  of  the  young  king,  was  very  disagreeable 
to  Northumberland,  who  exerted  himself  privately  to  hinder 
the  appointment.  But  the  interference  of  this  nobleman  was 
unnecessary ;  for  Knox  declined  the  living  when  it  was  offered 
to  him,  and,  being  questioned  as  to  his  reasons,  readily  acknow- 
ledged that  he  had  not  freedom  in  his  mind  to  accept  of  a  fixed 
charge  in  the  present  state  of  the  English  Church.  His  refusal, 
with  the  reasons  which  he  had  assigned  for  it,  gave  offence, 
and,  on  the  14th  of  April,  he  was  called  before  the  privy  coun- 
cil. There  were  present  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  Good- 
rick  Bishop  of  Ely  and  Lord  Chancellor,  the  Earls  of  Bedford, 
Northampton,  and  Shrewsbury,  the  Lords  Treasurer  and  Cham- 
berlain, and  the  two  Secretaries  of  State.  They  asked  him, 
why  he  had  refused  the  benefice  provided  for  him  in  London. 

*  Ibid.  p.  260—1.  f  MS.  Letters,  p.  262. 

|  Strype's  Cranmer,  p.  292. 

7  K 


74  LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX. 

He  answered,  that  he  was  fully  satisfied  that  he  could  be  more 
useful  to  the  Church  in  another  situation.  Being  interrogated, 
if  it  was  his  opinion,  that  no  person  could  lav/fully  serve  in 
ecclesiastical  ministrations  according  to  the  present  laws  of  that 
realm,  he  frankly  replied,  that  there  were  many  things  in  the 
English  Church  which  needed  reformation,  and  that  unless  they 
were  reformed,  ministers  could  not,  in  his  opinion,  discharge 
their  office  conscientiously  in  the  sight  of  God :  for  no  minister 
had  authority,  according  to  the  existing  laws,  to  prevent  the 
unworthy  from  participating  of  the  sacraments,  which  was  "  a 
chief  point  of  his  office."  Being  asked,  if  kneeling  at  the  Lord's 
table  was  not  a  matter  of  indifference,  he  replied,  that  Christ's 
action  at  the  communion  was  most  perfect,  and  in  it  no  such 
posture  was  used ;  that  it  was  most  safe  to  follow  his  example ; 
and  that  kneeling  was  an  addition  and  invention  of  men.  On 
this  article,  there  was  a  smart  dispute  between  him  and  some 
of  the  members  of  the  council.  After  long  reasoning,  he  was 
told  that  they  had  not  sent  for  him  with  any  bad  design,  but 
were  sorry  to  understand  that  he  was  of  a  judgment  contrary 
to  the  common  order.  He  said  he  was  sorry  that  the  common 
order  was  contrary  to  Christ's  institution.  The  council  dis- 
missed him  with  soft  words,  advising  him  to  use  all  means  for 
removing  the  dislike  which  he  had  conceived  to  some  of  the 
forms  of  their  Church,  and  to  reconcile  his  mind,  if  possible,  to 
the  idea  of  communicating  according  to  the  established  rites.* 

Scruples  which  had  resisted  the  force  of  authority  and  argu- 
ment, have  often  been  found  to  yield  to  the  more  powerful 
influence  of  lucrative  and  honourable  situations.  But  whether, 
with  some,  we  shall  consider  Knox's  conduct  on  this  occasion 
as  indicating  the  poverty  of  his  spirit,!  or  shall  regard  it  as  a 
proof  of  true  independence  of  mind,  the  prospect  of  elevation 
to  the  episcopal  bench  could  not  overcome  the  repugnance 
which  he  felt  to  a  closer  connection  with  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land. Edward  VI.,  with  the  concurrence  of  his  privy  council, 
offered  him  a  bishopric.  But  he  rejected  it ;  and  in  the  reasons 
which  he  gave  for  his  refusal,  declared  the  episcopal  office  to 

*  The  account  of  his  examination  before  the  council  is  taken  from  a  letter 
of  Knox,  the  substance  of  which  has  been  inserted  by  Calderwood,  in  his 
MS.  History,  and  by  Strype,  in  his  Memorials  of  the  Reformation,  vol.  ii. 
p.  400. 

t  Luther  having  rejected  with  disdain  the  great  offers  by  which  Alexan- 
der, the  papal  legate,  attempted  to  gain  him  over  to  the  court  of  Rome, 
"He  is  a  ferocious  brute,"  exclaimed  the  legate,  equally  confounded  and 
disappointed,  "  whom  nothing  can  soften,  and  who  regards  riches  and  hon- 
ours as  mere  dirt ;  otherwise  the  pope  would  long  ago  have  loaded  him  with 
favours."— Beaiisobre's  History  of  the  Reformation,  i.  395 — 6.  Macaulay's 
Translation. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  75 

be  destitute  of  divine  authority  in  itself,  and  its  exercise  in  the 
English  Church  to  be  inconsistent  with  the  ecclesiastical  canons. 
This  is  attested  by  Beza,  a  contemporary  author.*  Knox  him- 
self, in  one  of  his  treatises,  speaks  of  the  "high  promotions" 
offered  him  by  Ed  ward  ;t  and  we  shall  find  him,  at  a  later 
period  of  his  life,  expressly  asserting  that  he  had  refused  a  bish- 
opric. Tonstal  having  been  sequestered  upon  a  charge  of  mis- 
prision  of  treason,  the  council  came  to  a  resolution,  about  this 
time,  to  divide  his  extensive  diocese  into  two  bishoprics,  the 
seat  of  one  of  which  was  to  be  at  Durham,  and  of  the  other  at 
Newcastle.  Ridley,  Bishop  of  London,  was  to  be  translated 
to  the  former,  and  it  is  highly  probable  that  Knox  was  intended 
for  the  latter.  "  He  was  offered  a  bishopric,"  says  Brand,  "  pro- 
bably the  new  founded  one  at  Newcastle,  which  he  refused — 
revera  noluit  episcopari."  $ 

It  may  be  proper,  in  this  place,  to  give  a  more  particular 
account  of  Knox's  sentiments  respecting  the  English  Church. 
The  reformation  of  religion,  it  is  well  known,  was  conducted 
on  very  different  principles  in  England  and  in  Scotland,  both 
as  to  worship  and  ecclesiastical  polity.  In  England,  the  papal 
supremacy  was  transferred  to  the  prince ;  the  hierarchy,  being 
subjected  to  the  civil  power,  was  suffered  to  remain,  and,  the 
grosser  superstitions  having  been  removed,  the  principal  forms 
of  the  ancient  worship  were  retained ;  whereas,  in  Scotland,  all 
of  these  were  discarded,  as  destitute  of  divine  authority,  unpro- 
fitable, burdensome,  or  savouring  of  Popery,  and  the  worship 
and  government  of  the  Church  were  reduced  to  the  primitive 
standard  of  scriptural  simplicity.  The  influence  of  Knox  in 
recommending  this  establishment  to  his  countrymen,  is  univer- 
sally allowed ;  but,  as  he  officiated  for  a  considerable  time  in 
the  Church  of  England,  and  on  this  account  was  supposed  to 
have  been  pleased  with  its  constitution,  it  has  been  usually  said, 
that  he  afterwards  contracted  a  dislike  to  it  during  his  exile  on 
the  Continent,  and  having  imbibed  the  sentiments  of  Calvin, 
brought  them  along  with  him  to  his  native  country,  and  organ- 
ized the  Scottish  Church  after  the  Genevan  model.  This  state- 
ment is  inaccurate.  His  objections  to  the  English  liturgy  were 
increased  and  strengthened  during  his  residence  on  the  Conti- 
nent ;  but  they  existed  before  that  time.  His  judgment  respect- 
ing ecclesiastical  government  and  discipline  was  matured  during 
that  period,  but  his  radical  sentiments  on  these  heads  were 
formed  long  before  he  saw  Calvin,  or  had  any  intercourse  with 

*  Bezse  Icones,  Ee  iij.  See  also  Verheideni  Effigies,  pp.  92,  93.  Melch. 
Adam,  p.  137. 

|  MS.  Letters,  p.  73.     The  passage  will  afterwards  be  quoted.  ' 

|  History  of  Newcastle,  p.  304.     Surtee's  Durham,  vol.  i.  p.  70. 


76  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

the  foreign  reformers.  At  Geneva  he  saw  a  Church,  which, 
upon  the  whole,  corresponded  with  his  idea  of  the  divinely  au- 
thorized pattern ;  but  he  did  not  indiscriminately  approve,  nor 
servilely  imitate,  either  that  or  any  other  existing  establish- 
ment.* 

As  early  as  the  year  1547,  he  taught,  in  his  first  sermons  at 
St.  Andrews,  that  no  mortal  man  could  be  head  of  the  Church ; 
there  were  no  true  bishops,  but  such  as  preached  personally 
without  a  substitute  ;  that  in  religion  men  were  bound  to  regu- 
late themselves  by  divine  laws ;  and  that  the  sacraments  ought 
to  be  administered  exactly  according  to  the  institution  and  ex- 
ample of  Christ.  We  have  seen  that,  in  a  solemn  disputation 
in  the  same  place,  he  maintained  that  the  Church  has  no  au- 
thority, on  pretext  of  decorating  divine  service,  to  devise  reli- 
gious ceremonies,  and  impose  upon  them  arbitrary  significa- 
tions.! This  position  he  also  defended  in  the  year  1550,  at 
Newcastle,  and  on  his  subsequent  appearance  before  the  privy 
council  at  London.  It  was  impossible  that  the  English  Church, 
in  any  of  the  shapes  which  it  assumed,  could  stand  the  test  of 
these  principles.  The  ecclesiastical  supremacy,  the  various 
orders  and  dependencies  of  the  hierarchy,  crossing  in  baptism, 
and  kneeling  in  the  eucharist,  with  other  ceremonies — the  theat- 
rical dress,  the  mimical  gestures,  the  vain  repetitions  used  in 
religious  service,  were  all  condemned  and  repudiated  by  the 
cardinal  principle  to  which  he  steadily  adhered,  that,  in  the 
Church  of  Christ,  and  especially  in  the  acts  of  worship,  every 
thing  ought  to  be  arranged  and  conducted,  not  by  the  pleasure 
and  appointment  of  men,  but  according  to  the  dictates  of  in- 
spired wisdom  and  authority. 

He  rejoiced  that  liberty  and  encouragement  were  given  to 
preach  the  pure  word  of  God  throughout  the  extensive  realm, 
of  England;  that  idolatry  and  gross  superstition  were  sup- 
pressed ;  and  that  the  rulers  were  disposed  to  support  the  Refor- 
mation, and  even  to  carry  it  farther  than  had  yet  been  done. 
Considering  the  character  of  the  greater  part  of  the  clergy,  the 
extreme  paucity  of  useful  preachers,  and  other  hinderances  to 
the  introduction  of  the  primitive  order  and  discipline  of  the 
Church,  he  acquiesced  in  the  authority  exercised  by  a  part  of 
the  bishops,  under  the  direction  of  the  privy  council,  and  en- 

*  The  churches  of  Geneva  and  Scotland  did  not  agree  in  all  points. 
Though  holydays  were  abolished  in  Geneva  at  the  commencement  of  the 
Reformation,  the  observance  of  a  number  of  them  was  very  soon  restored, 
and  has  always  continued  in  that  Church ;  but  this  practice  was  wholly  re- 
jected by  the  Church  of  Scotland,  from  the  very  first  establishment  of  the 
Reformation,  and  its  introduction  has  always  been  vigorously  resisted  by  her 
Other  things  in  which  they  differed  might  easily  be  mentioned. 

f  Knox,  Historic,  pp.  72 — 74,  and  this  Life,  pp.  52,  53 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  77 

deavoured  to  strengthen  their  hands  in  the  advancement  of  the 
common  cause,  by  painful  preaching  in  the  stations  which  were 
assigned  to  him.  But  he  could  not  be  induced  to  contradict  or 
to  conceal  his  fixed  sentiments,  and  he  cautiously  avoided  com- 
ing under  engagements  by  which  he  must  have  assented  to 
what,  in  his  decided  judgment,  was  either  in  its  own  nature 
unlawful,  or  injurious  in  its  tendency  to  the  interests  of  religion. 
Upon  these  principles,  he  never  submitted  to  the  unlimited  use 
of  the  liturgy,  during  the  time  that  he  was  in  England,*  and 
refused  to  become  a  bishop,  or  to  accept  a  parochial  charge. 
When  he  perceived  that  the  progress  of  the  Reformation  was 
arrested  by  the  influence  of  a  popish  faction,  and  the  dictates 
of  a  temporizing  policy ;  that  abuses,  which  had  formerly  been 
acknowledged,  began  to  be  openly  vindicated  and  stiffly  main- 
tained ;  above  all,  when  he  saw,  after  the  accession  of  Eliza- 
beth, that  a  retrograde  course  was  taken,  and  a  yoke  of  cere- 
monies, more  grievous  than  that  which  the  most  sincere  Pro- 
testants had  formerly  complained  of,  was  imposed  and  enforced 
by  arbitrary  statutes,  he  judged  it  necessary  to  speak  in  a  tone 
of  more  decided  and  severe  reprehension. 

Among  other  things  which  he  censured  in  the  English  eccle- 
siastical establishment,  were  the  continuing  to  employ  a  great 
number  of  ignorant  and  insufficient  priests,  who  had  been  ac- 
customed to  nothing  but  saying  mass  and  singing  the  litany ; 
the  general  substitution  of  the  reading  of  homilies,  the  mum- 
bling of  prayers,  or  the  chanting  of  matins  and  even-song,  in 
the  place  of  preaching ;  the  formal  celebration  of  the  sacra- 
ments, unaccompanied  with  instruction  to  the  people ;  the  scan- 
dalous prevalence  of  pluralities ;  and  the  total  want  of  ecclesi- 
astical discipline.  He  was  of  opinion,  that  the  clergy  ought  not 
to  be  entangled,  and  diverted  from  the  duties  of  their  office,  by 
holding  civil  places:  that  the  bishops  should  lay  aside  their 
secular  titles  and  dignities;  that  the  bishoprics  should  be  divided, 
so  that  in  every  city  or  large  town  there  might  be  placed  a 
godly  and  learned  man,  with  others  joined  with  him,  for  the 
management  of  ecclesiastical  matters ;  and  that  schools  for  the 

*  Cald.  MS.  i.  250.  During  the  reign  of  Edward,  and  even  the  first  years 
of  that  of  his  sister  Elizabeth,  absolute  conformity  to  the  liturgy  was  not 
pressed  upon  ministers.  Strype's  Annals,  i.  419,  432.  Burnet,  iii.  305,  311. 
Hutchinson's  Antiq.  of  Durham,  i.  453.  Archbishop  Parker,  in  the  begin- 
ning of  Elizabeth's  reign,  administered  the  elements  to  the  communicants 
standing,  in  the  cathedral  church  at  Canterbury.  Her  majesty's  commis- 
sioners appointed  the  communion  to  be  received  in  the  same  posture  in  Co- 
ventry ;  and  the  practice  was  continued  in  that  town  as  late,  at  least,  as  the 
year  1608.  Certain  demands  propounded  unto  Richard,  Archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury, p.  45,  anno  1605.  Removal  of  Imputations  laid  upon  the  ministers 
of  Devon  and  Cornwall,  p.  51,  anno  1606.  Dispute  upon  the  question  of 
Kneeling,  p.  131,  anno  1608. 
7* 


78  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

education  of  youth  should  be  universally  erected  through  the 
nation.* 

Nor  did  the  principal  persons  who  were  active  in  effecting  the 
English  Reformation  differ  widely  from  Knox  in  these  senti- 
ments, although  they  might  not  have  the  same  conviction  of 
their  importance,  and  of  the  expediency  of  reducing  them  to 
practice.  We  should  mistake  exceedingly,  if  we  supposed  that 
they  were  men  of  the  same  principles  and  temper  with  many 
who  succeeded  to  their  places,  or  that  they  were  satisfied  with 
the  pitch  to  which  they  had  carried  the  reformation  of  the 
English  Church,  and  regarded  it  as  a  paragon  and  perfect 
pattern  to  other  churches.  They  were  strangers  to  those  extra- 
vagant and  illiberal  notions  which  were  afterwards  adopted  by 
the  fond  admirers  of  the  hierarchy  and  liturgy.  They  would 
have  laughed  at  the  man  who  seriously  asserted,  that  the  eccle- 
siastical ceremonies  constituted  any  part  of  "  the  beauty  of 
holiness,"  or  that  the  imposition  of  the  hands  of  a  bishop  was 
essential  to  the  validity  of  ordination ;  and  they  would  not  have 
owned  that  person  as  a  Protestant  who  would  have  ventured  to 
insinuate,  that  where  these  were  wanting, there  was  no  Christian 
ministry,  no  ordinances,  no  church,  and  perhaps — no  salvation. 
Many  things  which  their  successors  have  applauded,  they  barely 
tolerated ;  and  they  would  have  been  happy  if  the  circumstances 
of  their  time  would  have  permitted  them  to  introduce  alterations, 
which  have  since  been  cried  down  as  puritanical  innovations. 
Strange  as  it  may  appear  to  some,  I  am  not  afraid  of  exceeding 
the  truth  when  I  say,  that  if  the  English  reformers,  including 
the  Protestant  bishops,  had  been  left  to  their  own  choice, — if 
they  had  not  been  held  back  and  retarded  by  a  large  mass  of 
popishly  affected  clergy  in  the  reign  of  Edward,  and  restrained 
by  the  supreme  civil  authority  on  the  accession  of  Elizabeth, 
they  would  have  brought  the  government  and  worship  of  the 
Church  of  England  nearly  to  the  pattern  of  other  reformed 
churches.  If  the  reader  doubts  this,  he  may  consult  the  evidence 
produced  in  the  notes.t 

Such,  in  particular,  was  the  earnest  wish  of  his  majesty, 
Edward  VI.,  a  prince  who,  besides  his  other  rare  qualities,  had 
an  unfeigned  reverence  for  the  word  of  God,  and  a  disposition  to 
comply  with  its  precepts  in  preference  to  custom  and  established 
usages ;  and  who  showed  himself  uniformly  inclined  to  give 
relief  to  his  conscientious  subjects,  and  sincerely  bent  on  pro- 

*  This  statement  of  his  sentiments  is  drawn  from  his  Brief  Exhortation 
to  England  for  the  speedy  embracing  of  Christ's  Gospel,  printed  at  Geneva, 
anno  1559,  and  at  the  end  of  his  History,  Edinburgh,  1644,  4to ;  and  from 
his  letters  to  Mrs.  Locke,  dated  6th  April,  and  15th  October,  1559  in  Cald. 
MS.  i.  pp.  380,  491. 

t  See  Note  R. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  79 

moting  the  union  of  all  the  friends  of  the  reformed  religion  at 
home  and  abroad.  Of  his  intention  on  this  head,  there  remain 
the  most  unquestionable  and  satisfactory  documents.*  Had  his 
life  been  spared,  there  is  every  reason  to  think  that  he  would 
have  accomplished  the  correction  or  removal  of  those  evils  in  the 
English  Church,  which  the  most  steady  and  enlightened  Protes- 
tants have  lamented.  Had  his  sister  Elizabeth  been  of  the  same 
spirit  with  him,  and  prosecuted  the  plan  which  he  laid  down,  the 
consequences  would  have  been  most  happy  both  for  herself  and 
for  her  people,  for  the  government  and  for  the  Church.  She 
would  have  united  all  the  friends  of  the  Reformation,  who  were 
the  great  support  of  her  authority.  She  would  have  weakened 
the  interest  of  the  Roman  Catholics,  whom  all  her  accommoda- 
ting measures  could  not  gain,  nor  prevent  from  repeatedly  con- 
spiring against  her  life  and  crown.  She  would  have  put  an  end 
to  those  dissensions  among  her  Protestant  subjects,  which  con- 
tinued during  the  whole  of  her  reign,  which  she  bequeathed  as  a 
legacy  to  her  successors,  and  which,  being  fomented  and  exaspe- 
rated by  the  severities  employed  for  their  suppression,  burst  forth 
at  length,  to  the  temporary  overthrow  of  the  monarchy,  as  well 
as  of  the  hierarchy,  whose  exorbitancies  it  had  patronized,  and 
whose  corruptions  it  had  sanctioned  and  maintained — dissen- 
sions which  subsist  to  this  day ;  which,  though  softened  by 
the  partial  lenitive  of  a  toleration,  have  gradually  alienated 
from  the  communion  of  that  Church,  a  large  proportion  of 
the  people,  and  which,  if  a  timely  and  suitable  remedy  be  not 
applied,  may  ultimately  undermine  the  foundations  of  the  Eng- 
lish establishment 

During  the  time  that  Knox  was  in  London,  he  had  full 
opportunity  for  observing  the  state  of  the  court ;  and  the 
observations  which  he  made  filled  his  mind  with  the  most 
anxious  forebodings.  Of  the  piety  and  sincerity  of  the  young 
king  he  entertained  not  the  smallest  doubt.  Personal  acquaint- 
ance heightened  the  idea  which  he  had  conceived  of  his  char- 
acter from  report,  and  enabled  him  to  add  his  testimony  to  the 
tribute  of  praise  which  all  who  knew  that  prince  had  so  cheerfully 
paid  to  his  uncommon  virtues  and  endowments.!  But  the  prin- 
cipal courtiers,  by  whom  he  was  at  that  time  surrounded,  were 
persons  of  a  very  different  description,  and  gave  proofs,  too 
unequivocal  to  be  mistaken,  of  indifference  to  all  religion,  and 

*  See  Note  S. 

f  "We  had,"  says  he  in  his  Letter  to  the  Faithful  in  London,  Newcastle, 
and  Berwick,  "ane  king  of  sa  godlie  disposition  towardis  vertew,  and  the 
treuth  of  God,  that  nane  frome  the  beginning  passit  him,  and  (to  my  knaw- 
ledge)  none  of  his  yeiris  did  ever  mache  him  in  that  behalf ;  gif  hie  myght 
haif  bene  lord  of  his  awn  will."  MS.  Letters,  p.  119.  He  has  passed  a 
fuller  encomium  on  this  prince  in  his  Historic,  p.  89. 


80  LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX. 

of  a  readiness  to  acquiesce,  and  even  to  assist,  in  the  re-estab- 
lishment of  the  ancient  superstition,  whenever  a  change  of 
rulers  should  render  this  measure  practicable  and  expedient. 
The  health  of  Edward,  which  had  long  been  declining,  grow- 
ing gradually  worse,  so  that  no  hopes  of  his  recovery  remain- 
ed, they  were  eager  only  about  the  aggrandizing  of  their 
families,  and  providing  for  the  security  of  their  places  and 
fortunes. 

The  royal  chaplains  were  men  of  a  very  different  character 
from  those  who  have  usually  occupied  that  place  in  the  courts  of 
princes.  They  were  no  time-serving,  supple,  smooth-tongued 
parasites  ;  they  were  not  afraid  of  forfeiting  their  pensions,  or  of 
alarming  the  consciences,  and  wounding  the  delicate  ears,  of 
their  royal  and  noble  auditors,  by  denouncing  the  vices  which 
they  -committed,  and  the  judgments  of  Heaven  to  which  they 
exposed  themselves.  The  freedom  used  by  the  venerable  Lati- 
mer  is  well  known  from  his  printed  sermons,  which,  for  their 
homely  honesty,  artless  simplicity,  native  humour,  and  genuine 
pictures  of  the  manners  of  the  age,  continue  still  to  be  read 
with  interest.  Grindal,  Lever,  and  Bradford,  who  were  superior 
to  Latimer  in  learning,  evinced  the  same  fidelity  and  courage. 
They  censured  the  ambition,  avarice,  luxury,  oppression,  and 
irreligion  which  reigned  in  the  court.  As  long  as  their  sove- 
reign was  able  to  give  personal  attendance  on  the  sermons,  the 
preachers  were  treated  with  exterior  decency  and  respect ;  but 
after  he  was  confined  to  his  chamber  by  a  consumptive  cough, 
the  resentment  of  the  courtiers  vented  itself  openly  in  the  most 
contumelious  speeches  and  insolent  behaviour.* 

From  what  the  reader  has  already  seen  of  Knox's  character, 
he  may  readily  conceive  that  the  sermons  delivered  by  him  at 
court,  were  not  less  free  and  bold  than  those  of  his  colleagues. 
We  may  form  a  judgment  of  them  from  the  account  which  he 
has  given  of  the  last  sermon  preached  by  him  before  his  majesty ; 
in  which  he  directed  several  piercing  glances  of  reproof  at  the 
haughty  premier  and  his  crafty  relation,  the  Marquis  of  Win- 
chester, lord  high  treasurer,  both  of  whom  were  among  his 
hearers.  His  text  was  John  xiii.  18,  "He  that  eateth  bread 
with  me,  hath  lifted  up  his  heel  against  me."  It  had  been  often 
seen,  he  said,  that  the  most  excellent  and  godly  princes  were 
surrounded  with  false  and  ungodly  officers  and  counsellors. 
Having  inquired  into  the  reasons  of  this,  and  illustrated  the  fact 
from  the  Scripture  examples  of  Ahithophel  under  King  David, 
Shebna  under  Hezekiah,  and  Judas  under  Jesus  Christ,  he 
added :  "  What  wonder  is  it,  then,  that  a  young  and  innocent 
king  be  deceived  by  crafty,  covetous,  wicked,  and  ungodly  coun- 

*  See  Note  T. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  81 

sellers  ?  I  am  greatly  afraid  that  Ahithophel  be  counsellor,  that 
Judas  bear  the  purse,  and  that  Shebna  be  scribe,  comptroller, 
and  treasurer. "* 

On  the  6th  of  July  1553,  Edward  VI.  departed  this  life,  to 
the  unspeakable  grief  of  all  the  lovers  of  learning,  virtue,  and 
the  Protestant  religion;  and  a  black  cloud  spread  over  England, 
which,  after  hovering  awhile,  burst  into  a  dreadful  storm,  that 
raged  during  five  years  with  the  most  destructive  fury.  Knox 
was  at  this  time  in  London.t  He  received  the  afflicting  tidings 
of  his  majesty's  decease  with  becoming  fortitude  and  resignation 
to  the  sovereign  will  of  Heaven.  The  event  did  not  meet  him 
unprepared  :  he  had  long  anticipated  it,  with  its  probable  con- 
sequences ;  the  prospect  had  produced  the  keenest  anguish  in  his 
breast,  and  drawn  tears  from  his  eyes ;  and  he  had  frequently 
introduced  the  subject  into  his  public  discourses  and  confidential 
conversations  with  his  friends.  Writing  to  Mrs.  Bowes,  some 
time  after  this,  he  says,  "  How  oft  have  you  and  I  talked  of  these 
present  days,  till  neither  of  us  both  could  refrain  tears,  when  no 
such  appearance  then  was  seen  of  man  ?  How  oft  have  I  said 
unto  you,  that  I  looked  daily  for  trouble,  and  that  I  wondered  at 
it,  that  so  long  I  should  escape  it !  What  moved  me  to  refuse 
(and  that  with  displeasure  of  all  men,  even  of  those  that  best 
loved  me)  those  high  promotions  that  were  offered  by  him  whom 
God  hath  taken  from  us  for  our  offences  ?  Assuredly  the  fore- 
sight of  trouble  to  come.ij:  How  oft  have  I  said  unto  you  that 
the  time  would  not  be  long  that  England  would  give  me  bread  ! 
Advise  with  the  last  letter  that  I  wrote  unto  your  brother-in-law, 
and  consider  what  is  therein  contained."§ 

He  remained  in  London  until  the  1 9th  of  July,  when  Mary 
was  proclaimed  queen,  only  nine  days  after  the  same  ceremony 
had  been  performed  in  that  city  for  the  amiable  and  unfortu- 
nate Lady  Jane  Grey.  The  thoughtless  demonstrations  of  joy 
given  by  the  inhabitants,  at  an  event  which  threatened  such 
danger  to  the  religious  faith  which  they  still  avowed,  affected 
him  so  deeply  that  he  could  not  refrain,  in  his  sermons,  from 
publicly  testifying  his  displeasure  at  their  conduct,  and  from 
warning  them  of  the  calamities  which  they  had  reason  to  dread.  || 

*  MS.  Letters,  pp.  175 — 177,  and  Admonition,  pp.  52,  54,  apud  History, 
Edinburgh,  1644,  4to. 

f  One  of  his  letters  to  Mrs.  Bowes  is  dated,  London,  22d  June  1553. 
MS.  Letters,  p.  249.  And  from  other  letters  it  appears,  that  he  was  there 
in  the  following  month. 

|  We  have  already  seen  (pp.  75,  76)  that  this  was  not  his  sole  reason  for 
refusing  preferment  in  the  English  Church. 

§  MS.  Letters,  pp.  73,  74,  also  p.  250. 

U  In  his  "  Letter  to  the  Faithful  in  London,"  &c.,  he  puts  them  in  mind 
of  the  premonitions  which  he  had  given  on  different  occasions,  and  among 

L 


82  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

Immediately  after  this,  he  appears  to  have  withdrawn  from 
London,  and  retired  to  the  north  of  England,  being  justly  ap- 
prehensive of  the  measures  which  might  be  pursued  by  the  new 
government.* 

To  induce  the  Protestants  to  submit  peaceably  to  her  autho- 
rity, Mary  amused  them  for  some  time  with  proclamations,  in 
which  she  promised  not  to  do  violence  to  their  consciences. 
Though  aware  of  the  bigotry  of  the  queen,  and  the  spirit  of  the 
religion  to  which  she  was  devoted,  the  Protestant  ministers 
reckoned  it  their  duty  to  improve  this  respite.  In  the  month 
of  August,  Knox  returned  to  the  south,  and  resumed  his  labours. 
It  seems  to  have  been  at  this  time  that  he  composed  the  Con- 
fession and  Prayer,  commonly  used  by  him  in  the  congrega- 
tions to  which  he  preached,  in  which  he  prayed  for  Queen  Mary 
by  name,  and  for  the  suppression  of  such  as  meditated  rebel- 
lion.! While  he  itinerated  through  Buckinghamshire,  he  was 
attended  by  large  audiences,  which  his  popularity  and  the 
alarming  crisis  drew  together ;  especially  at  Amersham,  a  bo- 
rough formerly  noted  for  the  general  reception  of  the  doctrines 
of  Wickliffe,  the  precursor  of  the  Reformation  in  England,  and 
from  which  the  seed  sown  by  his  followers  had  never  been 
altogether  eradicated.^  Wherever  he  went,  he  earnestly  ex- 
horted the  people  to  repentance,  under  the  tokens  of  divine  dis- 
pleasure, and  to  a  steady  adherence  to  the  faith  which  they  had 
embraced.  He  continued  to  preach  in  Buckinghamshire  and 
Kent  during  the  harvest  months,  although  the  measures  of 
government  daily  rendered  his  safety  more  precarious ;  and  in 
the  beginning  of  November,  returned  to  London,  where  he 
resided  chiefly  with  Mr.  Locke  and  Mr.  Hickman,  two  respec- 
table merchants  of  his  acquaintance. § 

While  the  measures  of  the  new  government  threatened  dan- 
ger to  all  the  Protestants  in  the  kingdom,  and  our  countryman 
was  under  daily  apprehensions  of  imprisonment,  he  met  with  a 
severe  trial  of  a  private  nature.  I  have  already  mentioned  his 
engagements  to  Miss  Bowes.  At  this  time,  it  was  judged  pro- 
per by  both  parties  to  avow  the  connection,  and  to  proceed  to 
solemnize  their  union.  This  step  was  opposed  by  the  young 
lady's  father ;  and  his  opposition  was  accompanied  with  cir- 

others,  of  "  what  was  spoken  in  Londone  in  ma  places  nor  ane,  when  fyreis 
of  joy  and  ryatous  banketting  wer  at  the  proclamation  of  Marie  your  quene," 
MS.  Letters,  112,  113. 

*  One  of  his  letters  is  dated  Carlisle,  26th  July,  1553.  MS.  Letters, 
p.  270. 

f  See  Note  U. 

\  Fox,  718,  748—9,  751—766.  Knox,  Admonition,  p.  67.  Appendix  to 
History,  Edin.  1644,  4to. 

$  MS.  Letters,  pp.  289,  291. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  83 

cumstances  which  gave  much  distress  to  Mrs.  Bowes  and  her 
daughter,  as  well  as  to  Knox.  His  refusal  seems  to  have  pro- 
ceeded from  family  pride ;  but  there  is  reason  to  think  it  was 
also  influenced  by  religious  considerations ;  as,  from  different 
hints  dropped  in  the  correspondence  about  this  affair,  he  ap- 
pears to  have  been,  if  not  inclined  to  Popery  in  his  judgment, 
at  least  resolved  to  comply  with  the  religion  now  favoured  by 
the  court.  On  this  subject  I  find  Knox  writing  from  London 
to  Mrs.  Bowes,  in  a  letter,  dated  20th  September,  1553.  "  My 
great  labours,  wherein  I  desire  your  daily  prayers,  will  not 
suffer  me  to  satisfy  my  mind  touching  all  the  process  between 
your  husband  and  you  touching  my  matter  with  his  daughter. 
I  praise  God  heartily  both  for  your  boldness  and  constancy. 
But  I  beseech  you,  mother,  trouble  not  yourself  too  much  there- 
with. It  becomes  me  now  to  jeopard  my  life  for  the  comfort 
and  deliverance  of  my  own  flesh,*  as  that  I  will  do  by  God's 
grace,  both  fear  and  friendship  of  all  earthly  creature  laid  aside. 
I  have  written  to  your  husband,  the  contents  whereof  I  trust 
our  brother  Harry  will  declare  to  you  and  my  wife.  If  I  escape 
sickness  and  imprisonment,  [you  may]  be  sure  to  see  me  soon."  t 

His  wife  and  mother-in-law  were  anxious  that  he  should 
settle  in  Berwick,  or  its  neighbourhood,  where  he  might  per- 
haps be  allowed  to  reside  peaceably,  although  in  a  more  private 
way  than  formerly.  To  this  proposal  he  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  averse,  provided  he  could  have  seen  any  prospect  of  his 
being  able  to  support  himself.  Since  the  accession  of  Queen 
Mary,  the  payment  of  the  salary  allotted  him  by  government 
had  been  stopped.  Indeed,  he  had  not  received  any  part  of  it 
for  the  last  twelve  months.^  His  father-in-law  was  abundantly 
able  to  give  him  a  sufficient  establishment ;  but  Knox's  spirit 
could  not  brook  the  thought  of  being  dependent  on  one  who 
had  treated  him  with  coldness  and  disdain.  Induced  by  the 
importunity  of  Mrs.  Bowes,  he  applied  to  her  brother-in-law, 
Sir  Robert  Bowes,  and  attempted,  by  a  candid  explanation  of 
all  circumstances,  to  remove  any  umbrage  which  had  been  con- 
ceived against  him  by  the  family,  and  to  procure  an  amicable 
settlement  of  the  whole  affair.  The  unfavourable  issue  of  this 
interview  was  communicated  by  him  in  a  letter  to  Mrs.  Bowes, 
of  which  the  following  is  an  extract : — 

«  Dear  mother, — So  may  and  will  I  call  you,  not  only  for  the 
tender  affection  I  bear  unto  you  in  Christ,  but  also  for  the 
motherly  kindness  ye  have  shewn  unto  me  at  all  times  since 
our  first  acquaintance ;  albeit  such  things  as  I  have  desired  (if 
it  had  pleased  God),  and  ye  and  others  have  long  desired,  are 
never  like  to  come  to  pass,  yet  shall  ye  be  sure  that  my  love 

*  His  wife.  j  MS.  Letters,  pp.  290,  291.  |  Ibid.  p.  196. 


84  LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

and  care  toward  you  shall  never  abate,  so  long  as  I  can  care 
for  any  earthly  creature.  Ye  shall  understand  that  this  6th  of 
November,  I  spake  with  Sir  Robert  Bowes  on  the  matter  ye 
know,  according  to  your  request,  whose  disdainful,  yea,  despite- 
ful words,  have  so  pierced  my  heart,  that  my  life  is  bitter  unto 
me.  I  bear  a  good  countenance  with  a  sore  troubled  heart ; 
while  he  that  ought  to  consider  matters  with  a  deep  judgment 
is  become  not  only  a  despiser,  but  also  a  taunter  of  God's  mes- 
sengers. God  be  merciful  unto  him.  Among  other  his  most 
unpleasing  words,  while  that  I  was  about  to  have  declared  my 
part  in  the  whole  matter,  he  said,  '  Away  with  your  rhetorical 
reasons,  for  I  will  not  be  persuaded  with  them/  God  knows  I 
did  use  no  rhetoric  or  coloured  speech,  but  would  have  spoken 
the  truth,  and  that  in  most  simple  manner.  I  am  not  a  good 
orator  in  my  own  cause.  But  what  he  would  not  be  content 
to  hear  of  me,  God  shall  declare  to  him  one  day  to  his  displea- 
sure, unless  he  repent.  It  is  supposed  that  all  the  matter  comes 
by  you  and  me.  I  pray  God  that  your  conscience  were  quiet 
and  at  peace,  and  I  regard  not  what  country  consume  this  my 
wicked  carcass.  And  were  it  not  that  no  man's  unthankful- 
ness  shall  move  me  (God  supporting  my  infirmity)  to  cease  to 
do  profit  unto  Christ's  congregation,  those  days  should  be  few 
that  England  would  give  me  bread.  And  I  fear  that,  when  all 
is  done,  I  shall  be  driven  to  that  end ;  for  I  cannot  abide  the 
disdainful  hatred  of  those,  of  whom  not  only  I  thought  I  might 
have  craved  kindness,  but  also  to  whom  God  hath  been  by  me 
more  liberal  than  they  be  thankful.  But  so  must  men  declare 
themselves.  Affection  does  trouble  me  at  this  present ;  yet  I 
doubt  not  to  overcome  by  Him,  who  will  not  leave  comfortless 
his  afflicted  to  the  end,  whose  omnipotent  Spirit  rest  with  you. 
Amen."* 

He  refers  to  the  same  disagreeable  affair  in  another  letter 
written  about  the  end  of  this  year.  After  mentioning  the  bad 
state  of  his  health,  which  had  been  greatly  increased  by  distress 
of  mind,  he  adds,  "  It  will  be  after  the  12th  day  before  I  can 
be  at  Berwick ;  and  almost  I  am  determined  not  to  come  at  all. 
Ye  know  the  cause.  God  be  more  merciful  unto  some,  than 
they  are  equitable  unto  me  in  judgment.  The  testimony  of  my 
conscience  absolves  me,  before  His  face  who  looks  not  upon  the 
presence  of  man."t  These  extracts  show  us  the  heart  of  the 
writer ;  they  discover  the  sensibility  of  his  temper,  the  keen- 
ness of  his  feelings,  and  his  pride  and  independence  of  spirit 
struggling  with  a  sense  of  duty,  and  affection  to  his  relations. 

About  the  end  of  November,  or  the  beginning  of  December, 
he  retired  from  the  south  to  Newcastle.  The  parliament  had 

*  MS.  Letters,  pp.  293,  294.  f  Ibid.  p.  265. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  85 

by  this  time  repealed  all  the  laws  made  in  favour  of  the  Refor- 
mation, and  restored  the  Roman  Catholic  religion ;  but  such  as 
pleased,  were  permitted  to  observe  the  Protestant  worship  until 
the  20th  of  December.  After  that  period  they  were  thrown 
out  of  the  protection  of  the  law,  and  exposed  to  the  pains  de- 
creed against  heretics.  Many  of  the  bishops  and  ministers  were 
already  committed  to  prison :  others  had  escaped  beyond  sea. 
Knox  could  not,  however,  prevail  on  himself  either  to  flee  the 
kingdom,  or  to  desist  from  preaching.  Three  days  after  the 
period  limited  by  the  statute  had  elapsed,  he  says  in  one  of  his 
letters,  "  I  may  not  answer  your  places  of  Scripture,  nor  yet 
write  the  exposition  of  the  sixth  Psalm,  for  every  day  of  this 
week  must  I  preach,  if  this  wicked  carcass  will  permit."  * 

His  enemies,  who  had  been  defeated  in  their  attempts  to  ruin 
him  under  the  former  government,  had  now  access  to  rulers 
sufficiently  disposed  to  listen  to  their  information.  They  were 
not  dilatory  in  improving  the  opportunity.  In  the  end  of  De- 
cember, 1553,  or  beginning  of  January,  1554,  his  servant  was 
seized  as  he  carried  letters  from  him  to  his  wife  and  mother-in- 
law,  and  the  letters  were  taken  from  him,  in  the  hopes  of  find- 
ing in  them  some  matter  of  accusation  against  the  writer.  As 
they  contained  merely  religious  advices,  and  exhortations  to 
constancy  in  the  Protestant  faith,  which  he  was  prepared  to 
avow  before  any  court  to  which  he  might  be  called,  he  was  not 
alarmed  at  their  interception.  But  being  aware  of  the  uneasi- 
ness which  the  report  would  give  to  his  friends  at  Berwick,  he 
set  out  immediately  with  the  design  of  visiting  them.  Notwith- 
standing the  secrecy  with  which  he  conducted  this  journey,  the 
rumour  of  it  quickly  spread ;  and  some  of  his  wife's  relations 
who  had  joined  him,  perceiving  that  he  was  in  imminent  dan- 
ger, prevailed  on  him,  greatly  against  his  own  inclination,  to 
relinquish  the  design  of  proceeding  to  Berwick,  and  retire  to  a 
place  of  safety  on  the  coast,  from  which  he  might  escape  by 
sea,  provided  the  search  for  him  was  continued.  From  this 
retreat  he  wrote  to  his  wife  and  her  mother,  acquainting  them 
with  the  reasons  of  his  absconding,  and  the  small  prospect 
which  he  had  of  being  able  at  that  time  to  see  them.  "  His 
brethren,"  he  said,  "  had,  partly  by  admonition,  partly  by  tears, 
compelled  him  to  obey,"  somewhat  contrary  to  his  own  mind ; 
for  "  never  could  he  die  in  a  more  honest  quarrel,"  than  by  suf- 
fering as  a  witness  for  that  truth  of  which  God  had  made  him 
a  messenger.  Notwithstanding  this  state  of  his  mind,  he  pro- 
mised, if  Providence  prepared  the  way,  to  "  obey  the  voices  of 
his  brethren,  and  give  place  to  the  fury  and  rage  of  Satan  for 
a  time."  t 

*  MS.  Letters,  p.  265.  f  Ibid-  P-  284. 

8 


86  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

Having  ascertained  that  his  friends  were  not  mistaken  in  the 
apprehensions  which  they  felt  for  his  safety,  and  that  he  could 
not  hope  to  elude  the  pursuit  of  his  enemies  if  he  remained  in 
England,  he  procured  a  vessel,  which  landed  him  safely  at 
Dieppe,  a  port  of  Normandy  in  France,  on  the  20th  of  January, 
1554.* 

*  MS.  Letters,  p.  318.  Archibald  Hamilton  has  trumped  up  a  ridiculous 
story,  respecting  Knox's  flight  from  England.  He  says  that,  by  teaching 
the  unlawfulness  of  female  government,  he  had  excited  a  dangerous  rebel- 
lion against  Queen  Mary ;  but  the  queen,  having  marched  against  the  rebels, 
defeated  them  with  great  slaughter ;  upon  which  Knox,  stained  with  their 
blood,  fled  to  Geneva,  carrying  along  with  him  a  rich  noblewoman.  Dialog, 
de  Confus.  Calv.  Sect.  p.  65. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  87 


PERIOD  IV. 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1554,  WHEN  HE  LEFT  ENGLAND,  TO  THE  YEAR  1556, 
WHEN  HE  RETURNED  TO  GENEVA,  AFTER  VISITING  SCOTLAND. 

PROVIDENCE,  having  more  important  services  in  reserve  for 
Knox,  made  use  of  the  urgent  importunities  of  his  friends  to 
hurry  him  away  from  those  dangers,  to  which,  had  he  been  left 
to  the  determination  of  his  own  mind,  his  zeal  and  fearlessness 
would  have  prompted  him  to  expose  himself.  No  sooner  did  he 
reach  a  foreign  shore,  than  he  began  to  regret  the  course  which 
he  had  been  induced  to  take.  When  he  thought  upon  his  fellow- 
preachers,  whom  he  had  left  behind  him  immured  in  dungeons, 
and  the  people  lately  under  his  charge,  now  scattered  abroad  as 
sheep  without  a  shepherd,  he  felt  an  indescribable  pang,  and  an 
almost  irresistible  desire  to  return  and  share  in  the  hazardous 
b  ut  honourable  conflict.  Although  he  had  only  complied  with  the 
divine  direction,  "  when  they  persecute  you  in  one  city,  flee  ye 
unto  another,"  and  although  in  his  own  breast  he  stood  acquitted 
of  cowardice,  yet  he  found  it  difficult  to  divest  his  conduct  of  the 
appearance  of  that  weakness,  and  was  afraid  that  it  might  operate 
as  a  discouragement  to  his  brethren  in  England,  and  induce  them 
to  make  sinful  compliances  with  a  view  of  saving  their  lives. 

On  this  subject  we  find  him  unbosoming  himself  to  Mrs.  Bowes 
in  his  letters  from  Dieppe.  "  The  desire  that  I  have  to  hear  of 
your  continuance  with  Christ  Jesus,  in  the  day  of  this  his  battle 
( which  shortly  shall  end  to  the  confusion  of  his  proud  enemies), 
neither  by  tongue  nor  by  pen  can  I  express,  beloved  mother. 
Assuredly,  it  is  such,  that  it  vanquisheth  and  overcometh  all 
remembrance  and  solicitude  which  the  flesh  useth  to  take  for 
feeding  and  defence  of  herself.  For,  in  every  realm  and  nation. 
God  will  stir  up  some  one  or  other  to  minister  those  things  that 
appertain  to  this  wretched  life,  and,  if  men  will  cease  to  do  their 
office,  yet  will  he  send  his  ravens ;  so  that  in  every  place,  per- 
chance, I  may  find  some  fathers  to  my  body.  But,  alas !  where 
I  shall  find  children  to  be  begotten  unto  God  by  the  word  of 
life,  that  can  I  not  presently  consider  ;  and  therefore  the  spiritual 
life  of  such  as  sometime  boldly  professed  Christ  (Godknoweth), 
is  to  my  heart  more  dear  than  all  the  glory,  riches,  and  honour, 


88  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

in  earth  ;  and  the  falling  back  of  such  men,  as  I  hear  daily  to 
turn  back  to  that  idol  again,  is  to  me  more  dolorous  than,  1 
trust,  the  corporal  death  shall  be,  whenever  it  shall  come  at 
God's  appointment.  Some  will  ask.  Then  why  did  I  flee  ? 
Assuredly  I  cannot  tell ;  but  of  one  thing  I  am  sure,  the  fear  of 
death  was  not  the  chief  cause  of  my  fleeing.  I  trust  that  one 
cause  hath  been,  to  let  me  see  with  my  corporal  eyes,  that  all 
had  not  a  true  heart  to  Christ  Jesus,  that,  in  the  day  of  rest  and 
peace,  bare  a  fair  face.  But  my  fleeing  is  no  matter  ;  by  God's 
grace  I  may  come  to  battle  before  that  all  the  conflict  be  ended. 
And  haste  the  time,  0  Lord,  at  thy  good  pleasure,  that  once 
again  my  tongue  may  yet  praise  thy  holy  name  before  the  con- 
gregation, if  it  were  but  in  the  very  hour  of  death !" — "  I  would 
not  bow  my  knee  before  that  most  abominable  idol  for  all  the 
torments  that  earthly  tyrants  can  devise,  God  so  assisting  me,  as 
his  Holy  Spirit  presently  moveth  me  to  write  unfeignedly.  And 
albeit  that  I  have,  in  the  beginning  of  this  battle,  appeared  to 
play  the  faint-hearted  and  feeble  soldier  (the  cause  I  remit  to 
God),  yet  my  prayer  is,  that  I  may  be  restored  to  the  battle 
again.  And  blessed  be  God,  the  Father  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  I  am  not  left  so  bare  without  comfort,  but  my  hope  is  to 
obtain  such  mercy,  that,  if  a  short  end  be  not  made  of  all  my 
miseries  by  final  death  (which  to  me  were  no  small  advantage), 
that  yet,  by  Him  who  never  despised  the  sobs  of  the  sore  afflicted, 
I  shall  be  so  encouraged  to  fight,  that  England  and  Scotland 
shall  both  know,  that  I  am  ready  to  suffer  more  than  either 
poverty  or  exile,  for  the  profession  of  that  doctrine,  and  that 
heavenly  religion,  whereof  it  has  pleased  his  merciful  providence 
to  make  me,  among  others,  a  simple  soldier  and  witness-bearer 
unto  men.  And  therefore,  mother,  let  no  fear  enter  into  your 
heart,  as  that  I,  escaping  the  furious  rage  of  these  ravening 
wolves  that,  for  our  unthankfulness,  are  lately  loosed  from  their 
bands,  do  repent  any  thing  of  my  former  fervency.  No,  mother  ; 
for  a  few  sermons  by  me  to  be  made  within  England,  my  heart 
at  this  hour  could  be  content  to  suffer  more  than  nature  were 
able  to  sustain ;  as,  by  the  grace  of  the  most  mighty  and  most 
merciful  God,  who  only  is  God  of  comfort  and  consolation 
through  Christ  Jesus,  one  day  shall  be  known."* 

In  his  present  sequestered  situation,  Knox  had  full  leisure  to 
meditate  upon  the  surprising  vicissitudes  in  his  lot  during  the 
last  seven  years — his  singular  call  to  the  ministry,  and  employ- 
ment at  St.  Andrews — his  subsequent  imprisonment  and  release 
— the  sphere  of  usefulness  in  which  he  had  been  placed  in 
England,  with  the  afflicting  manner  in  which  he  was  excluded 
from  it,  and  driven  to  seek  refuge  as  an  exile  in  that  country  to 

*  MS.  Letters,  pp.  70,  71, 107,  108. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  89 

which  he  had  formerly  been  carried  as  a  prisoner.  This  last 
event  seemed  in  a  special  manner  to  summon  him  to  a  solemn 
review  of  the  manner  in  which  he  had  discharged  the  sacred 
trust  committed  to  him,  as  "  a  steward  of  the  mysteries  of  God." 
It  will  throw  light  on  his  character,  and  may  not  be  without  use 
to  such  as  occupy  a  public  station  in  the  Church,  to  exhibit  the 
result  of  his  reflection  on  this  subject. 

He  could  not  deny,  without  ingratitude  to  Him  who  had  called 
him  to  be  his  servant,  that  his  qualifications  for  the  ministry  had 
been  in  no  small  degree  improved  since  he  came  to  England ; 
and  he  had  the  testimony  of  his  own  conscience,  in  addition  to 
that  of  his  numerous  auditors,  that  he  had  not  altogether  neglect- 
ed the  gifts  bestowed  on  him,  but  had  exercised  them  with  some 
measure,  of  fidelity  and  painfulness.  At  the  same  time  he  found 
reason  for  self-accusation  on  different  grounds.  Having  men- 
tioned in  one  of  his  letters  the  reiterated  charge  of  Christ  to 
Peter,  "  Feed  my  sheep,  feed  my  lambs,"  he  exclaims,  "  Oh, 
alas  !  how  small  is  the  number  of  pastors  that  obeys  this  com- 
mandment. But  this  matter  will  I  not  deplore,  except  that  I, 
not  speaking  of  others,  will  accuse  myself  that  do  not,  I  confess, 
the  uttermost  of  my  power  in  feeding  the  lambs  and  sheep  of 
Christ.  I  satisfy,  peradventure,  many  men  in  the  small  labours 
I  take,  but  I  satisfy  not  myself.  I  have  done  somewhat,  but 
not  according  to  my  duty."*  In  the  discharge  of  private  duties, 
he  acknowledges  that  shame,  and  the  fear  of  incurring  the 
scandal  of  the  world,  had  sometimes  hindered  him  from  visiting 
the  female  part  of  his  charge,  and  administering  to  them  the 
instruction  and  comfort  which  they  craved.  In  public  ministra- 
tions, he  had  been  deficient  in  fervency  and  fidelity,  in  impar- 
tiality, and  in  diligence.  He  could  not  charge  himself  with 
flattery,  and  his  "  rude  plainness"  had  given  offence  to  some  ; 
but  his  conscience  now  accused  him  of  not  havingbeen  sufficiently 
plain  in  admonishing  offenders.  His  custom  had  been  to  describe 
the  vices  of  which  his  hearers  were  guilty  in  such  colours  that 
they  might  read  their  own  image ;  but,  being  "  unwilling  to 
provoke  all  men"  against  him,  he  had  restrained  himself  from 
particular  application.  Though  his  "  eye  had  not  been  much 
set  on  worldly  promotion,"  he  had  sometimes  been  allured 
by  affection  for  friends  and  familiar  acquaintances,  to  reside 
too  long  in  some  places,  to  the  neglect  of  others  which  had 
an  equal,  or  perhaps  stronger,  claim  on  his  labours.  For- 
merly, he  thought  he  had  not  sinned,  if  he  had  not  been  idle ; 
now  he  was  convinced  that  it  was  his  duty  to  have  considered 
how  long  he  should  remain  in  one  place,  and  how  many  hungry 
souls  were  starving  elsewhere.  Sometimes,  at  the  solicitation  of 

*  Ibid.  pp.  308,  309. 
8*  M 


90  LIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

friends,  he  had  spared  himself,  and  devoted  to  worldly  business, 
or  to  bodily  recreation  and  exercise,  the  time  which  ought  to 
have  been  employed  in  the  discharge  of  his  official  duties. 
"  Besides  these/7  says  he,  "  I  was  assaulted,  yea  infected,  with 
more  gross  sins,  that  is,  my  wicked  nature  desired  the  favours, 
the  estimation,  and  praise  of  men ;  against  which,  albeit  that 
sometimes  the  Spirit  of  God  did  move  me  to  fight,  and  earnestly 
did  stir  me  (God  knoweth  I  lie  not)  to  sob  and  lament  for  these 
imperfections,  yet  never  ceased  they  to  trouble  me  when  any 
occasion  was  oifered ;  and  so  privily  and  craftily  did  they  enter 
into  my  breast,  that  I  could  not  perceive  myself  to  be  wounded 
till  vainglory  had  almost  got  the  upper  hand.  0  Lord !  be 
merciful  to  my  great  offence  ;  and  deal  not  with  me  according 
to  my  great  iniquity,  but  according  to  the  multitude  of  thy 
mercies."'* 

Such  was  the  strict  scrutiny  which  Knox  made  into  his  minis- 
terial conduct.  To  many  the  offences  of  which  he  accused 
himself  will  appear  slight  and  venial,  while  others  will  perceive 
in  them  nothing  worthy  of  blame  ;  but  they  struck  his  mind  in 
a  very  different  light,  in  the  hour  of  adversity  and  solitary 
meditation.  If  he,  whose  labours  were  so  abundant  as  to  appear 
to  us  excessive,  had  such  reason  for  self-condemnation,  how  few 
are  there  in  the  same  station  who  may  not  say,  "  I  do  remember 
my  faults  this  day  !" 

He  did  not,  however,  abandon  himself  to  melancholy,  and 
unavailing  complaints.  One  of  his  first  cares,  after  arriving  at 
Dieppe,  was  to  employ  his  pen  in  writing  suitable  advices  to 
those  whom  he  could  no  longer  instruct  by  preaching  and  con- 
versation. With  this  view,  he  transmitted  to  England  two 
short  treatises.  The  one  was  an  exposition  of  the  sixth  Psalm, 
which,  at  the  request  of  Mrs.  Bowes,  he  had  begun  to  write  in 
England,  but  had  not  found  leisure  to  finish.  It  is  an  excellent 
practical  discourse  upon  that  portion  of  Scripture,  and  will  be 
read  with  peculiar  satisfaction  by  those  who  have  been  trained  to 
religion  in  the  school  of  adversity.  The  other  treatise  was  a 
large  letter,  addressed  to  those  in  London  and  other  parts  of 
England,  among  whom  he  had  been  employed  as  a  preacher. 
The  drift  of  it  was  to  warn  them  against  abandoning  the  religion 
which  they  had  embraced,  or  giving  countenance  to  the  idolatrous 
worship  now  erected  among  them.  The  reader  of  this  letter 
cannot  fail  to  be  struck  with  its  animated  strain,  when  he  reflects 
that  it  proceeded  from  a  forlorn  exile,  in  a  strange  country? 
without  a  single  acquaintance,  and  ignorant  where  he  would 
find  a  place  of  abode,  or  the  means  of  subsistence.  As  a  speci- 
men of  elevated  piety,  and  the  most  fervid  eloquence,  I  cannot 

*  MS.  Letters,  pp.  165—167.    Admonition,  pp.  46—48. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  91 

refrain  from  quoting  the  conclusion  of  the  letter ;  in  which  he 
addresses  their  consciences,  their  hopes,  their  fears,  and  adjures 
them,  by  all  that  is  sacred,  and  all  that  is  dear  to  them,  as  men, 
as  parents,  and  as  Christians,  not  to  start  hack  from  their  good 
profession,  and  plunge  themselves  and  their  posterity  into  the 
gulf  of  ignorance  and  idolatry. 

"  Allace  !  sail  we,  efter  so  many  graces  that  God  has  offerit 
in  our  dayis,  for  pleasure,  or  for  vane  threatnying  of  thame 
whome  our  hart  knaweth  and  our  mouthes  have  confessit  to  be 
odious  idolateris,  altogidder  without  resistance  turne  back  to 
our  vomit  and  damnabill  ydolatrie,  to  the  perdition  of  us  and 
our  posteritie  ?  0  horribill  to  be  hard  !  Sail  Godis  halie  pre- 
ceptis  wirk  no  greater  obedience  in  us  ?  Sail  nature  no  other- 
wayis  molifie  our  hartis  ?  Sail  not  fatherlie  pitie  overcum  this 
cruellies  ?  I  speik  to  you,  0  natural  fatheris  !  Behold  your 
children  with  the  eie  of  mercie,  and  considder  the  end  of  thair 
creatioun.  Crueltie  it  were  to  saif  your  selves,  and  damn  thame. 
But,  0 !  more  than  crueltie,  and  madnes  that  can  not  be  ex- 
pressit,  gif,*  for  the  pleasure  of  a  moment,  ye  depryve  yourselves 
and  your  posteritie  of  that  eternall  joy  that  is  ordanit  for  thame 
that  continewis  in  confessioun  of  Christis  name  to  the  end.  Gif 
natural  lufe,  fatherly  affectioun,  reverence  of  God,  feir  of  tor- 
ment, or  yit  hoip  of  lyfe,  move  you,  than  will  ye  ganestand 
that  abominabill  ydol ;  whilk,  gif  ye  do  not,  then,  allace  !  the 
sonet  is  gone  doun,  and  the  lyht  is  quyte  lost,  the  trompet  is 
ceissit,  and  ydolatrie  is  placeit  in  quietnes  and  rest.  But  gif 
God  sail  strenthin  you  (as  unfainedlie  I  pray  that  his  Majestie 
may),  then  is  their  but  ane  dark  elude  overspred  the  sone  for 
ane  moment,  whilk  schortlie  shall  vanische,  sa  that  the  beames 
efter  salbe  seven  fauld  mare  bryht  and  amiable  nor  they  were 
befoir.  Your  patience  and  constancie  salbe  a  louder  trompit  to 
your  posteritie  than  were  the  voces  of  the  prophetis  that  in- 
structit  you ;  and  so  is  not  the  trompit  ceissit  sa  lang  as  any 
baldlie  resistith  ydolatrie.  And,  thairfoir,  for  the  tender  mer- 
cies of  God,  arme  yourselves  to  stand  with  Christ  in  this  his 
schorte  battell. 

"  Let  it  be  knawn  to  your  posteritie  that  ye  wer  Christianis, 
and  no  ydolateris ;  that  ye  learnit  Chryst  in  tyme  of  rest,  and 
baldlie  professit  him  in  tyme  of  trubill.  The  preceptis,  think 
ye,  are  scharpe  and  hard  to  be  observit;  and  yet  agane  I 
affirme,  that  comparit  with  the  plagis  that  sail  assuredlie  fall 
upon  obstinat  ydolateris,  they  salbe  fund  easie  and  lycht.  For 
avoyding  of  ydolatrie  ye  may  perchance  be  compellit  to  leave 
your  native  contrie  and  realme,  but  obeyris  of  ydolatrie  without 
end  salbe  compellit  to  burne  in  hell;  for  avoyding  ydolatrie 

*  If.  t  Sun. 


92  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

your  substance  salbe  spoillit,  but  for  obeying  ydolatrie  heavenly 
ryches  sal  be  lost ;  for  avoyding  ydolatrie  ye  may  fall  into  the 
handis  of  earthlie  tirantis,  but  obeyeris,  manteaneris,  and  con- 
sentaris  to  ydolatrie  sail  not  eschaip  the  haridis  of  the  liveing 
God ;  for  avoyding  of  ydolatrie  your  children  salbe  depry vit  of 
father,  friendis,  ryches,  and  of  rest,  but  by  obeying  ydolatrie 
they  sail  be  left  without  God,  without  the  knawledge  of  his 
word,  and  without  hoip  of  his  kingdome.  Considder,  deir  breth- 
rene,  that  how  mekill  mair  *  dolorous  and  fearfull  it  is  to  be 
tormentit  in  hell  than  to  suffer  trubill  in  erth,  to  be  depryvit  of 
heavenlie  joy  than  to  be  rubbitt  of  transitorie  ryches,  to  fall  in 
the  hands  of  the  liveing  God  than  to  obey  manis  vane  and 
uncertain  displeasure,  to  leif  oure  children  destitute  of  God  than 
to  leif  them  unprovydit  before  the  world, — sa  mekill  mair  feir- 
ful  it  is  to  obey  ydolatrie,  or  by  dissembling  to  consent  to  the 
same,  than  by  avoiding  and  flying  from  the  abominatioun,  to 
suffer  what  inconvenient  may  follow  thairupon. 

"  Ye  feir  corporall  deth.  Gif  nature  admitit  any  man  to  live 
ever,  than  had  your  feir  sum  aperance  of  reasone.  But  gif 
corporall  deth  be  commoun  to  all,  why  will  ye  jeoparde  to  lois 
eternall  lyfe,  to  eschaip  that  which  neither  ryche  nor  pure, 
nether  wyse  nor  ignorant,  proud  of  stomoke  nor  febill  of  corage, 
and  finally,  no  earthlie  creature,  by  no  craft  nor  ingynej  of 
man,  did  ever  avoid.  Gif  any  eschapit  the  uglie  face  and  lior- 
ribill  feir  of  deth,  it  was  thay  that  baldlie  confessit  Chryst  be- 
foir  men. — Why  aucht  the  way  of  lyfe  to  be  so  fearful  by 
reasone  of  any  pane,  considering  that  a  great  number  of  oure 
brethrene  hes  past  befoir  ws,  by  lyke  dangeris  as  we  feir.  A 
stout  and  prudent  marinell,  in  tyme  of  tempest,  seeing  but  one 
or  two  schippis,  or  like  weschells  to  his,  pass  throughout  any 
danger,  and  to  win  a  sure  harberie,  will  have  gud  esperance.  § 
by  the  like  wind,  to  do  the  same.  Allace  !  sail  ye  be  mair  feir- 
full  to  win  lyfe  eternall,  than  the  natural  man  is  to  save  the  cor- 
porall lyfe  ?  Hes  not  the  maist  part  of  the  sanctis  of  God  from 
the  begynning  enterit  into  thair  rest,  by  torment  and  trubillis  ? 
And  yit  what  complayntis  find  we  in  thair  mouthis,  except  it 
be  the  lamenting  of  thair  persecuteris  ?  Did  God  comfort  thame  ? 
and  sail  his  Majestic  despyse  us,  gif,  in  fichting  againis  iniquitie, 
we  will  follow  thair  futstepis  ?  Hie  will  not."  || 

On  the  last  day  of  February,  1554,11  he  set  out  from  Dieppe, 


*  Much  more.  f  Robbed.  J  Wit  §  Hope. 

II  Letter  to  the  Faithful  in  London,  &c.  in  MS.  Letters,  pp.  149—151, 
356. 

IT  His  Exposition  of  the  sixth  Psalm  concludes  with  these  words :  "  T  Fpon 
the  very  point  of  my  journey,  the  last  of  February,  1553."  MS.  Letters, 
p.  109.  The  reader  will  recollect,  that  in  our  Reformer's  time,  they  did  not 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  93 

like  the  Hebrew  patriarch  of  old, "  not  knowing  whither  he 
went;"*  and  " committing  his  way  to  God,"  travelled  through 
France  to  Switzerland.  A  correspondence  had  been  kept  up 
between  some  of  the  English  reformers  and  the  most  noted 
divines  of  the  Helvetic  Church.  The  latter  had  already  heard 
with  the  sincerest  grief,  of  the  overthrow  of  the  Reformation, 
and  the  dispersion  of  its  friends,  in  England.  On  making  him- 
self known,  Knox  was  cordially  received  by  them,  and  treated 
with  the  most  affectionate  hospitality.  He  spent  some  time  in 
Switzerland,  visiting  the  particular  churches,  and  conferring 
with  the  learned  men  of  that  country ;  and  embraced  the  op- 
portunity of  submitting  to  them  certain  difficult  questions,  which 
were  suggested  by  the  present  conjuncture  of  affairs  in  Eng- 
land, and  about  which  his  mind  had  been  greatly  occupied. 
Their  views  with  respect  to  these  coinciding  with  his  own,  he 
was  confirmed  in  the  judgment  which  he  had  already  formed 
for  himself.t 

In  the  beginning  of  May  he  returned  to  Dieppe,  to  receive 
information  from  England;  a  journey  which  he  repeated  at 
intervals  as  long  as  he  remained  on  the  Continent.  The  kind 
reception  which  he  had  met  with,  and  the  agreeable  company 
which  he  enjoyed  during  his  short  residence  in  Switzerland, 
had  helped  to  dissipate  the  cloud  which  hung  upon  his  spirits 
when  he  landed  in  France,  and  to  open  his  mind  to  more  pleas- 
ing prospects  as  to  the  issue  of  the  present  afflicting  events. 
This  appears  from  a  letter  written  by  him  at  this  time,  and 
addressed  "  To  his  afflicted  brethren."  After  discoursing  of  the 
situation  of  the  disciples  of  Christ  during  the  time  that  he  lay 
in  the  grave,  and  of  the  sudden  transition  which  they  experi- 
enced, upon  the  reappearance  of  their  Master,  from  the  depth 
of  sorrow  to  the  summit  of  joy,  he  adds  :  "  The  remembrance 
thereof  is  unto  my  heart  great  matter  of  consolation.  For  yet 
my  good  hope  is,  that  one  day  or  other,  Christ  Jesus,  that  now 
is  crucified  in  England,  shall  rise  again,  in  despite  of  his  ene- 
mies, and  shall  appear  to  his  weak  and  sore  troubled  disciples ; 

begin  the  year  until  the  25th  of  March ;  so  that  "  February,  1553,"  accord- 
ing to  the  old  reckoning,  is,  "  February,  1554,"  according  to  the  modern. 

*  His  Letter  to  the  Faithful  in  London,  &c.  concludes  thus : — "  From  ane 
sore  trubillit  hart,  upon  my  departure  from  Diep,  1553,  whither  God  knaw- 
eth.  In  God  is  my  trust  through  Jesus  Chryst  his  sone ;  and,  thairfor,  I 
feir  not  the  tyrannic  of  man,  nether  yet  what  the  devil!  can  invent  against 
me.  Rejoice,  ye  faithfull ;  for  in  joy  shall  we  meit,  wher  deth  may  not 
dissever  us."  MS.  Letters,  pp.  157,  158. 

f  In  a  Letter,  dated  Dieppe,  May  10,  1554,  he  says,  "  My  awin  estait  is 
this :  since  the  28  of  Januar,"  counting  from  the  time  he  came  to  France, 
"  I  have  travellit  throughout  all  the  congregations  of  Helvetia,  and  has  rea- 
sonit  with  all  the  pastoris  and  many  other  excellentlie  learnit  men,  upon  sic 
matters  as  now  I  cannot  comit  to  wrytting."  MS.  Letters,  p.  318. 


94  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

(for  yet  some  he  hath  in  that  wretched  and  miserable  realm) ; 
to  whom  he  shall  say,  '  Peace  be  unto  you ;  it  is  I,  be  not 
afraid.'  "» 

His  spirit  was  also  refreshed  at  this  time,  by  the  information 
that  he  received  of  the  constancy  with  which  his  mother-in-law 
adhered  to  the  Protestant  faith.  Her  husband,  it  appears,  took 
it  for  granted  that  she  and  the  rest  of  the  family  had  consciences 
equally  accommodating  with  his  own.  It  was  not  until  she  had 
evinced,  in  the  most  determined  manner,  her  resolution  to  for- 
sake friends  and  native  country,  rather  than  sacrifice  her  reli- 
gion, that  she  was  released  from  his  importunities  to  comply 
with  the  Roman  Catholic  religion.t  Before  he  went  to  Switzer- 
land, Knox  had  signified  his  intention,  if  his  life  was  spared, 
of  visiting  his  friends  at  Berwick.^  When  he  returned  to  Di- 
eppe, he  had  not  relinquished  the  thoughts  of  this  enterprise.  § 
It  is  likely  that  his  friends  had,  in  their  letters,  dissuaded  him 
from  it ;  and,  after  cool  consideration,  he  resolved  to  postpone 
an  attempt,  by  which  he  must  have  risked  his  life,  without  the 
prospect  of  doing  any  good.|| 

Wherefore,  setting  out  again  from  Dieppe,  he  repaired  to 
Geneva.  The  celebrated  Calvin  was  then  in  the  zenith  of  his 
reputation  and  usefulness  in  that  city,  and  having  completed  its 
ecclesiastical  establishment,  and  surmounted  the  opposition 
raised  by  those  who  envied  his  authority,  or  disliked  his  system 
of  doctrine  and  discipline,  was  securely  seated  in  the  affections 
of  the  citizens.  His  writings  were  already  translated  into  most 
of  the  languages  of  Europe ;  and  Geneva  was  thronged  with 
strangers  from  England,  France,  Germany,  Poland,  Hungary, 
and  even  from  Spain  and  Italy,  who  came  to  consult  him  about 
the  advancement  of  the  Reformation,  or  to  find  shelter  from  the 
persecutions  to  which  they  were  exposed  in  their  native  coun- 
tries. The  name  of  Calvin  was  respected  by  none  more  than 
the  Protestants  of  England ;  and,  at  the  desire  of  Archbishop 
Cranmer,  he  had  imparted  to  the  Protector  Somerset  and  to 
Edward  VI.  his  advice  as  to  the  best  method  of  advancing  the 
Reformation  in  that  kingdom.lf  Knox  was  affectionately  re- 
ceived by  him  as  a  refugee  from  England,  and  an  intimate 
friendship  was  soon  formed  between  them,  which  subsisted 
until  the  death  of  Calvin  in  1564.  They  were  nearly  of  the 
same  age ;  and  there  was  a  striking  similarity  in  their  senti- 
ments, and  in  the  more  prominent  features  of  their  character. 

*  MS.  Letters,  pp.  313—315. 

f  MS.  Letters,  p.  311.  J  Ibid.  p.  106. 

$  Ibid.  p.  319.  ||  Ibid.  p.  310. 

IT  Strype's  Cranmer,  p.  413.  Calvini  Epist  et  Respons.  pp.  179,  245,  248, 
Hanov.  1597. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  95 

The  Genevan  reformer  was  highly  pleased  with  the  piety  and 
talents  of  Knox,  who,  in  his  turn,  entertained  a  greater  esteem 
and  deference  for  Calvin  than  for  any  other  of  the  reformers. 
As  Geneva  was  an  eligible  situation  for  prosecuting  study,  and 
as  he  approved  much  of  the  religious  order  established  in  that 
city,  he  resolved  to  make  it  the  ordinary  place  of  his  residence 
during  the  continuance  of  his  exile. 

But  no  prospect  of  personal  safety  or  accommodation  could 
banish  from  his  mind  the  thoughts  of  his  persecuted  countrymen. 
In  the  month  of  July  he  undertook  another  journey  to  Dieppe, 
to  inform  himself  accurately  of  their  situation,  and  to  learn  if  he 
could  do  any  thing  for  their  comfort.*  The  tidings  he  received 
on  this  occasion  tore  open  those  wounds  which  had  begun  to 
close.  In  Scotland,  every  thing  was  dark  and  discouraging. 
The  severities  used  against  the  Protestants  of  England  daily 
increased ;  and,  what  was  still  more  afflicting  to  him,  many  of 
those  who  had  embraced  the  truth  under  his  ministry  had  been 
induced  to  return  to  the  communion  of  the  Popish  Church.  In 
the  agony  of  his  spirit,  he  wrote  to  them,  setting  before  them 
the  destruction  to  which  they  exposed  their  immortal  souls  by 
such  cowardly  desertion,  and  earnestly  calling  them  to  repent- 
ance.t  Under  his  present  impressions,  he  repeated  his  former 
admonitions  to  his  mother-in-law,  and  to  his  wife ;  over  whose 
religious  constancy  he  was  tenderly  jealous.  "  By  pen  will  I 
write  (because  the  bodies  are  put  asunder  to  meet  again  at  God's 
pleasure)  that  which,  by  mouth,  and  face  to  face,  ye  have  heard, 
that  if  man  or  arigel  labour  to  bring  you  back  from  the  confession 
that  once  you  have  given,  let  them  in  that  behalf  be  accursed. 
If  any  trouble  you  above  measure,  whether  they  be  magistrates 
or  carnal  friends,  they  shall  bear  their  just  condemnation,  unless 
they  speedily  repent.  But  now,  mother,  comfort  you  my  heart 
(God  grant  ye  may)  in  this  my  great  affliction  and  dolorous 
pilgrimage  ;  continue  stoutly  to  the  end,  and  bow  you  never 
before  that  idol,  and  so  will  the  rest  of  worldly  troubles  be  unto 

*  One  of  his  letters  to  Mrs.  Bowes  is  dated,  "  At  Diep  the  20  of  July 
1544,  after  I  had  visited  Geneva  and  uther  partis,  and  returned  to  Diep  to 
learn  the  estait  of  Ingland  and  Scotland."  MS.  Letters,  pp.  255,  256.  This 
is  the  letter  which  was  published  by  Knox,  along  with  his  answer  to  Tyrie, 
in  1572,  after  the  death  of  Mrs.  Bowes. 

f  In  the  letter  mentioned  in  last  note,  he  refers  his  mother-in-law  to  "  a 
general  letter  written,"  says  he,  "  be  me  in  greit  anguiss  of  hart,  to  the 
congregationis  of  whome  I  heir  say  a  greit  part,  under  pretence  that  thai 
may  keip  faith  secreitt  in  the  hart,  and  yet  do  as  idolaters  do,  beginnis  now 
to  fall  before  that  idoll.  But  O,  alas  !  blindit  and  desavit  ar  thai ;  as  they 
sail  knaw  in  the  Lordis  visitatioun,  whilk,  sa  assuredlie  as  our  God  liveth, 
sail  shortlie  apprehend  thai  backstarteris  amangis  the  middis  of  idolateris." 
MS.  Letters,  p.  252.  On  the  margin  of  the  printed  copy  is  his  note :  "  Fre- 
quent letters  written  by  Johne  Knox  to  decline  from  idolatrie." 


96  LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX. 

me  more  tolerable.  With  my  own  heart  I  often  commune,  yea, 
and,  as  it  were  comforting  myself,  I  appear  to  triumph,  that 
God  shall  never  suffer  you  to  fall  in  that  rebuke.  Sure  I  am 
that  both  ye  would  fear  and  eschame  to  commit  that  abomination 
in  my  presence,  who  am  but  a  wretched  man,  subject  to  sin  and 
misery  like  to  yourself.  But,  0  mother  !  though  no  earthly 
creature  should  be  offended  with  you,  yet  fear  ye  the  presence 
and  offence  of  Him,  who,  present  in  all  places,  searcheth  the 
very  heart  and  reins — whose  indignation,  once  kindled  against 
the  inobedient  (and  no  sin  more  inflameth  his  wrath  than 
idolatry  doth),  no  creature  in  heaven  nor  in  earth  is  able  to 
appease."* 

He  was  in  this  state  of  mind  when  he  composed  the  Admoni- 
tion to  England,  which  was  published  about  the  end  of  this  year. 
Those  who  have  censured  him,  as  indulging  in  an  excessive 
vehemence  of  spirit  and  bitterness  of  language,  usually  refer  to 
this  tract  in  support  of  their  charge.!  It  is  true  that  he  there 
paints  the  persecuting  Papists  in  the  blackest  colours,  and  holds 
them  up  as  objects  of  human  execration  and  divine  vengeance. 
I  do  not  now  stop  to  inquire,  whether  he  was  chargeable  with 
transgressing  the  bounds  of  moderation  prescribed  by  reason 
and  religion,  in  the  expression  of  his  indignation  and  zeal ;  or 
whether  the  censures  pronounced  by  his  accusers,  and  the  prin- 
ciples upon  which  they  proceed,  do  not  involve  a  condemnation 
of  the  temper  and  language  of  the  most  righteous  men  mentioned 
in  Scripture,  and  even  of  our  Saviour  himself.  But,  I  may  ask, 
is  there  no  apology  for  his  severity  to  be  found  in  the  character 
of  the  persons  against  whom  he  wrote,  and  in  the  state  of  his 
own  feelings,  lacerated,  not  by  personal  sufferings,  but  by 
sympathy  with  his  suffering  brethren,  who  were  driven  into 
prisons  by  their  unnatural  countrymen,  "as  sheep  for  the 
slaughter,"  to  be  brought  forth  and  barbarously  immolated  to 
appease  the  Roman  Moloch  ?  Who  could  suppress  indignation 
in  speaking  of  the  conduct  of  men,  who,  having  raised  themselves 
to  honour  and  affluence  by  the  warmest  professions  of  friendship 
to  the  reformed  religion  under  the  preceding  reign,  now  abetted 
the  most  violent  measures  against  their  former  brethren  and 
benefactors  ?  What  terms  were  too  strong  for  stigmatizing  the 
execrable  system  of  persecution  coolly  projected  by  the  dissem- 
bling, vindictive  Gardiner,  the  brutal  barbarity  of  the  bloody 
Bonner,  or  the  unrelenting,  insatiable  cruelty  of  Mary,  who, 
having  extinguished  the  feelings  of  humanity,  and  divested  her- 
self of  the  tenderness  which  characterizes  her  sex,  continued  to 
urge  to  fresh  severities  the  willing  instruments  of  her  cruelty, 
after  they  were  sated  with  blood,  and  to  issue  orders  for  the 

*  MS.  Letters,  pp.  251—253.  f  Collier,  Eccles.  History,  ii.  441. 


LIFE   OF    JOHN    KNOX.  97 

murder  of  her  subjects,  until  her  own  husband,  bigoted  and  un 
feeling  as  he  was,  turned  with  disgust  from  the  spectacle  ? 

On  such  a  theme  'tis  impious  to  be  calm  ; 
Passion  is  reason,  transport  temper  here. 

Oppression  makes  a  wise  man  mad ;  but  (to  use  the  words  of 
a  modern  orator,  with  a  more  just  application)  « the  distemper 
is  still  the  madness  of  the  wise,  which  is  better  than  the  sobriety 
of  fools.  Their  cry  is  the  voice  of  sacred  misery,  exalted,  not 
into  wild  raving,  but  into  the  sanctified  frenzy  of  prophecy  and 
inspiration." 

Knox  returned  to  Geneva,  and  applied  himself  to  study  with 
all  the  ardour  of  youth,  although  his  age  now  bordered  upon 
fifty.  It  seems  to  have  been  at  this  time  that  he  made  himself 
master  of  the  Hebrew  language,  which  he  had  no  opportunity 
of  acquiring  in  early  life.*  It  is  natural  to  inquire  by  what 
funds  he  was  supported  during  his  exile.  However  much  in- 
clined his  mother-in-law  was  to  relieve  his  necessities,  the  dis-  v 
position  of  her  husband  appears  to  have  put  it  greatly  out  of 
her  power.  Any  small  sums  which  his  friends  had  advanced 
to  him,  before  his  sudden  departure  from  England,  were  ex- 
hausted; and  he  was  at  this  time  very  much  straitened  for 
money.  Being  unwilling  to  burden  strangers,  he  looked  for 
assistance  to  the  voluntary  contributions  of  those  among  whom 
he  had  laboured.  In  a  letter  to  Mrs.  Bowes,  he  says, "  My 
own  estate  I  cannot  well  declare ;  but  God  shall  guide  the 
footsteps  of  him  that  is  wilsome,  and  will  feed  him  in  trouble 
that  never  greatly  solicited  for  the  world.  If  any  collection 
might  be  made  among  the  faithful,  it  were  no  shame  for  me  to 
receive  that  which  Paul  refused  not  in  the  time  of  his  trouble. 
But  all  I  remit  to  his  Providence  that  ever  careth  for  his  own."t 
I  find  that  remittances  were  made  to  him  by  particular  friends, 
both  in  England  and  Scotland,  during  his  residence  on  the 
Continent.:}: 

Meanwhile,  the  persecution  growing  hot  in  England,  great 
numbers  of  Protestants  had  made  their  escape  from  that  king- 
dom. Before  the  close  of  the  year  1554,  there  were  on  the 
Continent  several  hundred  Englishmen  of  good  education, 
besides  others  of  different  ranks,  who  had  preferred  religion  to 
country,  and  voluntarily  encountered  all  the  hardships  of  exile, 
that  they  might  hold  fast  the  profession  of  the  Protestant  faith. 
The  foreign  reformed  churches  exhibited,  on  this  occasion,  an 
amiable  proof  of  the  spirit  of  their  religion,  and  amply  recom- 

*  MS.  Letters,  p.  322.  Davidson's  Breif  Commendatioun  of  Uprichtnes ; 
reprinted  in  the  Supplement. 

t  MS.  Letters,  p.  256.  J  Ibid.  pp.  344,  373. 

9 


98  LIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

pensed  the  kindness  which  England  had  shewn  to  strangers 
during  the  reign  of  Edward.  They  emulated  one  another  in 
exertions  to  accommodate  the  unfortunate  refugees  who  were 
dispersed  among  them,  and  endeavoured,  with  the  most  affec- 
tionate solicitude,  to  supply  their  wants  and  alleviate  their 
sufferings.  *  The  principal  places  in  which  the  English  exiles 
obtained  settlements,  were  Zurich,  Basle,  Geneva,  Arrow, 
Embden,  Wesel,  Strasburg,  Duysburg,  and  Frankfort. 

Frankfort  on  the  Maine  was  a  rich  imperial  city  of  Germany, 
which,  at  an  early  period,  had  embraced  the  Reformation,  and 
befriended  Protestant  refugees  from  all  countries,  so  far  as  this 
could  be  done  without  coming  to  an  open  breach  with  the  em- 
peror, by  whom  their  conduct  was  watched  with  a  jealous  eye. 
There  was  already  a  church  of  French  Protestants  in  that  city. 
On  the  14th  of  July  1554,  the  English  who  had  come  to  Frank- 
fort obtained  from  the  magistrates  the  joint  use  of  the  place  of 
worship  allotted  to  the  French,  with  liberty  to  perform  religious 
service  in  their  own  language,  t  This  was  granted  upon  the 
condition  of  their  conforming,  as  nearly  as  possible,  to  the  mode 
of  worship  used  by  the  French  Church  ;  a  prudent  precaution, 
dictated  by  the  political  situation  in  which  the  city  was  placed. 
The  offer  was  gratefully  accepted  by  the  English,  who  came  to 
a  unanimous  agreement,  that  they  would  omit  the  use  of  the 
surplice,  the  litany,  the  audible  responses,  and  some  other  cere- 
monies prescribed  by  the  English  liturgy,  which,  "  in  those  re- 
formed churches,  would  seem  more  than  strange,"  or  which 
were  "superstitious  and  superfluous."  Having  settled  this 
point  in  the  most  harmonious  manner,  elected  deacons  and  a 
temporary  pastor,  and  agreed  upon  certain  rules  of  discipline, 
they  wrote  a  circular  letter  to  their  brethren  who  were  scattered 
through  different  places,  informing  them  of  the  agreeable  settle- 
ment which  they  had  obtained,  and  inviting  them  to  participate 
in  their  accommodations  at  Frankfort,  and  unite  with  them  in 
prayers  for  the  afflicted  Church  of  England.  The  exiles  at 
Strasburg,  in  their  reply  to  this  letter,  recommended  to  them 

*  It  is  painful  to  observe,  that  many  of  the  Lutherans,  at  this  time,  dis- 
graced themselves  by  their  illiberal  inhospitality,  refusing,  in  different  in- 
stances, to  admit  those  who  fled  from  England  into  their  harbours  and  towns, 
because  they  differed  from  them  in  their  sentiments  on  the  sacramental  con- 
troversy. Melch.  Adami  Vitse  Exter.  Theolog.  p.  20.  Strype's  Cranmer, 
p.  353,  361.  Gerdesii  Hist.  Reform,  torn.  iii.  235—237. 

f  The  English  exiles  were  greatly  indebted  for  this  favour  to  the  friendly 
services  of  the  French  pastors.  One  of  these,  Valerandus  Polanus,  was  a 
native  of  Flanders,  and  had  been  minister  of  a  congregation  in  Strasburg. 
During  the  confusions  produced  in  Germany  by  the  Interim,  he  had  retired 
along  with  his  congregation  to  England,  and  obtained  a  settlement  at  Glas- 
tonbury.  Upon  the  death  of  Edward  VI.  he  went  to  Frankfort.  Strype's 
Memor.  of  the  Reform,  ii.  242. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  99 

certain  persons  as  well  qualified  for  filling  the  offices  of  super- 
intendent and  pastor;  a  recommendatien  not  asked  by  the 
congregation  at  Frankfort,  who  did  not  think  a  superintendent 
necessary  in  their  situation,  and  who  intended  to  put  themselves 
under  the  inspection  of  two  or  three  pastors  invested  with  equal 
authority.  They  accordingly  proceeded  to  make  choice  of 
three  persons  to  this  office.  One  of  these  was  Knox,  who  re- 
ceived information  of  his  election  by  a  letter  written  in  the 
name  of  the  congregation,  and  subscribed  by  its  principal 
members.* 

The  deputation  which  waited  on  him  with  this  invitation 
found  him  engaged  in  the  prosecution  of  his  studies  at  Geneva. 
From  aversion  to  sacrifice  the  advantages  which  he  enjoyed,  or 
from  the  apprehension  of  difficulties  that  he  might  meet  with 
at  Frankfort,  he  would  gladly  have  excused  himself  from  ac- 
cepting the  invitation.  But  the  deputies  having  employed  the 
powerful  intercession  of  Calvin,t  he  was  induced  to  comply, 
and  repairing  to  Frankfort  in  the  month  of  November,  com- 
menced his  ministry  with  the  universal  consent  and  approba- 
tion of  the  Church.  Previous  to  his  arrival,  however,  the 
harmony  which  at  first  subsisted  among  that  people  had  been 
disturbed.  In  reply  to  the  letter  addressed  to  them,  the  exiles 
at  Zurich  had  signified  that  they  would  not  come  to  Frankfort, 
unless  they  obtained  security  that  the  Church  there  would 
"use  the  same  order  of  service  concerning  religion,  which 
was,  in  England,  last  set  forth  by  King  Edward ;"  for  they 
were  fully  determined  "to  admit  and  use  no  other."  They 
alleged,  that,  by  varying  from  that  service,  they  would  give 
occasion  to  their  adversaries  to  charge  their  religion  with  im- 
perfection and  mutability,  and  would  condemn  their  brethren 
who  were  sealing  it  with  their  blood  in  England.  To  these 
representations  the  brethren  at  Frankfort  replied,  that  they  had 
obtained  the  liberty  of  a  place  of  worship,  upon  condition  of 
their  accommodating  themselves  as  much  as  possible  to  the 
forms  used  by  the  French  Church ;  that  there  were  a  number 
of  things  in  the  English  service-book  which  would  be  offensive 
to  the  Protestants  among  whom  they  resided,  and  which  had 
been  occasion  of  scruple  to  conscientious  persons  at  home ; 
that,  by  the  variations  which  they  had  introduced,  they  were 
very  far  from  meaning  to  throw  any  reflection  upon  the  regu- 
lations of  their  late  sovereign  and  his  council,  who  had  them- 
selves altered  many  things,  and  had  resolved  on  still  greater 
alterations,  without  thinking  that  they  gave  any  handle  to  their 
popish  adversaries ;  and  still  less  did  they  mean  to  detract  from 
the  credit  of  the  martyrs,  who,  they  were  persuaded,  shed  their 

*  See  Note  V.  f  Knox,  Historie,  p.  85. 


100  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

blood  in  confirmation  of  more  important  things  than  mutable 
ceremonies  of  human  appointment.  This  reply  had  the  effect 
of  lowering  the  tone  of  the  exiles  at  Zurich,  but  it  did  not 
satisfy  them ;  and  instead  of  desisting  from  the  controversy, 
and  contenting  themselves  with  remaining  where  they  were, 
they  instigated  their  brethren  at  Strasburg  to  urge  the  same  re- 
quest, and,  by  letters  and  messengers,  fomented  dissension  in 
the  congregation  at  Frankfort.* 

When  Knox  arrived,  he  found  that  the  seeds  of  animosity 
had  already  sprung  up  among  them.  From  what  we  already 
know  of  his  sentiments  respecting  the  English  service-book,  we 
may  be  sure  that  the  eagerness  manifested  by  those  who  wished 
to  impose  it  was  very  displeasing  to  him.  But  so  sensible  was 
he  of  the  pernicious  and  discreditable  effects  of  division  among 
brethren  exiled  for  the  same  faith,  that  he  resolved  to  act  as  a 
moderator  between  the  two  parties,  and  to  avoid,  as  far  as  pos- 
sible, every  thing  which  might  have  a  tendency  to  widen  or 
continue  the  breach.  Accordingly,  when  the  congregation  had 
agreed  to  adopt  the  order  of  the  Genevan  Church,t  and  re- 
quested him  to  proceed  to  administer  the  communion  according 
to  it,  although  he  approved  of  that  form,  he  declined  carrying 
it  into  practice,  until  their  learned  brethren  in  other  places  were 
consulted.  At  the  same  time,  he  signified  that  he  had  not  free- 
dom to  dispense  the  sacraments  agreeably  to  the  English  liturgy. 
If  he  could  not  be  allowed  to  perform  this  service  in  a  manner 
more  consonant  to  Scripture,  he  requested  that  some  other  per- 
son might  be  employed  in  this  part  of  duty,  in  which  case  he 
would  willingly  confine  himself  to  preaching ;  and  if  neither  of 
these  could  be  granted,  he  besought  them  to  release  him  alto- 
gether from  his  charge.  To  this  last  request  they  would  by  no 
means  consent. 

Fearing  that,  if  these  differences  were  not  speedily  accom- 
modated, they  would  burst  into  a  flame,  Knox,  and  some  other 
members  of  the  congregation,  drew  up  a  summary  of  the  Book 
of  Common  Prayer,  and,  having  translated  it  into  Latin,  sent  it 
to  Calvin  for  his  opinion  and  advice.  In  a  reply,  dated  January 

*  Brieff  Discours  off  the  Troubles  begonne  at  Franckford  in  Germany, 
Anno  Domini  1554,  abowte  the  booke  off  Common  Prayer,  pp.  xviii — xxiv. 
Printed  in  1575.  This  work  contains  a  full  account  of  the  transactions  of 
the  English  Church  at  Frankfort,  confirmed  by  original  papers.  The  author 
was  a  non-conformist,  but  his  narrative  was  allowed  to  be  accurate  by  the 
opposite  party.  To  save  repetition,  I  may  mention  once  for  all,  that,  when 
no  authority  is  referred  to,  my  statement  of  these  transactions  is  taken  from 
this  book.  It  was  reprinted  in  1642,  and  is  also  to  be  found  in  the  second 
volume  of  the  Phenix,  or  a  Revival  of  Scarce  and  Valuable  Pieces.  Lond. 
1707—8.  But  I  have  made  use  of  the  first  edition. 

f  This  was  the  order  of  worship  used  by  the  Church  at  Geneva,  of  which 
Calvin  was  the  minister.  It  had  been  lately  translated  into  English. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  101 

20.  1555,  Calvin  stated,  that  he  was  grieved  to  hear  of  the  un- 
seemly contentions  which  prevailed  among  them;  that,  although 
he  had  always  recommended  moderation  respecting  external 
ceremonies,  yet  he  could  not  but  condemn  the  obstinacy  of 
those  who  would  consent  to  no  change  of  old  customs ;  that, 
in  the  liturgy  of  England,  he  had  found  many  tolerable  foole- 
ries (tolerabiles  ineptias), — practices  which  might  be  toFerated 
at  the  beginning  of  a  reformation,  but  ought  to  be  removed  as 
soon  as  possible  ;  that,  in  his  opinion,  the  present  condition  of 
the  English  exiles  warranted  them  to  attempt  this,  and  to  agree 
upon  an  order  more  conducive  to  edification ;  and  that,  for  his 
part,  he  could  not  understand  what  those  persons  meant  who 
discovered  such  fondness  for  popish  dregs.* 

This  letter,  when  read  to  the  congregation,  had  a  great  effect 
in  repressing  the  keenness  of  such  as  had  urged  the  unlimited 
use  of  the  liturgy ;  and  a  committee  was  appointed  to  draw  up 
a  form  which  might  put  an  end  to  all  differences.!  When  this 
committee  met,  Knox  told  them  that  he  was  convinced  it  was 
necessary  for  one  of  the  parties  to  relent  before  they  could 
come  to  an  amicable  settlement ;  and  that  he  would  therefore 
state  what  he  judged  most  proper  to  be  done,  and  having  ex- 
onerated himself,  would  allow  them,  without  opposition,  to 
determine  as  they  should  answer  to  God  and  the  Church. 
They  accordingly  agreed  upon  a  form  of  worship,  in  which 
the  English  liturgy  was  followed,  so  far  as  their  circumstances 
and  the  general  ends  of  edification,  permitted.  This  was  to 
continue  in  force  until  the  end  of  April  next ;  and  if  any  dis- 
pute arose  in  the  interval,  it  was  to  be  referred  to  five  of  the 
most  celebrated  foreign  divines.  The  agreement  was  subscribed 
by  all  the  members  of  the  congregation ;  thanks  were  publicly 
returned  to  God  for  the  restoration  of  harmony ;  and  the  com- 
munion was  received  as  a  pledge  of  union,  and  of  the  burial 
of  all  past  offences. 

But  this  agreement  was  soon  after  violated,  and  the  peace  of 
that  unhappy  congregation  again  broken,  in  the  most  wanton 
and  inexcusable  manner.  On  the  13th  of  March,  1555,  Dr. 
Cox,  who  had  been  preceptor  to  Edward  VI,  came  from  Eng- 
land to  Frankfort,  with  some  others  in  his  company.  The  first 

*  Calvini  Epist.  p.  28;  Oper.  torn.  ix.     Amstselodami,  anno  1667. 

f  Previous  to  the  appointment  of  this  committee,  Knox,  Whittingham, 
Fox,  Gilby,  and  T.  Cole,  had  composed  (what  was  afterwards  called)  The 
Order  of  Geneva,  but  it  did  not  meet  the  views  of  all  concerned.  This  was 
different  from  the  order  of  the  Genevan  Church,  already  referred  to;  and 
obtained  its  name  from  the  circumstance  of  its  having  been  first  used  by  the 
English  Church  at  Geneva.  It  was  afterwards  used  in  the  Church  of  Scot- 
land under  the  name  of  the  Book  of  Common  Order,  and  is  sometimes  called 
Knox's  Liturgy. 


102  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

day  on  which  they  attended  public  worship  after  their  arrival, 
they  broke  through  the  established  order,  by  answering  aloud 
after  the  minister  in  the  time  of  divine  service.  Being  admo- 
nished by  some  of  the  elders  to  refrain  from  that  practice,  they 
insolently  replied,  "  that  they  would  do  as  they  had  done  in 
England;  and  they  would  have  the  face  of  an  English 
Church." — "The  Lord  grant  it  to  have  the  face  of  Christ's 
Church,"  says  Knox,  in  an  account  which  he  drew  up  of  these 
transactions;  "and  therefore  I  would  have  had  it  agreeable, 
in  outward  rites  and  ceremonies,  with  Christian  Churches  re- 
formed."* 

On  the  following  Sabbath,  one  of  their  number  having  in- 
truded himself  into  the  pulpit  without  the  consent  of  the 
pastors  or  the  congregation,  read  the  litany,  while  Cox  and  his 
accomplices  echoed  the  responses.  This  offensive  behaviour 
was  aggravated  by  the  consideration,  that  some  of  them  had, 
before  leaving  England,  been  guilty  of  compliances  with 
Popery,  for  which  they  had  not  yet  given  satisfaction  to  their 
brethren. 

Such  an  infraction  of  public  order,  as  well  as  insult  upon  the 
whole  body,  could  not  be  passed  over  in  silence.  It  was 
Knox's  turn  to  preach  on  the  afternoon  of  the  Sabbath  when 
this  occurred.  In  his  ordinary  course  of  lecturing  through  the 
book  of  Genesis,  he  had  occasion  to  discourse  of  the  manner  in 
which  offences  committed  by  professors  of  religion  ought  to  be 
treated.  Having  mentioned  that  there  were  infirmities  in  their 
conduct  over  which  a  veil  should  be  thrown,  he  proceeded  to 
remark,  that  offences  which  openly  dishonoured  God  and  dis- 
turbed the  peace  of  the  Church,  ought  to  be  disclosed  and 
publicly  rebuked.  He  then  reminded  them  of  the  contention 
which  had  existed  in  the  congregation,  and  of  the  happy  man- 
ner in  which,  after  long  and  painful  labour,  it  had  been  ended, 
to  the  joy  of  all,  by  the  solemn  agreement  which  had  that  day 
been  so  flagrantly  violated.  This,  he  said,  it  became  not  the 
proudest  of  them  to  have  attempted.  Nothing  which  was 
destitute  of  a  divine  warrant  ought  to  be  obtruded  upon  any 
Christian  Church.  In  that  book  for  which  some  entertained 
such  an  overweening  fondness,  he  would  undertake  to  prove 
publicly,  that  there  were  things  imperfect,  impure,  and  super- 
stitious ;  and  if  any  should  go  about  to  burden  a  free  congre- 
gation with  such  things,  he  would  not  fail,  as  often  as  he 
occupied  that  place,  provided  his  text  afforded  occasion,  to 
oppose  their  design.  As  he  had  been  forced  to  enter  upon  that 
subject,  he  would  say  farther,  that,  in  his  judgment,  slackness 
in  reforming  religion,  when  time  and  opportunity  were  granted 

*  Cald.  MS.  i.  249. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  103 

for  this  purpose,  was  one  cause  of  the  divine  displeasure 
against  England.  He  adverted  also  to  the  trouble  which 
Bishop  Hooper  had  suffered  for  refusing  to  comply  with  some 
of  the  ceremonies,  to  the  want  of  discipline,  and  to  the  well- 
known  fact,  that  three,  four,  or  five  benefices  had  been  held 
by  one  man,  to  the  depriving  of  the  flock  of  Christ  of  their 
necessary  food. 

This  free  reprimand  was  highly  resented  by  those  against 
whom  it  was  levelled,  especially  by  such  as  had  held  pluralities 
in  England,  who  insisted  that  the  preacher  should  be  called  to 
account  for  slandering  their  mother  church.  A  special  meeting 
being  held  for  the  consideration  of  this  affair,  the  friends  of  the 
liturgy,  instead  of  prosecuting  their  complaints  against  Knox, 
began  with  requiring  that  Cox  and  his  friends  should  be  ad- 
mitted to  a  vote  in  the  discussion.  This  was  resisted  by  the 
great  majority,  on  the  ground  that  these  persons  had  not  yet 
subscribed  the  discipline  of  the  Church,  nor  given  satisfaction 
for  their  late  disorderly  conduct,  and  their  sinful  compliances 
in  England.  The  behaviour  of  our  Reformer,  on  this  occasion, 
was  more  remarkable  for  magnanimity  than  prudence.  Al- 
though aware  of  the  hostility  of  Cox's  adherents  to  himself, 
and  that  they  sought  admission  chiefly  to  overpower  him  by 
numbers,  he  was  so  confident  of  the  justice  of  his  cause,  and 
so  anxious  to  remove  prejudices,  that  he  entreated  and  pre- 
vailed with  the  meeting  to  yield  to  their  unreasonable  request, 
and  to  admit  them  immediately  to  a  vote.  "  I  know,"  said  he, 
"  that  your  earnest  desire  to  be  received  at  this  instant  within 
the  number  of  the  congregation,  is,  that,  by  the  multitude  of 
your  voices,  ye  may  overthrow  my  cause.  Howbeit,  the 
matter  is  so  evident,  that  ye  shall  not  be  able  to  do  it.  I  fear 
not  your  judgment ;  and  therefore  do  require  that  ye  may  be 
admitted."*  This  disinterestedness  was  thrown  away  on  the 
opposite  party;  for  no  sooner  were  they  admitted,  and  had 
obtained  a  majority  of  voices,  than  Cox,  usurping  an  authority 
with  which  he  had  never  been  invested,  discharged  Knox 
from  preaching,  and  from  all  interference  in  the  congregational 
afFairs.t 

The  great  body  of  the  congregation  were  indignant  at  these 
proceedings ;  and  there  was  reason  to  fear  that  the  mutual  ani- 
mosity would  break  out  into  a  disgraceful  tumult.  To  prevent 
this,  some  of  the  members  made  a  representation  of  the  case  to 

*  Cald.  MS.  i.  252. 

f  Collier  (ii.  395)  says  that  Knox  manifested  in  this  instance  "a  surpri- 
sing compliance."  But  it  appears,  even  from  the  account  given  by  that 
historian,  that,  in  the  whole  of  the  Frankfort  affair,  our  Reformer  displayed 
the  greatest  moderation  and  forbearance,  while  the  conduct  of  his  opponents 
was  marked  throughout  with  violence  and  want  of  charity. 


104  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

the  senate .  of  Frankfort,  who,  after  recommending  in  vain  a 
private  accommodation,  issued  an  order  that  the  congregation 
should  conform  exactly  to  the  mode  of  service  used  by  the 
French  Church,  as  nothing  but  confusion  had  ensued  since  they 
departed  from  it;  and  threatened,  if  this  was  not  complied 
with,  to  shut  up  their  place  of  worship.  To  this  peremptory 
injunction  the  Coxian  faction  pretended  a  cheerful  submission, 
while  they  clandestinely  concerted  measures  for  obtaining  its 
revocation,  and  enforcing  their  favourite  liturgy  upon  a  re- 
claiming congregation. 

Perceiving  the  influence  which  our  countryman  had  in  the 
Church,  and  despairing  to  carry  their  plan  into  execution  so 
long  as  he  was  among  them,  they  determined,  in  the  first  place, 
to  rid  themselves  of  his  presence.  To  accomplish  this  object, 
they  had  recourse  to  one  of  the  basest  and  most  unchristian 
acts  ever  employed  to  ruin  an  adversary.  Two  of  them,  in 
concurrence  with  others,  went  privately  to  the  magistrates,  and 
accused  Knox  of  high  treason  against  the  Emperor  of  Ger- 
many, his  son  Philip,  and  Queen  Mary  of  England;  putting 
into  their  hands  at  the  same  time  a  copy  of  a  book  which  he 
had  lately  published,  and  in  which  the  passages  containing  the 
grounds  of  charge  were  marked.  "0  Lord  God  !"  says  Knox, 
when  relating  this  step,  "  open  their  hearts  to  see  their  wicked- 
ness, and  forgive  them  for  thy  manifold  mercies.  And  I  for- 
give them,  0  Lord,  from  the  bottom  of  mine  heart.  But  that 
thy  message  sent  by  my  mouth  may  not  be  slandered,  I  am 
compelled  to  declare  the  cause  of  my  departing,  and  to  utter 
their  follies,  to  their  amendment,  I  trust,  and  the  example  of 
others,  who,  in  the  same  banishment,  can  have  so  cruel  hearts 
as  to  persecute  their  brethren."*  The  book  which  the  inform- 
ers left  with  the  magistrates  was  his  Admonition  to  England ; 
and  the  passage  upon  which  they  principally  fixed,  as  sub- 
stantiating the  charge  of  treason  against  the  emperor,  was  the 
following,  originally  spoken  to  the  inhabitants  of  Amersham  in 
Buckinghamshire^  on  occasion  of  the  rumour  of  marriage  of 
Queen  Mary  with  Philip,  the  son  and  heir  of  Charles  V.,  a 
match  which  was  at  that  time  dreaded  by  many  of  the  English 

*  Cald.  MS.  i.  254.  Upon  his  return  to  Geneva,  Knox  committed  to 
writing  a  narrative  of  the  causes  of  his  retiring  from  Frankfort.  This  he 
intended  to  publish  in  his  own  defence ;  but,  on  mature  deliberation,  he  re- 
solved to  suppress  it,  and  to  leave  his  own  character  to  suffer,  rather  than 
expose  his  brethren  and  the  common  cause  in  which  they  were  engaged. 
His  narrative  was  preserved  by  Calderwood,  and  has  furnished  me  with 
several  facts.  It  contains  the  names  of  the  persons  who  accused  him  to  the 
senate  of  Frankfort,  and  of  their  advisers,  which  I  have  omitted,  after  the 
example  of  Knox,  in  the  notice  which  he  has  taken  of  the  affair,  in  his  His- 
toric of  the  Reformation,  p.  85. 

f  See  above,  p.  82. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  105 

Catholics.  "0  England,  England!  if  thou  obstinately  wilt 
return  into  Egypt,  that  is,  if  thou  contract  marriage,  confede- 
racy, or  league  with  such  princes  as  do  maintain  and  advance 
idolatry,  such  as  the  emperor,  who  is  no  less  enemy  to  Christ 
than  ever  was  Nero — if  for  the  pleasure  of  such  princes  thou 
return  to  thy  old  abominations  before  used  under  Papistry, 
then  assuredly,  0  England,  thou  shalt  be  plagued  and  brought 
to  desolation,  by  the  means  of  those  whose  favour  thou  seek- 
est !"  The  other  passages  related  to  the  cruelties  of  the  Eng- 
lish queen.  Not  to  speak  of  the  extravagance  of  the  charge 
which  they  founded  upon  these  passages,  and  of  the  un- 
brotherly  spirit  which  they  discovered,  it  was  with  little  grace 
and  consistency  that  the  sticklers  for  the  English  forms  availed 
themselves  of  the  strong  language  which  Knox  had  employed 
in  the  warmth  of  his  zeal,  in  order  to  excite  prejudices  against 
him ;  and  it  would  be  no  difficult  task  to  extract  from  their 
writings  declamations  against  their  own  queen,  and  against  for- 
eign princes,  more  intemperate  than  any  thing  that  ever  pro- 
ceeded from  his  pen.* 

In  consequence  of  this  accusation,  the  magistrates  sent  for 
Whittingham,  a  respectable  member  of  the  English  congregation, 
and  interrogated  him  concerning  Knox's  character.  He  told 
them  that  he  was  "  a  learned,  grave,  and  godly  man."  They 
then  acquainted  him  with  the  serious  accusation  which  had 
been  lodged  against  him  by  some  of  his  countrymen,  and  giving 
him  the  book,  charged  him,  sub  pcena  pads,  to  bring  them  an 
exact  Latin  translation  of  the  passages  which  were  marked. 
This  being  done,  they  commanded  Knox  to  desist  from  preach- 
ing until  their  pleasure  should  be  known.  To  this  command 
he  peaceably  submitted ;  "  yet,"  says  he  in  his  narrative,  "being 
desirous  to  hear  others,  I  went  to  the  church  next .  day,  not 
thinking  that  my  company  would  have  offended  any.  But  as 
soon  as  my  accusers  saw  me,  they,  with  —  and  others,  de- 
parted from  the  sermon  $  some  of  them  protesting  with  great 
vehemence  that  they  would  not  tarry  where  I  was."f  The 
magistrates  were  extremely  perplexed  how  to  act  in  this  deli- 
cate business.  On  the  one  hand,  they  were  satisfied  of  the 
malice  of  Knox's  accusers ;  on  the  other,  they  were  afraid  that 
information  of  the  charge  would  be  conveyed  to  the  emperor's 

*  See  Note  W. 

f  Cald.  MS.  i.  255.  Mr.  Strype  has  not  discovered  his  usual  impartiality 
or  accuracy  in  the  short  account  he  has  given  of  this  affair.  He  says  that 
Knox  had  "  published  some  dangerous  principles  about  government,"  and 
that  the  informers  "  thought  it  fit  for  their  own  security  to  make  an  open 
complaint  against  him."  Memor.  of  the  Reform,  iii.  242.  Knox  had,  at  that 
time,  published  nothing  on  the  subject  of  government ;  and  Collier  himself 
does  not  pretend  such  an  excuse  for  the  actors. 

0 


106  LIFE    OF  JOHN    KNOX. 

council,  which  then  sat  at  Augsburg,  and  that  they  might  be 
obliged  to  deliver  up  the  accused  to  them,  or  to  the  Queen  of 
England.  In  this  dilemma,  they  desired  Whittingham  to  advise 
his  friend  privately  to  retire  of  his  own  accord  from  Frankfort. 
At  the  same  time,  they  did  not  dissemble  their  detestation  of 
the  unnatural  conduct  of  the  informers,  who,  having  waited 
upon  them  to  know  the  result  of  their  deliberations,  were  dis- 
missed from  their  presence  with  evident  marks  of  displeasure. 

On  the  25th  of  March,  Knox  delivered  a  most  consolatory 
discourse  to  about  fifty  members  of  the  congregation,  who  as- 
sembled at  his  lodgings  in  the  evening.  Next  day  they  accom- 
panied him  some  miles  on  his  journey  from  Frankfort,  and,  with 
heavy  hearts  and  many  tears,  committed  him  to  God,  and  took 
their  leave. 

No  sooner  was  Knox  gone  than  Cox,  who  had  privately  con- 
certed the  plan  with  Glauberg,  a  civilian,  and  nephew  of  the 
chief  magistrate,  procured  an  order  from  the  senate  for  the 
unlimited  use  of  the  English  liturgy,  by  means  of  the  false  re- 
presentation, that  it  was  now  universally  acceptable  to  the 
congregation.  The  next  step  was  the  abrogation  of  the  code 
of  discipline,  and  then  the  appointment  of  a  bishop,  or  super- 
intendent over  the  pastors.  Having  accomplished  these  impor- 
tant improvements,  they  could  now  boast  that  they  had,  "  the 
face  of  an  English  church."  Yes,  they  could  now  raise  their 
heads  above  all  the  reformed  churches  which  had  the  honour 
of  entertaining  them,  and  which,  though  they  might  have  all 
the  office-bearers  and  ordinances  instituted  by  Christ,  had  neither 
bishop,  nor  litany,  nor  surplice  !  They  could  now  lift  up  their 
faces  in  the  presence  of  the  Church  of  Rome  herself,  and  cherish 
the  hope  that  she  would  not  altogether  disown  them  !  But  let 
me  not  forget  that  the  men  of  whom  I  write  were  at  this  time 
suffering  exile  for  the  Protestant  religion,  and  that  they  really 
detested  the  body  of  Popery,  though  childishly  and  super- 
stitiously  attached  to  its  attire,  and  gestures,  and  language. 

The  sequel  of  the  transactions  in  the  English  congregation  at 
Frankfort  does  not  properly  belong  to  this  memoir.  I  shall 
only  add,  that  after  some  ineffectual  attempts  to  obtain  satis- 
faction for  the  breach  of  the  Church's  peace,  and  the  injurious 
treatment  of  their  minister,  a  considerable  number  of  the  mem- 
bers left  the  city.  Some  of  them,  among  whom  was  Fox,  the 
celebrated  martyrologist,  repaired  to  Basle.  The  greater  part 
went  to  Geneva,  where  they  obtained  a  place  of  worship,  and 
lived  in  great  harmony  and  love  until  the  storm  of  persecution 
in  England  blew  over  at  the  death  of  Queen  Mary ;  while  those 
who  remained  at  Frankfort,  as  if  to  expiate  their  offence  against 
Knox,  continued  a  prey  to  endless  contention.  Cox  and  his 
learned  colleagues,  having  accomplished  their  favourite  object, 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  107 

soon  left  them  to  compose  the  strife  which  they  had  excited, 
and  provided  themselves  elsewhere  with  a  less  expensive  situa- 
tion for  carrying  on  their  studies.* 

I  have  been  the  more  minute  in  the  detail  of  these  transac- 
tions, not  only  on  account  of  the  share  which  the  subject  of  this 
memoir  had  in  them,  but  because  they  throw  light  upon  the 
controversy  between  the  conformists  and  non-conformists,  which 
runs  through  the  succeeding  period  of  the  ecclesiastical  history 
of  England.  "  The  troubles  at  Frankfort"  present,  in  minia- 
ture, a  striking  picture  of  that  contentious  scene  which  was 
afterwards  exhibited  on  a  larger  scale  in  the  mother  country. 
The  issue  of  that  affair  augured  ill  as  to  the  prospect  of  an  ami- 
cable adjustment  of  the  litigated  points.  It  had  been  usual  to 
urge  conformity  to  the  obnoxious  ceremonies,  from  the  respect 
due  to  the  authority  by  which  they  were  enjoined.  But  in  this 
instance  the  civil  authority,  so  far  from  enjoining,  had  rather 
discountenanced  them.  If  they  were  urged  with  such  intole- 
rant importunity  in  a  place  where  the  laws  and  customs  were 
repugnant  to  them,  what  was  to  be  expected  in  England,  where 
law  and  custom  were  on  their  side  ?  The  divines  who  received 
ecclesiastical  preferment  at  the  accession  of  Elizabeth,  professed 
that  they  desired  the  removal  of  these  grounds  of  strife,  but 
could  not  obtain  it  from  the  queen ;  and  I  am  disposed  to  give 
many  of  them  credit  for  the  sincerity  of  their  profession.  But  as 
they  showed  themselves  so  stiff  and  unyielding  when  the  mat- 
ter was  wholly  in  their  own  power — as  some  of  them  were  so 
eager  in  wreathing  a  yoke  about  the  consciences  of  the  brethren 
as  to  urge  reluctant  magistrates  to  rivet  it — is  it  any  wonder 

*  Cox  was  afterwards  made  to  feel  a  little  the  galling  yoke  which  he 
strove  to  impose  on  his  brethren.  Upon  the  accession  of  Elizabeth,  that 
stately  princess,  still  fonder  of  pompous  and  popish  equipage  than  her  clergy, 
kept  a  crucifix  in  her  chapel,  and  ordered  her  chaplains  to  perform  divine 
service  before  it.  Dr.  Cox  was  the  only  one  of  the  refugees  who  complied 
with  this  order,  but  his  conscience  afterwards  remonstrating  against  it,  he 
wrote  a  letter  to  the  queen,  requesting  to  be  excused  from  continuing  the 
practice.  It  is  observable,  that  in  this  letter  he  employs  the  great  argument 
which  Knox  had  used  against  other  ceremonies,  while  he  prostrates  himself 
before  his  haughty  mistress  with  a  submission  to  which  our  Reformer  would 
never  have  stooped.  "  I  ought,"  says  he,  "  to  do  nothing  touching  religion, 
which  may  appear  doubtful  whether  it  pleaseth  God  or  not;  for  our  religion 
ought  to  be  certain,  and  grounded  upon  God's  word  and  will.  Tender  my 
sute,  I  beseech  you,  in  visceribus  Jesu  Christi,  my  dear  sovereign,  and  most 
gracious  queen  Elizabeth."  Burnet,  ii.  Append.  294.  The  crucifix  was  re- 
moved at  this  time,  but  was  again  introduced  about  1570.  Strype's  Parker, 
p.  310.  Dr.  Cox  afterwards  fell  under  the  displeasure  of  his  "  dear  sove- 
reign," for  maintaining  rather  stiffly  his  right  to  some  of  the  revenues  of  his 
bishopric.  Strype's  Annals,  ii.  579.  It  is  but  justice,  however,  to  this  learned 
man  to  say,  that  I  do  not  find  him  taking  a  very  active  part  against  the  non- 
conformists after  his  return  to  England  f  he  even  made  some  attempts  for  the 
removal  of  the  obnoxious  ceremonies. 


108  LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX. 

that  their  applications  for  relief  were  cold  and  ineffectual,  when 
made  to  rulers  who  were  disposed  to  make  the  yoke  still  more 
severe,  and  "  to  chastise  with  scorpions  those  whom  they  had 
chastised  with  whips  ?"  I  repeat  it :  when  I  consider  the  trans- 
actions at  Frankfort,  I  am  not  surprised  at  the  defeat  of  every 
subsequent  attempt  to  advance  the  Reformation  in  England,  or 
to  procure  relief  to  those  who  scrupled  to  yield  conformity  to 
some  of  the  ecclesiastical  laws.  I  know  it  is  pleaded,  that  the 
things  complained  of  are  matters  of  indifference,  not  prohibited 
in  Scripture,  not  imposed  as  essential  to  religion  or  necessary 
to  salvation,  matters  that  can  affect  no  well  informed  con- 
science ;  and  that  such  as  refuse  them,  when  enacted  by  autho- 
rity, are  influenced  by  unreasonable  scrupulosity,  conceited, 
pragmatical,  opinionative.  This  has  been  the  usual  language 
of  a  ruling  party,  when  imposing  upon  the  consciences  of  the 
minority.  But,  not  to  urge  here  the  danger  of  allowing  to  any 
class  of  rulers,  civil  or  ecclesiastical,  a  power  of  enjoining  in- 
different things  in  religion;  nor  the  undeniable  fact,  that  the 
burdensome  system  of  ceremonial  observances,  by  which  re- 
ligion was  corrupted  under  the  Papacy,  was  gradually  intro- 
duced under  these  and  similar  pretexts ;  nor  that  the  things  in 
question,  when  complexly  and  formally  considered,  are  not 
really  matters  of  indifference  ;  not  to  insist  at  present  upon  these 
topics,  the  answer  to  the  above  plea  is  short  and  decisive. 
These  things  appear  matters  of  conscience  and  importance  to 
the  scruplers ;  you  say  they  are  matters  of  indifference.  Why, 
then,  violate  the  sacred  peace  of  the  Church,  and  perpetuate 
division ;  why  silence,  deprive,  harass,  and  starve  men  of  ac- 
knowledged learning  and  piety,  and  drive  from  communion  a 
sober  and  devout  people;  why  torture  their  consciences,  and 
endanger  their  souls,  by  the  imposition  of  things,  which,  in  your 
judgment,  are  indifferent,  not  necessary,  and  unworthy  to  be- 
come objects  of  contention  ? 

Upon  retiring  from  Frankfort,  Knox  went  directly  to  Geneva. 
He  was  cordially  welcomed  back  by  Calvin.  As  his  advice 
had  great  weight  in  disposing  Knox  to  comply  with  the  invita- 
tion from  Frankfort,  he  felt  much  hurt  at  the  treatment  which 
had  obliged  him  to  leave  it.  In  reply  to  an  apologetic  epistle 
which  he  received  from  Dr.  Cox,  Calvin,  although  he  prudently 
restrained  himself  from  saying  any  thing  which  might  revive 
or  increase  the  flame,  could  not  conceal  his  opinion,  that  Knox 
had  been  used  in  an  unbrotherly  and  unchristian  manner,  and 
that  it  would  have  been  better  for  his  accuser  to  have  remained 
at  home,  than  to  have  come  into  a  foreign  country  as  a  fire- 
brand to  inflame  a  peaceable  society.* 

*  Calvini  Epistolae,  p.  98,  ut  supra.    This  letter  is  addressed  "  Cnozo" 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  109 

It  appeared  from  the  event,  that  Providence  had  disengaged 
Knox  from  his  late  charge,  to  employ  him  on  a  more  impor- 
tant service.  From  the  time  that  he  was  carried  prisoner  into 
France,  he  had  never  lost  sight  of  Scotland,  nor  relinquished 
the  hope  of  again  preaching  in  his  native  country.  While  he 
resided  at  Berwick  and  Newcastle,  he  had  frequent  opportuni- 
ties of  personal  intercourse  with  his  countrymen,  and  of  learn- 
ing the  state  of  religion  among  them.*  His  unintermitted 
labours,  during  the  five  years  which  he  spent  in  England,  by 
occupying  his  time  and  attention,  lessened  the  regret  which  he 
felt  at  seeing  the  object  of  his  wishes  apparently  at  as  great  a 
distance  as  ever.  Upon  leaving  that  kingdom,  his  thoughts 
were  anxiously  turned  to  Scotland.  He  found  means  to  carry 
on  an  epistolary  correspondence  with  some  of  his  friends  at 
home  ;  one  great  object  of  his  journeys  to  Dieppe  was  to  receive 
their  letters  ;t  and  he  had  the  satisfaction,  soon  after  his  retreat 
from  Frankfort,  to  obtain  such  information  from  them,  as 
encouraged  him  to  execute  his  design  of  paying  a  visit  to  his 
native  country.  To  prepare  the  reader  for  the  account  of  this 
journey,  it  will  be  necessary  to  take  a  view  of  the  principal 
events  which  had  occurred  in  that  kingdom  from  the  time  that 
Knox  was  forced  to  leave  it. 

The  surrender  of  the  castle  of  St.  Andrews  seemed  to  have 
given  an  irrecoverable  blow  to  the  reformed  interest  in  Scotland. 
Among  the  prisoners  conveyed  to  France  were  some  of  the 
most  zealous  and  able  Protestants  in  the  kingdom ;  and  the  rest, 
seeing  themselves  at  the  mercy  of  their  adversaries,  were  dis- 
pirited and  intimidated.  The  clergy  triumphed  in  the  victory 
which  they  had  obtained,:}:  and  flattered  themselves  that  they 
would  now  be  able  with  ease  to  stifle  all  opposition  to  their 
measures.  The  regent,  being  guided  entirely  by  his  brother, 
the  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews,  was  ready  to  employ  all  the 
power  of  the  State  in  support  of  the  Church,  and  for  suppress- 
ing those  who  refused  to  submit  to  her  decisions.  During  the 
confusions  produced  by  the  invasion  of  the  kingdom  under  the 
Duke  of  Somerset,  and  by  the  disastrous  defeat  of  the  Scots  at 
Pinkie,  in  the  year  1547,  the  regent  found  if  his  interest  not  to 
irritate  the  Protestants ;  but  no  sooner  was  he  freed  from  the 

(by  mistake  of  the  publisher,  instead  of  Coxo),  "et  Gregalibus.    Pridie  Idus 
Junii,  1555."    Knox  was  at  Geneva  when  Calvin  wrote  that  letter. 
*  See  above,  p.  70,  71.  f  MS.  Letters,  pp.  255—6. 

I  The  following  lines  were  commonly  repeated  at  this  time,  in  allusion  t« 
Normand  Leslie,  who  headed  the  conspirators  against  Cardinal  Beatoun : — 
Priestis,  content  you  now,  priestis,  content  you  now ; 
For  Normand,  and  his  companie,  hes  fillit  the  gallayis  fow. 
10 


110  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

alarm  created  by  these  events  than  he  began  to  treat  them  with 
severity.  Aware  that  it  would  be  extremely  invidious  to  pro 
secute  the  barons  and  gentry  upon  a  charge  of  heresy,  and  per- 
haps convinced  that  such  measures  in  the  time  of  his  predecessor, 
had  proved  injurious  to  the  hierarchy,  the  crafty  primate  com- 
menced his  attack  by  bringing  them  to  trial  for  crimes  against 
the  state.*  Although  they  had  conducted  themselves  in  the 
most  peaceable  and  loyal  manner  during  the  late  invasion,  and 
many  of  them  had  died  under  the  standard  of  the  regent,!  they 
were  accused  of  being  secretly  favourable  to  the  English,  and 
of  holding  correspondence  with  them.  Cockburn  of  Ormiston, 
and  Crichton  of  Brunston,  were  banished,  and  their  estates  for- 
feited4  Sir  John  Melville  of  Raith,  a  gentleman  of  distinguish- 
ed probity,  and  of  untainted  loyalty,  was  accused  of  a  traitorous 
connection  with  the  enemy ;  and  although  the  only  evidence 
adduced  in  support  of  the  charge  was  a  letter  written  by  him  to 
one  of  his  sons  then  in  England,  and  although  this  letter  con- 
tained nothing  criminal,  yet  was  he  unjustly  condemned  and 
beheaded.  §  The  signing  of  a  treaty  of  peace  with  England,  in 
1550,  was  a  signal  for  the  clergy  to  proceed  to  acts  of  more 
undisguised  persecution.  Adam  Wallace,  who  had  lived  for 
some  time  as  tutor  in  the  family  of  Ormiston,  was  apprehended, 
and  being  tried  for  heresy  before  a  convention  of  clergy  and  no- 
bility, was  committed  to  the  flames  on  the  Castle-hill  of  Endin- 
burgh.||  These  prosecutions  were  not  confined  to  persons  in 
holy  orders.  George  Winchester  of  Kinglassie  was  summoned 
before  the  archbishop  and  clergy  at  St.  Andrews,  and,  having 
made  his  escape,  was  condemned  as  a  heretic,  and  his  goods 
escheated.lf  In  the  following  year,  the  parliament  renewed  the 

*  MS.  Letters,  pp.  435,  438. 

}  Knox,  Historic,  p.  78.    Hume  of  Godscroft's  History,  ii.  128. 

|  Knox,  Historic,  p.  80. 

§  Buchanani  Oper.  i.  302.  Knox,  Historic,  p.  82.  The  following  tribute 
to  the  memory  of  this  patriot  occurs  in  a  work  of  one  of  our  Latin  poets, 
which  is  rarely  to  be  met  with : — 

JOHANNES    MALVILLUS   RETHIUS, 

Nobilis  Fifanus,  Jacojx>  V.  regi  olim  familiarissimus,  summa  vitse  inno- 
centia,  ob  purse  relligionis  studium,  in  suspicione  falsi  criminis,  iniquissimo 
ljudicio  sublatus  est  A.  Christi  1548. 

Quidnam  ego  commerui,  quse  tanta  injuria  facti, 

Hostis  ut  in  nostrum  sseviat  ense  caput  1 
Idem  hostis,  judexque  simul.     Pro  crimine,  Christi 

Relligio,  et  faedo  crimine  pura  manus. 
O  secla  i  O  mores :  scelerum  sic  tollere  pcenas 
Ut  virtus  sceleri  debita  damna  luat. 

Joh.  Jonstoni  Heroes,  pp.  28,  29. 

II  Knox,  Historic,  pp.  87,  88.    Spotswood,  90,  91.    Bezae  Icones,  Ff.  ii. 
IT  Winchester's  brother-in-law,  William  Arthur  of  Cairnes,  obtained  his 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  Ill 

laws  in  support  of  the  Church,  and  added  a  new  statute  against 
the  circulation  of  heretical  ballads  and  tragedies.* 

By  these  severe  measures  the  clergy  struck  terror  into  the 
minds  of  the  nation ;  but  they  were  unable  to  conceal  the  gla- 
ring corruptions  by  which  their  own  order  was  disgraced,  and 
they  could  not  remain  strangers  to  the  murmurs  that  these  had 
excited  throughout  the  whole  kingdom.  In  the  month  of  No- 
vember 1549,  a  provincial  council  was  held  at  Edinburgh  u  for 
the  reformation  of  the  Church,  and  the  extirpation  of  heresy."! 
This  council  acknowledged  that  "  corruption  and  profane  lewd- 
ness  of  life,  as  well  as  gross  ignorance  of  arts  and  sciences, 
reigned  among  the  clergy  of  almost  every  degree,"^:  and  they  en- 
acted no  fewer  than  fifty -eight  canons  for  correcting  these  evils. 
They  agreed  to  carry  into  execution  the  decree  of  the  general 
council  of  Basle,  which  ordained  that  every  clergyman  who  lived 
in  concubinage  should  be  deprived  of  the  revenues  of  his  bene- 
fice for  three  months,  and  that  if,  after  due  admonition,  he  did 
not  dismiss  his  concubine,  or  if  he  took  to  himself  another,  he 
should  be  deprived  of  his  benefices  altogether.§  They  ex- 
horted the  prelates  and  inferior  clergy  not  to  retain  in  their  own 
houses  their  bastard  children,  nor  suffer  them  to  be  promoted 
directly  or  indirectly  to  their  own  benefices,  nor  employ  the 
patrimony  of  the  Church  for  the  purpose  of  marrying  them  to 
barons,  or  of  erecting  baronages  for  them.||  That  the  distinc- 
tion between  clergy  and  laity  might  be  visibly  preserved,  they 
appointed  the  ordinaries  to  charge  the  priests  under  their  care 
to  desist  from  the  practice  of  preserving  their  beards,  which 
had  begun  to  prevail,  and  to  see  that  the  canonical  tonsure  was 
duly  observed. IT  To  remedy  the  neglect  of  public  instruction, 
which  was  loudly  complained  of,  they  agreed  to  observe  the 
act  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  which  ordained  that  every  bishop, 
"according  to  the  grace  given  to  him,"  should  preach  person- 
ally four  times  a  year  at  least,  unless  lawfully  hindered ;  and 
that  such  of  them  as  were  unfit  for  this  duty,  through  want  of 

property:  and  by  a  disposition,  dated  27th  August  1555,  "out  of  pity  to 
Christian  Martine"  (wife  of  George  Winchester),  "  and  her  eight  fatherless 
children,  disponed  to  her  in  liferent  the  fore  tenement  and  the  tacks  of  Kin^- 
lassie  and  Polduff,  sometime  pertaining  to  the  said  George,  with  his  haill 
moveables,  fallen  in  escheat,  upon  her  paying  to  him  the  composition  that 
he  paid  therefor."  MS.  Genealogical  Collections  of  Martin  of  Clermont, 
vol.  i.  pp.  583—5. 

*  Act.  Parl.  Scot.  ii.  488—9. 

f  This  council  assembled  at  Linlithgow,  but  was  transferred  to  Edin- 
burgh. Wilkins,  Concil.  torn.  iv.  46.  conf.  p.  209. 

f  Proem.  Concil.  apud  Wilkins,  iv.  46.  $  Canon  1.     Ibid.  p.  47. 

II  Can.  2.    Ibid.  p.  48.  IT  Can.  5.   Ibid.  p.  48. 


112  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

practice,  should  endeavour  to  qualify  themselves,  and  for  that 
end  should  entertain  in  their  houses  learned  divines  capable  of 
instructing  them.  The  same  injunctions  were  laid  on  rectors.* 
They  determined  that  a  benefice  should  be  set  apart  in  each 
bishopric  and  monastery,  for  supporting  a  preacher  who  might 
supply  the  want  of  teaching  within  their  bounds ;  that,  where 
no  such  benefice  was  set  apartj  pensions  should  be  allotted ; 
and  that,  where  neither  of  these  was  provided,  the  preacher 
should  be  entitled  to  demand  from  the  rector  forty  shillings  a 
year,  provided  he  had  preached  four  times  in  his  parish  within 
that  period.t  The  council  made  a  number  of  other  regula- 
tions, concerning  the  dress  and  diet  of  the  clergy,  the  course  of 
study  in  cathedral  churches  and  monasteries,  union  of  benefi- 
ces, pluralities,  ordinations,  dispensations,  and  the  method  of 
process  in  consistorial  courts.  But,  not  trusting  altogether  to 
these  remedies  for  the  cure  of  heresy,  they  farther  ordained 
that  the  bishop  of  each  diocese,  and  the  head  of  each  monas- 
tery, should  appoint  "  inquisitors  of  heretical  pravity,  men  of 
piety,  probity,  learning,  good  fame,  and  great  circumspection," 
who  should  make  the  most  diligent  search  after  heresies,  foreign 
opinions,  condemned  books,  and  particularly  profane  songs, 
intended  to  defame  the  clergy,  or  to  detract  from  the  authority 
of  the  ecclesiastical  constitutions.^ 

Another  provincial  council,  held  in  1551  and  1552,  besides 
ratifying  the  preceding  canons,§  adopted  an  additional  expe- 
dient for  correcting  the  continued  neglect  of  public  instruction. 
After  declaring  that  "  the  inferior  clergy,  and  the  prelates  for 
the  most  part,  were  still  unqualified  for  instructing  the  people 
in  the  catholic  faith,  and  other  things  necessary  to  salvation, 
and  for  reclaiming  the  erroneous,"  they  proceeded  to  approve 
of  a  catechism  which  had  been  compiled  in  the  Scottish  lan- 
guage, ordered  that  it  should  be  printed,  and  that  copies  of  it 
should  be  sent  to  all  rectors,  vicars,  and  curates,  who  were  en- 
joined to  read  a  portion  of  it,  instead  of  a  sermon,  to  their 
parishioners,  on  every  Sunday  and  holiday,  when  no  person 
qualified  for  preaching  was  present.  The  rectors,  vicars,  and 
curates,  were  enjoined  to  practise  daily  in  reading  their  cate- 
chism, lest,  on  ascending  the  pulpit,  they  should  stammer  and 
blunder,  and  thereby  expose  themselves  to  the  laughter  of  the 
people.  The  archbishop  was  directed,  after  supplying  the 
clergy  with  copies,  to  keep  the  remainder  beside  him  "  in  firm 
custody ;"  and  the  inferior  clergy  were  prohibited  from  indis- 
creetly communicating  their  copies  to  the  people,  without  the 

*  Can.  15, 20.    Ibid.  pp.  50—1.  f  Can.  42,  45.    Ibid.  56—7. 

1  Can.  43,  44,  47.    Ibid.  pp.  57—8.  $  Ibid.  69—73. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  113 

permission  of  their  bishops,  who  might  allow  this  privilege  to 
"  certain  honest,  grave,  trusty,  and  discreet  laics,  who  appeared 
to  desire  it  for  the  sake  of  instruction,  and  not  of  gratifying 
curiosity."*  If  any  of  the  hearers  testified  a  disposition  to  call 
in  question  any  part  of  the  catechism,  the  clerical  reader  was 
prohibited,  under  the  pain  of  deprivation,  from  entering  into 
dispute  with  them  on  the  subject,  and  was  instructed  to  delate 
them  to  the  inquisitors.! 

Many  of  the  regulations  enacted  by  these  two  councils  were 
excellent  ;$  but  the  execution  of  them  was  committed  to  the 
very  persons  who  were  interested  in  support  of  the  evils 
against  which  they  were  directed.  Accordingly,  the  canons 
of  the  Scottish  clergy,  like  those  of  general  councils  called  for 
the  reformation  of  the  Church,  instead  of  correcting,  served 
only  to  proclaim  the  abuses  which  prevailed.  We  know  from 
the  declarations  of  subsequent  provincial  councils,§  as  well  as 
from  the  complaints  of  the  people,  that  the  licentiousness  of  the 
clergy  continued ;  and  the  catechism  which  they  had  sanctioned 
seems  to  have  been  but  little  used.  I  have  not  found  it  men- 
tioned by  any  writer  of  that  age,  Popish  or  Protestant ;  and 
we  know  of  its  existence  only  from  the  canon  of  the  Assembly 
which  authorized  its  use,  and  from  a  few  copies  of  it  which 
have  descended  to  our  time.|| 

The  council  which  met  in  1551,  boasts  that,  through  the 
singular  favour  of  the  government,  and  the  vigilance  of  the 
prelates,  heresy,  which  had  formerly  spread  through  the  king- 
dom, was  now  repressed,  and  almost  extinguished.^  There 
were  still,  however,  many  Protestants  in  the  nation ;  but  they 
were  deprived  of  teachers,  and  they  satisfied  themselves  with 
retaining  their  sentiments,  without  exposing  their  lives  to  in- 
evitable destruction  by  avowing  their  creed,  or  exciting  the 
suspicions  of  the  clergy  by  holding  private  conventicles.  In 
this  state  they  remained  from  1551  to  1554. 

While  the  Reformation  was  in  this  languishing  condition,  it 
experienced  a  sudden  revival  in  Scotland,  from  two  causes 
which  appeared  at  first  view  to  threaten  its  utter  extinction  in 
Britain.  These  were  the  elevation  of  the  queen  dowager  to 
the  regency  of  Scotland,  and  the  accession  of  Mary  to  the 
throne  of  England. 

The  queen  dowager  of  Scotland,  who  possessed  a  great  por- 
tion of  that  ambition  by  which  her  brothers,  the  princes  of 
Lorrain,  were  fired,  had  long  formed  the  design  of  wresting 
the  regency  from  the  hands  of  Arran.  After  a  series  of  po- 

0 

*  Can.  16.    Ibid.  p.  72—3.  f  Ibid.  p.  73. 

J  See  Note  X.  $  Wilkins,  iv.  207,  209,  210.    Keith,  pref.  p.  xiv. 

II  See  Note  Y.  IT  Wilkins,  iv.  72. 

10*  P 


114  LIFE   OF  JOHN   KNOX. 

litical  intrigue,  in  which  she  discovered  the  most  consummate 
and  persevering  address,  she  at  last  succeeded;  and,  on  the 
10th  of  April  1554,  the  regent  resigned  his  office  to  her  in  the 
presence  of  parliament,  and  retired  into  private  life,  with  the 
title  of  Duke  of  Chastelherault.  The  dowager  had,  at  an  early 
period,  made  her  court  to  the  Protestants,  whom  Arran  had 
alienated  from  him  by  persecution ;  and,  to  induce  them  to  fa- 
vour her  pretensions,  she  promised  to  screen  them  from  the 
violence  of  the  clergy.  Having  received  their  cordial  support, 
and  finding  it  necessary  still  to  use  them  as  a  check  upon  the 
clergy,  who,  under  the  influence  of  the  primate,  favoured  the 
interest  of  her  rival,  the  queen  regent  secretly  countenanced 
them,  and  the  Protestants  were  emboldened  again  to  avow 
their  sentiments. 

In  the  mean  time  the  queen  of  England  was  exerting  all 
her  power  to  crush  the  Reformation ;  and,  had  the  "court  of 
Scotland  acted  in  concert  with  her  for  this  purpose,  the  Pro- 
testants must,  according  to  all  human  probability,  have  been 
exterminated  in  Britain.  But  the  English  queen  having  mar- 
ried Philip,  King  of  Spain,  while  the  queen  regent  was  indisso- 
lubly  attached  to  France,  the  rival  of  Spain,  a  coldness  was 
produced  between  these  two  princesses,  which  was  soon  after 
succeeded  by  an  open  breach.  Among  the  Protestants  who 
fled  from  the  cruelty  of  Mary,  some  took  refuge  in  Scotland, 
where  they  were  suffered  to  remain  undisturbed,  and  even  to 
teach  in  private,  through  the  connivance  of  the  new  regent,  and 
in  consequence  of  the  security  into  which  the  clergy  had  been 
lulled  by  success.  Travelling  from  place  to  place,  they  propa- 
gated instruction,  and  by  their  example  and  their  exhortations 
fanned  the  latent  zeal  of  those  who  had  formerly  received  the 
knowledge  of  the  truth. 

William  Harlow,  whose  zeal  and  acquaintance  with  the 
Scriptures  compensated  for  the  defects  of  his  education,  was 
the  first  preacher  who,  at  this  time,  came  to  Scotland.  Let 
those  who  do  not  know,  or  who  wish  to  forget,  that  the  religion 
which  they  profess  was  first  preached  by  fishermen  and  tent- 
makers,  labour  to  conceal  the  occupations  of  some  of  those 
men  whom  Providence  raised  up  to  spread  the  reformed  gospel 
through  their  native  country.  Harlow  had  followed  the  trade 
of  a  tailor  in  Edinburgh;*  but  having  imbibed  the  Protestant 

*  Keith,  Append,  p.  90.  Episcopal  writers  have  sometimes  upbraided  the 
Scottish  Church  as  reformed  by  tradesmen  and  mechanics.  They  have, 
however,  no  reason  to  talk  in  this  strain ;  for  in  the  first  place,  a  sensible 
pious  tradesman  is  surely  better  qualified  for  communicating-  religious  in- 
struction than  an  ignorant  superstitious  priest ;  and  secondly,  the  Church  of 
England  herself,  after  trying  those  of  the  latter  class,  was  glad  to  betake 
herself  to  the  former.  See  Strype's  Annals,  i.  176, 177. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  115 

doctrine,  he  retired  to  England,  where  he  was  admitted  to 
deacon's  orders,  and  employed  as  a  preacher  during  the  reign 
of  Edward  VI.*  Upon  his  return  to  Scotland,  he  remained 
for  some  time  in  Ayrshire,  and  continued  to  preach  in  different 
parts  of  the  country  with  great  fervour  and  diligence,  until  the 
establishment  of  the  Reformation,  when  he  was  admitted  min- 
ister of  St.  Cuthberts,  in  the  vicinity  of  Edinburgh.! 

Some  time  after  him  arrived  John  Willock.  This  reformer 
afterwards  became  the  principal  coadjutor  of  Knox,  who  never 
mentions  him  without  expressions  of  affection  and  esteem. 
The  cordiality  which  subsisted  between  them,  the  harmony  of 
their  sentiments,  and  the  combination  of  the  peculiar  talents 
and  qualities  by  which  they  were  distinguished,  conduced  in 
no  small  degree  to  the  advancement  of  the  Reformation.  Wil- 
lock was  not  inferior  to  Knox  in  learning,  and  though  he  did 
not  equal  him  in  eloquence  and  intrepidity,  surpassed  him  in 
affability,  in  moderation,  and  in  address ; J  qualities  which  ena- 
bled him  sometimes  to  maintain  his  station,  and  to  accomplish 
his  purposes,  when  his  colleague  could  not  act  with  safety  or 
with  success.  He  was  a  native  of  Ayrshire,  and  had  belonged 
to  the  order  of  Franciscan  friars;  but,  having  embraced  the 
reformed  opinions  at  an  early  period,  he  threw  off  the  monastic 
habit,  and  fled  to  England.  During  the  persecution  for  the  Six 
Articles  in  1541,  he  was  thrown  into  the  prison  of  the  Fleet. 
He  afterwards  became  chaplain  to  the  Duke  of  Suffolk,  the 
father  of  Lady  Jane  Grey  ;§  and  upon  the  accession  of  Queen 
Mary,  left  England,  and  took  up  his  residence  at  Embden. 
Having  practised  there  as  a  physician,  he  was  introduced  to 
Anne,  Duchess  of  Friesland,  who  patronized  the  Reformation,|[ 
and  whose  opinion  of  his  talents  and  integrity  induced  her  to 
send  him  to  Scotland,  in  the  summer  of  1555,  with  a  commis- 
sion to  the  queen  regent,  to  make  some  arrangements  respecting 
the  trade  carried  on  between  the  two  countries.  The  public 
character  with  which  he  was  invested  gave  Willock  an  oppor- 
tunity of  cultivating  acquaintance  with  the  leading  Protestants^ 
and  while  he  resided  in  Edinburgh,  they  met  with  him  in  pri 
vate,  and  listened  to  his  religious  instructions.^ 

*  Cald.  MS.  i.  256.  f  Keith,  History,  p.  498. 

|  Smetonii  Respons.  ad  Arch.  Hamilton!  Dialog,  p.  93.    Edinburgi,  1579. 

§  Parkhurst,  Bishop  of  Norwich,  celebrates  Willock  among  the  chaplains 
of  the  duke,  in  the  following  lines : — 

Quid  memorem  quanta  Wilocus,  Skinerus  et  Haddon, 
^Elmerusque  tuos  ornarint  luce  penates  ?  « 

O  Deus !  O  quales  juvenes !     Quo  principe  digni  1 
His  tua  luminibus  splendet  domus. 

Strype's  Annals,  ii.  Append,  p.  46. 

||  Gerdesii  Hist.  Reform,  iii.  147—8. 

IT  Spotswood,  p.  93.    Knox,  90. 


116  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

Knox  received  the  news  of  this  favourable  change  in  the 
situation  of  his  brethren  with  heartfelt  satisfaction.  He  did 
not  know  what  it  was  to  fear  danger,  and  was  little  accustomed 
to  consult  his  own  ease,  when  he  had  the  prospect  of  being 
useful  in  advancing  the  interests  of  truth ;  but  he  acknowledges 
that,  on  the  present  occasion,  he  was  at  first  averse  to  a  journey 
into  Scotland,  notwithstanding  some  encouraging  circumstances 
in  the  intelligence  which  he  had  received  from  that  quarter. 
He  had  been  so  much  tossed  about  of  late,  that  he  felt  a  pe- 
culiar relish  in  the  learned  leisure  which  he  at  present  enjoyed, 
and  which  he  was  desirous  to  prolong.  His  anxiety  to  see  his 
wife,  after  an  absence  of  nearly  two  years,  and  the  importunity 
with  which  his  mother-in-law,  in  her  letters,  urged  him  to  visit 
them,  determined  him  at  last  to  undertake  the  journey. *  Set- 
ting out  from  Geneva  in  the  month  of  August  1555,  he  came 
to  Dieppe,  and  sailing  from  that  port,  landed  on  the  east  coast, 
near  the  boundaries  between  Scotland  and  England,  about  the 
end  of  harvest.t  He  repaired  immediately  to  Berwick,  where 
he  had  the  satisfaction  of  finding  his  wife  and  her  mother  in  com 
fortable  circumstances,  and  enjoying  the  happiness  of  religious 
society  with  several  individuals  in  that  city,  who,  like  them- 
selves, had  not  "bowed  the  knee  "  to  the  established  idolatry, 
nor  consented  to  "  receive  the  mark  "  of  antichrist.  £ 

Having  remained  some  time  with  them,  he  set  out  secretly 
to  visit  the  Protestants  in  Edinburgh ;  intending,  after  a  short 
stay,  to  return  to  Berwick.  But  he  found  employment  which 
detained  him  beyond  his  expectation.  He  lodged  with  James 
Syme,  a  respectable  burgess  of  Edinburgh,  in  whose  house  the 
friends  of  the  Reformation  assembled,  to  attend  the  instruc- 
tions of  Knox,  as  soon  as  they  were  informed  of  his  arrival. 
Few  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  metropolis  had  as  yet  embraced 
the  reformed  doctrines,  but  several  persons  had  repaired  to  it  at 
this  time,  from  other  parts  of  the  country,  to  meet  with  Wil- 
lock.  Among  these  were  John  Erskine  of  Dun,  whom  we 
had  formerly  occasion  to  mention  as  an  early  favourer  of  the 
new  opinions,  and  a  distinguished  patron  of  literature,§  and 
whose  great  respectability  of  character,  and  approved  loyalty 
and  patriotism,  had  preserved  him  from  the  resentment  of  the 
clergy,  and  the  jealousy  of  the  government,  during  successive 
periods  of  persecution  ;||  and  William  Maitland  of  Lethington, 
a  young  gentleman  of  the  finest  parts,  improved  by  a  superior 

*  MS.  Letters,  p.  342. 

f  Discours  of  the  Troubles  at  Franckford,  p.  Iv.  lix.  Knox,  Historie, 
p.  90. 

{  MS.  Letters,  p.  343.  $  See  above,  pp.  20,  36. 

II  Buchanani  Oper.  i.  301.    Keith  Append,  p.  57. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  117 

education,  but  inclined  to  subtlety  in  reasoning,  accommoda- 
ting in  his  religious  sentiments,  and  extremely  versatile  in  his 
political  conduct.  Highly  gratified  with  Knox's  discourses, 
which  were  greatly  superior  to  any  which  they  had  heard  from 
Popish  or  Protestant  preachers,  they  brought  their  acquaintan- 
ces along  with  them  to  hear  him,  and  his  audiences  daily 
increased.  Being  confined  to  a  private  house,  he  was  obliged 
to  preach  to  successive  assemblies  ;  and  was  unremittingly  em- 
ployed, by  night  as  well  as  by  day,  in  communicating  instruc- 
tion to  persons  who  demanded  it  with  extraordinary  avidity. 
The  following  letter,  written  by  him  to  Mrs.  Bowes,  to  excuse 
himself  for  not  returning  so  soon  as  he  had  purposed,  will  con- 
vey the  best  idea  of  his  employment  and  feelings  on  this  inter- 
esting occasion. 

"  The  wayis  of  man  are  not  in  his  awn  power.  Albeit  my 
journey  toward  Scotland,  belovit  mother,  was  maist  contra- 
rious  to  my  awn  judgment,  befoir  I  did  interpryse  the  same  ; 
yet  this  day  I  prais  God  for  thame  wha  was  the  cause  exter- 
nall  of  my  resort  to  theis  quarteris ;  that  is,  I  prais  God  in  yow 
and  for  yow,  whom  hie  maid  the  instrument  to  draw  me  from 
the  den  of  my  awn  eas  (you  allane  did  draw  me  from  the  rest 
of  quyet  studie),  to  contemplat  and  behald  the  fervent  thirst  of 
our  brethrene,  night  and  day  sobbing  and  gronying  for  the  breide 
of  life.  Gif  I  had  not  sene  it  with  my  eis,  in  my  awn  country, 
I  culd  not.  have  beleveit  it  1  I  praisit  God,  when  I  was  with 
you,  perceaving  that,  in  the  middis  of  Sodome,  God  had  mo 
Lottis  than  one,  and  mo  faithful  douchteris  than  tua.  But  the 
fervencie  heir  doith  fer  exceid  all  utheris  that  I  have  seen.  And 
thairfor  ye  sail  paciently  bear,  altho'  I  spend  heir  yet  sum  dayis ; 
for  depart  I  cannot,  unto  sic  tyme  as  God  quenche  thair  thirst 
a  littil.  Yea,  mother,  their  fervencie  doith  sa  ravische  me,  that 
I  cannot  but  accus  and  condemp  my  sleuthful  coldnes.  God 
grant  thame  thair  hartis  desyre ;  and  I  pray  yow  adverteis  [me] 
of  your  estait,  and  of  thingis  that  have  occurit  sense  your  last 
wrytting.  Comfort  yourself  in  Godis  promissis,  and  be  assureit 
that  God  steiris  up  mo  friendis  than  we  be  war  of.  My  com- 
mendation to  all  in  your  company.  I  commit  you  to  the  pro- 
tectioun  of  the  Omnipotent.  In  great  haist ;  the  4.  of  Novem- 
ber, 1555.  From  Scotland.  Your  sone,  Johne  Knox."* 

Having  executed  the  commission,  Willock  returned  to  Emb- 
den ;  and  he  quitted  Scotland  with  the  less  regret,  as  he  left  behind 
him  one  who  was  so  capable  of  promoting  the  cause  which 
he  had  at  heart.  When  he  first  arrived  in  Scotland,  Knox 
found  that  the  friends  of  the  reformed  doctrine  continued,  in 
general,  to  attend  the  popish  worship,  and  even  the  celebration 

*  MS.  Letters,  pp.  342,  343. 


118  LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX. 

of  mass ;  principally  with  the  view  of  avoiding  the  scandal 
which  they  would  otherwise  incur.  Highly  disapproving  of 
this  practice,  he  laboured,  in  his  conversation  and  sermons,  to 
convince  them  of  the  great  impiety  of  that  part  of  the  popish 
service,  and  the  criminality  of  countenancing  it  by  their  pre- 
sence. Doubts  being  still  entertained  on  the  subject  by  some, 
a  meeting  of  the  Protestants  in  the  city  was  held  for  the  ex- 
press purpose  of  discussing  the  question.  Maitland  defended 
the  practice  with  all  the  ingenuity  and  learning  for  which  he 
was  distinguished ;  but  his  arguments  were  so  satisfactorily  an- 
swered by  Knox,  that  he  yielded  the  point  as  indefensible,  and 
agreed,  with  the  rest  of  his  brethren,  to  abstain,  for  the  future, 
from  such  temporizing  conduct.  Thus  was  a  formal  separation 
made  from  the  Popish  Church  in  Scotland,  which  may  be  justly 
regarded  as  an  important  step  in  the  Reformation.* 

Erskine  of  Dun  prevailed  on  Knox  to  accompany  him  to  his 
family  seat  in  the  shire  of  Angus,  where  he  continued  a  month, 
during  which  he  preached  every  day.  The  principal  persons 
in  that  neighbourhood  attended  his  sermons.  After  his  return 
to  the  south  of  the  Forth,  he  resided  at  Calder-house,t  in  West 
Lothian,  the  seat  of  Sir  James  Sandilands,  commonly  called 
Lord  St.  John,  because  he  was  chief  in  Scotland  of  the  religious 
order  of  military  knights,  who  went  by  the  name  of  Hospi- 
tallers, or  Knights  of  St.  John.  This  gentleman,  who  was  now 
venerable  for  his  grey  hairs  as  well  as  for  his  valour,  sagacity, 
and  correct  morals,  had  long  been  a  sincere  friend  to  the  re- 
formed cause,  and  had  contributed  to  its  preservation  in  that 
part  of  the  country 4  In  1548,  he  had  presented  to  the  parson- 
age of  Calder,  John  Spottiswood,§  afterwards  the  reformed 
superintendent  of  Lothian,  who  had  imbibed  the  Protestant 
doctrines  from  Archbishop  Cranmer  in  England,  and  who  in- 
stilled them  into  the  minds  of  his  parishioners,  and  of  the  no- 
bility and  gentry  that  frequented  the  house  of  his  patron. || 
Among  those  who  attended  Knox's  sermons  at  Calder,  were 
three  young  noblemen,  who  made  a  great  figure  in  the  public 
transactions  which  followed, — Archibald  Lord  Lorn,  who,  suc- 

*  Knox,  Historie,  p.  91. 

f  On  the  back  of  a  picture  of  our  Reformer,  which  hangs  in  one  of  the 
rooms  of  Lord  Torphichen's  house  at  Calder,  is  this  inscription :  "  The  Rev. 
John  Knox.  The  first  sacrament  of  the  supper  given  in  Scotland  after  the 
Reformation,  was  dispensed  in  this  hall."  The  commencement  of  the  Refor- 
mation is  here  dated  from  the  present  visit  of  Knox  to  Scotland ;  for  we  have 
already  seen  that  he  administered  the  ordinance  in  the  Castle  of  St.  An- 
drews, in  1547.  The  account  given  by  Knox  in  his  History  of  the  Refor- 
mation (p.  92),  seems  to  imply  that  he  performed  this  service  in  the  west 
country,  before  he  did  it  in  Calder-house. 

$  Knox,  Historie,  pp.  91,  118.  §  Keith,  p.  530. 

H  Spotswood,  p.  90. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  119 

ceeding  to  the  earldom  of  Argyle  at  the  most  critical  period  of 
the  Reformation,  promoted,  with  all  the  ardour  of  youthful  zeal, 
that  cause  which  his  father  had  espoused  in  extreme  old  age, — 
John  Lord  Erskine,  afterwards  Earl  of  Mar,  who  commanded 
the  important  fortress  of  Edinburgh  Castle,  during  the  civil  war 
which  ensued  between  the  queen  regent  and  the  Protestants, 
and  died  Regent  of  Scotland, — and  Lord  James  Stewart,  an 
illegitimate  son  of  James  V.,  who  was  subsequently  created 
Earl  of  Murray,  and  was  the  first  regent  of  the  kingdom  during 
the  minority  of  James  VI.  Being  designed  for  the  Church,  the 
last  named  nobleman  had  been  in  his  youth  made  prior  of  St. 
Andrews-^a  title  by  which  he  is  often  mentioned  in  history ; 
but,  on  arriving  at  manhood,  he  discovered  no  inclination  to 
follow  the  clerical  profession.  He  was  at  this  time  in  the  twenty- 
second  year  of  his  age  ;*  and  although  he  had  lived  for  the  most 
part  in  retirement  from  the  court,  had  already  given  proofs  of 
those  superior  talents  which  he  had  soon  a  more  favourable  op- 
portunity of  displaying.  Knox  had  formerly  met  with  him  in 
London,  and  his  sagacity  led  him,  even  at  that  time,  to  form 
the  highest  expectations  from  the  talents  and  spirit  of  the  youth- 
ful prior.t  The  three  noblemen  were  much  gratified  with 
Knox's  doctrine,  and  his  exhortations  made  an  impression 
upon  their  minds,  which  remained  during  the  succeeding  part 
of  their  lives. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1556,  he  was  conducted  by 
Lockhart  of  Bar,  and  Campbell  of  Kineancleugh,  to  Kyle,  the 
ancient  receptacle  of  the  Scottish  Lollards,  where  there  were 
a  number  of  adherents  to  the  reformed  doctrine.  He  preached 
in  the  houses  of  Bar,  Kineancleugh,  Carnell,  Ochiltree,  and  Gad- 
girth,  and  in  the  town  of  Ayr.  In  several  of  these  places  he 
also  dispensed  the  sacrament  of  our  Lord's  Supper.  A  little 
before  Easter,  he  went  to  Finlayston,  the  baronial  mansion  of 
the  noble  family  of  Glencairn.  William  Earl  of  Glencairn, 
having  been  killed  at  the  battle  of  Pinkie,  had  been  succeeded 
by  his  son,  Alexander,  whose  superior  learning  and  ability  did 
not  escape  the  discerning  eye  of  Sir  Ralph  Sadler,  during  his 
embassy  in  Scotland.^:  He  was  an  ardent  and  steady  friend  to 
the  reformed  religion,  and  had  carefully  instructed  his  family  in 
its  principles.  In  his  house,  besides  preaching,  Knox  dispensed 
the  sacrament  of  the  supper;  the  earl  himself,  his  countess, 
and  two  of  their  sons,  with  a  number  of  their  friends  and 
acquaintance,  participating  of  that  sacred  feast.  § 

*  Chalmers's  Caledonia,  i.  848.  f  Knox,  Historic,  pp.  91,  331. 

|  Sadler's  State  Papers,  i.  83.     Hume  of  Oodscroft's  Hist.  ii.  128. 
§  The  silver  cups  which  were  used  on  that  occasion  were,  till  of  late,  care- 
fully preserved  by  the  family  of  Glencairn  at  Finlayston ;  and  the  parish  of 


120  LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

From  Finlayston  he  returned  to  Calder-house,  and  soon 
after  paid  a  second  visit  to  Dun,  during  which  he  preached 
more  openly  than  before.  At  this  time  the  greater  part  of  the 
gentlemen  of  Mearns  made  profession  of  the  reformed  religion, 
by  sitting  down  at  the  Lord's  table  ;  and  entered  into  a  solemn 
and  mutual  bond,  in  which  they  renounced  the  Popish  com- 
munion, and  engaged  to  maintain  and  promote  the  pure  preach- 
ing of  the  gospel,  as  Providence  should  favour  them  with  op- 
portunities.'* 

This  seems  to  have  been  the  first  of  those  religious  bonds  or 
covenants,  by  which  the  confederation  of  the  Protestants  in 
Scotland  was  so  frequently  ratified.  Although  they  have  been 
condemned  as  unwarranted  in  a  religious  point  of  view,  and 
dangerous  in  a  political,  yet  are  they  completely  defensible 
upon  the  principles  both  of  conscience  and  policy.  A  mutual 
agreement,  compact,  or  covenant,  is  virtually  implied  in  the 
constitution  of  every  society,  civil  or  religious ;  and  the  dictates 
of  natural  law  conspire  with  the  declarations  of  revelation  in 
sanctioning  the  warrantableness  and  propriety  of  explicit  en- 
gagements, about  any  lawful  and  important  matter,  and  of 
ratifying  these,  if  circumstances  shall  require  it,  by  formal 
subscription,  and  by  a  solemn  appeal  to  the  Searcher  of  hearts. 
By  strengthening  the  motives  to  fidelity  and  constancy,  and 
thus  producing  mutual  confidence  among  those  who  are  em- 
barked in  the  same  cause,  they  have  proved  eminently  bene- 
ficial in  the  reformation  of  churches  and  nations,  and  in  securing 
the  religious  and  political  privileges  of  men.  The  misapplica- 
tion of  them,  when  employed  in  a  bad  cause  and  for  mis- 
chievous ends,  can  be  no  argument  against  their  use  in  a  legi- 
timate way,  and  for  laudable  purposes.  And  the  reasoning 
employed  to  prove  that  such  covenants  should  not  be  entered 
into  without  the  permission  of  rulers,  would  lead  to  the  con- 
clusion, that  subjects  ought  never  to  profess  a  religion  to  which 
their  superiors  are  hostile,  nor  make  any  attempts  to  obtain  the 
reform  of  abuses,  or  the  redress  of  grievances,  without  the  con- 
sent and  approbation  of  those  who  are  interested  in  their  sup- 
port. 

Kilmalcolm  was  regularly  favoured  with  the  use  of  them  at  the  time  of  dis- 
pensing the  sacrament.  "  The  people,"  says  the  minister,  in  his  account  of 
that  parish,  "  respect  them  much  for  their  antiquity,  as  well  as  for  the  solem- 
nity attending  them  in  former  and  later  times."  Statistical  Account  of  Scot- 
land, vol.  iv.  p.  279.  This  writer  thinks  they  had  been  originally  candle- 
sticks, and  converted  to  this  use  on  the  emergent  occasion ;  the  hollow 
bottom  reversed  forming  the  mouth  of  the  cup,  and  the  middle,  after  the 
socket  was  screwed  out,  being  converted  into  the  foot.  But  it  is  not  very 
likely  that  the  family  of  Glencairn  were  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  this  ex- 
pedient. 
*  Knox,  Historic,  p.  92. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  121 

The  dangers  to  which  Knox  and  his  friends  had  been  accus- 
tomed, taught  them  to  conduct  matters  with  such  secrecy,  that 
he  had  preached  for  a  considerable  time,  and  in  different  quar- 
ters of  the  country,  before  the  clergy  knew  that  he  was  in  the 
kingdom.  Concealment  was,  however,  impracticable  after  his 
audiences  became  numerous.  His  preaching  at  Ayr  was  re- 
ported to  the  court,  and  formed  the  topic  of  conversation  in  the 
presence  of  the  queen  regent.  Some  one  in  the  company 
having  affirmed  that  the  preacher  was  an  Englishman,  "  a  pre- 
late, not  of  the  least  pride,  said, '  Nay ;  no  Englishman,  but  it 
is  Knox,  that  knave/  "  This  was  Beatoun,  Archbishop  of 
Glasgow.  "  It  was  my  lord's  pleasure,"  says  Knox,  "  so  to 
baptize  a  poor  man ;  the  reason  whereof,  if  it  should  be  re- 
quired, his  rochet  and  mitre  must  stand  for  authority.  What 
further  liberty  he  used  in  defining  things  alike  uncertain  to 
him,  to  wit,  of  my  learning  and  doctrine,  at  this  present  I  omit. 
For  what  hath  my  life  and  conversation  been,  since  it  hath 
pleased  God  to  call  me  from  the  puddle  of  papistry,  let  my 
very  enemies  speak ;  and  what  learning  I  have,  they  may  prove 
when  they  please."*  Interest  was  at  this  time  made  by  the 
bishops  for  his  apprehension,  but  without  success.t 

After  his  last  journey  to  Angus,  the  friars  flocked  from  all 
quarters  to  the  bishops,  and  instigated  them  to  adopt  speedy 
and  decisive  measures  for  checking  the  alarming  effects  of  his 
preaching.  In  consequence  of  this,  he  was  summoned  to 
appear  before  a  convention  of  the  clergy,  in  the  Church  of  the 
Blackfriars  at  Edinburgh,  on  the  1 5th  of  May.  This  diet  he 
resolved  to  keep,  and  with  that  view  came  to  Edinburgh,  be- 
fore the  day  appointed,  accompanied  by  Erskine  of  Dun,  and 
several  other  gentlemen.  The  clergy  had  never  dreamed  of 
his  attendance.  Being  apprised  of  his  determination,  and  afraid 
to  bring  matters  to  extremity,  while  unassured  of  the  regent's 
decided  support,  they  met  beforehand,  set  aside  the  summons 
under  pretence  of  some  informality,  and  deserted  the  diet 
against  him.  On  the  day  on  which  he  should  have  appeared 
as  a  culprit,  Knox  preached  in  the  Bishop  of  Dunkeld's  large 
lodging,  to  a  far  greater  audience  than  had  before  attended  him 
in  Edinburgh.  During  the  ten  following  days,  he  preached  in 
the  same  place,  forenoon  and  afternoon;  none  of  the  clergy 
making  the  smallest  attempt  to  disturb  him.  It  was  in  the 
midst  of  these  labours,  that  he  wrote  the  following  hasty  lines 
to  Mrs.  Bowes. 

"  Belovit  mother,  with  my  maist  hartlie  commendation  in 
the  Lord  Jesus,  albeit  I  was  fullie  purposit  to  have  visitit  yow 

*  Letter  to  Mary,  Regent  of  Scotland,  apud  Historic,  p.  417. 
f  Ibid.  pp.  416,  417. 

11  Q 


122  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

before  this  tyme,  yet  hath  God  laid  impedimentis,  whilk  I  culd 
not  avoyd.  They  are  suche  as  I  dout  not  ar  to  his  glorie,  and 
to  the  comfort  of  many  heir.  The  trumpet  blew  the  aid  sound 
thrie  dayis  together,  till  privat  houssis  of  indifferent  largenes 
culd  not  conteane  the  voce  of  it.  God,  for  Christ  his  Sonis 
sake,  grant  me  to  be  myndful,  that  the  sobbis  of  my  hart  hath 
not  been  in  vane,  nor  neglectit  in  the  presence  of  his  Majestic. 
O !  sweet  war  the  death  that  suld  follow  sic  fourtie  dayis  in 
Edinburgh,  as  heir  I  have  had  thrie.  Rejose,  mother;  the 
tyme  of  our  deliverance  approacheth :  for,  as  Sathan  rageth, 
sa  dois  the  grace  of  the  Halie  Spreit  abound,  and  daylie  geveth 
new  testymonyis  of  the  everlasting  love  of  oure  merciful 
Father.  I  can  wryt  na  mair  to  you  at  this  present.  The 
grace  of  the  Lord  Jesus  rest  with  you.  In  haste — this  Monun- 
day — youre  sone,  John  Knox."* 

About  this  time,  the  Earl  Marischal  was  induced  to  attend 
an  evening  exhortation  delivered  by  Knox.  He  was  so  much 
pleased  with  the  discourse,  that  he  joined  with  Glencairn  in 
urging  the  preacher  to  write  a  letter  to  the  queen  regent,  which, 
they  thought,  might  have  the  effect  of  inclining  her  to  pro- 
tect the  reformed  preachers,  if  not  also  to  lend  a  favourable 
ear  to  their  doctrine.  With  this  request  he  was  induced  to 
comply.t 

As  a  specimen  of  the  manner  in  which  this  letter  was 
written,  I  shall  give  the  following  quotation,  in  the  original 
language : — "  I  dout  not,  that  the  rumouris,  whilk  haif  cumin 
to  your  grace's  earis  of  me,  haif  bene  such,  that  (yf  all  re- 
portis  wer  trew)  I  wer  unworthie  to  live  in  the  earth.  And 
wonder  it  is,  that  the  voces  of  the  multitude  suld  not  so  have 
inflamed  your  grace's  hart  with  just  hatred  of  such  a  one  as  I 
am  accuseit  to  be,  that  all  acces  to  pitie  suld  have  been  schute 
up.  I  am  traducit  as  ane  heretick,  accusit  as  a  false  teacher 
and  seducer  of  the  pepill,  besides  other  opprobries,  whilk 
(amrmit  by  men  of  warldlie  honour  and  estimation)  may 
easel ie  kendill  the  wrath  of  majestratis,  whair  innocencie  is 
not  knawin.  But  blissit  be  God,  the  Father  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Chryst,  who,  by  the  dew  of  his  heavenly  grace,  hath  so 
quenchit  the  fyre  of  displeasure  as  yit  in  your  grace's  hart 
(whilk  of  lait  dayis  I  have  understood),  that  Sathan  is  frustrat 
of  his  interpryse  and  purpois.  Whilk  is  to  my  heart  no  small 
comfort;  not  so  muche  (God  is  witness)  for  any  benefit  that  I 

*  MS.  Letters,  pp.  343,  344. 

t  Knox,  Historic,  p.  92.  Another  hearer  of  Knox  at  this  time  was  Henry 
Drummond  of  Riccartowne,  who  was  married  to  a  niece  of  Robert  Creighton, 
Bishop  of  Dunkeld.  Lord  Strathallan's  Account  of  the  House  of  Drum- 
mond, MS.  in  Advocates'  Library. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  123 

can  resave  in  this  miserable  lyfe,  by  protectioun  of  any  earthlie 
creature  (for  the  cupe  whilk  it  behoveth  me  to  drink  is  apoyntit 
by  the  wisdome  of  him  whois  consallis  ar  not  changeable),  as 
that  I  am  for  that  benefit  whilk  I  am  assurit  your  grace  sail 
resave  ;  yf  that  ye  continew  in  like  moderation  and  clemencie 
towards  utheris  that  maist  unjustlie  ar  and  sail  be  accusit,  as 
that  your  grace  hath  begun  towardis  me  and  my  most  despe- 
rate cause."  An  orator  (he  continued)  might  justly  require  of 
her  grace  a  motherly  pity  towards  her  subjects,  the  execution 
of  justice  upon  murderers  and  oppressors,  a  heart  free  from 
avarice  and  partiality,  a  mind  studious  of  the  public  welfare, 
with  other  virtues  which  heathen  as  well  as  inspired  writers 
required  of  rulers.  But,  in  his  opinion,  it  was  vain  to  crave 
reformation  of  manners,  when  religion  was  so  much  corrupted. 
He  could  not  propose,  in  the  present  letter,  to  lay  open  the 
sources,  progress,  and  extent  of  those  errors  and  corruptions 
which  had  overspread  and  inundated  the  Church ;  but,  if  her 
majesty  would  grant  him  opportunity  and  liberty  of  speech,  he 
was  ready  to  undertake  this  task.  In  the  mean  time,  he  could 
not  refrain  from  calling  her  attention  to  this  important  subject, 
and  pointing  out  to  her  the  fallacy  of  some  general  prejudices, 
by  which  she  was  in  danger  of  being  deluded.  She  ought  to 
beware  of  thinking,  that  the  care  of  religion  did  not  belong  to 
magistrates,  but  was  devolved  wholly  on  the  clergy ;  that  it 
was  a  thing  incredible  that  religion  should  be  so  universally 
depraved ;  or  that  true  religion  was  to  be  judged  of  by  the 
majority  of  voices,  by  custom,  by  the  laws  and  determinations 
of  men,  or  by  any  thing  but  the  infallible  dictates  of  inspired 
Scripture.  He  knew  that  innovations  in  religion  were  deemed 
hazardous ;  but  the  urgent  necessity  and  immense  magnitude 
of  the  object  ought,  in  the  present  case,  to  swallow  up  the  fear 
of  danger.  He  was  aware  that  a  public  reformation  might  be 
thought  to  exceed  her  authority  as  a  regent ;  but  she  could  not 
be  bound  to  maintain  idolatry  and  manifest  abuses,  nor  to  suffer 
the  clergy  to  murder  innocent  men,  merely  because  they  wor- 
shipped God  according  to  his  word. 

Though  Knox's  pen  was  not  the  most  smooth  nor  delicate, 
and  though  he  often  irritated  by  the  plainness  and  severity  of 
his  language,  the  letter  to  the  queen  regent  is  very  far  from 
being  uncourtly  or  inelegant.  It  seems  to  have  been  written 
with  great  care,  and  in  point  of  style  may  be  compared  with 
any  composition  of  that  period,  for  simplicity  and  forcible  ex- 
pression.* Its  strain  was  well  calculated  for  stimulating  the 

*  This  is  more  evident  from  the  letter  in  its  original  language,  which  is 
now  before  me  in  manuscript.  In  the  copies  of  it  which  have  been  published 
along  with  his  History,  and  even  in  the  edition  of  1732,  freedoms  have  been 


124  LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX. 

inquiries,  and  confirming  the  resolutions,  of  one  who  was  im- 
pressed with  a  conviction  of  the  reigning  evils  of  the  Church,  or 
who,  though  not  resolved  in  judgment  as  to  the  matters  in  con- 
troversy, was  determined  to  preserve  moderation  between  the 
contending  parties.  Notwithstanding  her  imposing  manners, 
the  regent  was  not  a  person  of  this  description.  The  Earl  of 
Glencairn  delivered  the  letter  into  her  hand ;  she  glanced  over 
it  with  a  careless  air,  and  gave  it  to  the  Archbishop  of  Glas- 
gow, saying,  "  Please  you,  my  lord,  to  read  a  pasquil."*  The 
report  of  this  induced  Knox,  after  he  retired  from  Scotland,  to 
publish  the  letter,  with  additions.  The  style  of  the  additions  is 
more  spirited  and  sharp  than  that  of  the  original  letter ;  but 
there  is  nothing  even  in  them  which  is  indecorous,  or  which 
will  warrant  the  charge  which  has  been  brought  against  him 
of  being  accustomed  to  treat  crowned  heads  with  irreverence 
and  disrespect.  "  As  charitie,"  says  he,  "  persuadeth  me  to 
interpret  thinges  doubtfully  spoken  in  the  best  sence,  so  my 
dutie  to  God  (who  hath  commanded  me  to  flatter  no  prince  in 
the  earth)  compelleth  me  to  say,  that  if  no  more  ye  esteme 
the  admonition  of  God  nor  the  cardinalies  do  the  scoffing 
of  pasquilles,  then  he  shall  schortly  send  you  messagers,  with 
whom  ye  shall  not  be  able  on  that  maner  to  jest. — I  did  not 
speak  unto  you,  madame,  by  my  former  lettre,  neither  yet  do 
I  now,  as  Pasquillus  doth  to  the  pope,  in  behalf  of  such  as 
dare  not  utter  their  names ;  but  I  come,  in  the  name  of  Jesus 
Christ,  affirming  that  the  religion  which  ye  maintain  is  damna- 
ble idolatrie :  the  which  I  offre  myselfe  to  prove  by  the  most 
evident  testimonies  of  Goddis  Scriptures.  And,  in  this  quar- 
relle,  I  present  myself  againste  all  the  Papistes  within  the 
realme,  desireing  none  other  armore  but  Goddis  holie  word,  and 
the  libertie  of  my  tonge."t 

While  he  was  thus  employed  in  Scotland,  he  received  letters 
from  the  English  congregation  at  Geneva,  stating  that  they  had 
made  choice  of  him  as  one  of  their  pastors,  and  urging  him  to 
come  and  take  the  inspection  of  them.J  He  judged  it  his  duty 
to  comply  with  this  invitation,  and  began  immediately  to  pre- 
pare for  the  journey.  His  wife  and  mother-in-law  had  by  this 
time  joined  him  at  Edinburgh;  and  Mrs.  Bowes,  being  now  a 
widow,  resolved  to  accompany  Mrs.  Knox  and  her  husband  to 
Geneva.  Having  sent  them  before  him  in  a  vessel  to  Dieppe, 

used,  and  the  style  is  not  a  little  injured  by  the  insertion  of  unnecessary  and 
enfeebling  expletives. 

*  Historic,  pp.  92,  425.  f  Letter,  &c.  apud  Historic,  pp.  425,  426. 

|  This  congregation  (which  consisted  of  those  who  had  withdrawn  from 
Frankfort),  as  early  as  September  1555,  "  chose  Knox  and  Goodman  for 
their  pastors,  and  Gilby  requested  to  supplie  the  rome  till  Knox  returned 
owte  of  France."  Troubles  at  Franckford,  p.  lix. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  125 

Knox  again  visited  and  took  his  leave  of  the  brethren  in  the 
different  places  where  he  had  preached.  He  was  conducted, 
by  his  friend  Campbell  of  Kineancleugh,  to  the  Earl  of  Argyle, 
and  preached  for  some  days  at  his  seat  of  Castle  Campbell.* 
That  aged  nobleman  appears  to  have  received  durable  impres- 
sions from  the  instructions  of  the  Reformer.  He  resisted  all  the 
arts  which  the  clergy  afterwards  employed  to  detach  him  from 
the  Protestant  interest,  and  on  his  death-bed  laid  a  solemn 
charge  upon  his  son  to  use  his  utmost  influence  for  its  preser- 
vation and  advancement.  Argyle,  and  Glenorchy,  who  was 
also  a  hearer  of  Knox,  endeavoured  to  detain  him  in  Scotland, 
but  without  success.  "If  God  so  blessed  their  small  begin- 
nings/' he  said,  "  that  they  continued  in  godliness,  whensoever 
they  pleased  to  command  him,  they  should  find  him  obedient. 
But  once  he  must  needs  visit  that  little  flock,  which  the  wicked- 
ness of  men  had  compelled  him  to  leave."  Accordingly,  in  the 
month  of  July  1556,  he  left  Scotland,  and  having  joined  his  fa- 
mily at  Dieppe,  proceeded  along  with  them  to  Geneva.t 

No  sooner  did  the  clergy  understand  that  he  had  quitted  the 
kingdom,  than  they,  in  a  dastardly  manner,  renewed  the  sum- 
mons against  him  which  they  had  deserted  during  his  presence, 
and,  upon  his  failing  to  appear,  passed  sentence  against  him, 
adjudging  his  body  to  the  flames,  and  his  soul  to  damnation. 
As  his  person  was  out  of  their  reach,  they  caused  his  effigy  to 
be  ignominiously  burned  at  the  cross  of  Edinburgh.  Against 
this  sentence  he  drew  up  his  Appellation,  which  he  afterwards 
published,  with  a  supplication  and  exhortation,  directed  to  the 
nobility  and  commonalty  of  Scotland.  It  may  not  be  impro- 
per here  to  subjoin  the  summary  which  he  gave  in  this  treatise 
of  the  doctrine  taught  by  him  during  his  late  visit  to  Scotland, 
which  the  clergy  pronounced  so  execrable,  and  deserving  of 
such  horrible  punishment.  He  taught,  that  there  is  no  other 
name  by  which  men  can  be  saved  but  that  of  Jesus,  and  that 
all  reliance  on  the  merits  of  others  is  vain  and  delusive  ;  that 
the  Saviour  having  by  his  one  sacrifice  sanctified  and  recon- 
ciled to  God  those  who  should  inherit  the  promised  kingdom, 
all  other  sacrifices  which  men  pretend  to  offer  for  sin  are  blas- 
phemous ;  that  all  men  ought  to  hate  sin,  which  is  so  odious 
before  God  that  no  sacrifice  but  the  death  of  his  Son  could 
satisfy  for  it ;  that  they  ought  to  magnify  their  heavenly  Father, 
who  did  not  spare  him  who  is  the  substance  of  his  glory,  but 
gave  him  up  to  suffer  the  ignominious  and  cruel  death  of  the 
cross  for  us ;  and  that  those  who  have  been  washed  from  their 

*  A  piece  of  sloping  ground  on  the  south  side  of  the  castle  is  still  pointed 
out  as  the  spot  on  which  Knox  preached, 
f  Knox,  Historic,  pp.  92—3,  108. 
11* 


126  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

former  sins  are  bound  to  lead  a  new  life,  fighting  against  the  lusts 
of  the  flesh,  and  studying  to  glorify  God  by  good  works.  In  con- 
formity with  the  certification  of  his  Master,  that  he  would  deny 
and  be  ashamed  of  those  who  should  deny  and  be  ashamed  of 
him  and  his  words  before  a  wicked  generation,  he  further  taught, 
that  it  is  incumbent  on  those  who  hope  for  life  everlasting,  to 
make  an  open  profession  of  the  doctrine  of  Christ,  and  to  avoid 
idolatry,  superstition,  vain  religion,  and,  in  one  word,  every  way 
of  worship  which  is  destitute  of  authority  from  the  word  of 
God.  This  doctrine  he  did  believe  so  conformable  to  God's 
holy  Scriptures,  that  he  thought  no  creature  could  have  been 
so  impudent  as  to  deny  any  point  or  article  of  it ;  yet  had  the 
false  bishops  and  ungodly  clergy  condemned  him  as  a  heretic, 
and  his  doctrine  as  heretical,  and  pronounced  against  him  the 
sentence  of  death,  in  testimony  of  which  they  had  burnt  his 
effigy ;  from  which  sentence  he  appealed  to  a  lawful  and  gene- 
ral council,  to  be  held  agreeably  to  ancient  laws  and  canons ; 
humbly  requesting  the  nobility  and  commons  of  Scotland,  to 
take  him,  and  others  who  were  accused  and  persecuted,  under 
their  protection,  until  such  time  as  these  controversies  were  de- 
cided, and  to  regard  this  his  plain  Appellation  of  no  less  effect, 
than  if  it  had  been  made  with  the  accustomed  solemnity  and 
ceremonies.* 

The  late  visit  of  our  Reformer  was  of  vast  consequence.  By 
his  labours  on  this  occasion,  he  laid  the  foundations  of  that 
noble  edifice  which  he  was  afterwards  so  instrumental  in  com- 
pleting. The  friends  of  the  Protestant  doctrine  were  separated 
from  the  corrupt  communion  to  which,  in  a  certain  degree,  they 
had  hitherto  adhered ;  their  information  in  scriptural  truth  was 
greatly  improved ;  and  they  were  brought  together  in  different 
parts  of  the  nation,  and  prepared  for  being  organized  into  a  re- 
gular church,  as  soon  as  Providence  should  grant  them  external 
liberty,  and  furnish  them  with  persons  qualified  for  acting  as 
overseers.  Some  may  be  apt  to  blame  him  for  abandoning 
with  too  great  precipitation  the  undertaking  which  he  had  so 
auspiciously  begun.  But,  without  pretending  to  ascertain  the 
train  of  reflections  which  occurred  to  his  mind,  we  may  trace, 
in  his  determination,  the  wise  arrangements  of  that  Providence 
which  watched  over  the  infant  Reformation,  and  guided  the 
steps  of  the  Reformer.  His  absence  was  now  no  less  conducive 
to  the  preservation  of  the  cause,  than  his  presence  and  personal 
labours  had  lately  been  to  its  advancement.  Matters  were  not 
yet  ripened  for  a  general  reformation  in  Scotland ;  and  the 
clergy  would  never  have  suffered  so  zealous  and  able  a  cham- 
pion of  the  new  doctrines  to  live  in  the  country.  By  retiring 

*  Appellation,  &c.  apud  Historic,  p.  428. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  127 

at  this  time,  he  not  only  preserved  his  own  life,  and  reserved 
his  labours  to  a  more  fit  opportunity,  but  he  also  averted  the 
storm  of  persecution  from  the  heads  of  his  brethren.  Deprived 
of  teachers,  they  became  objects  of  less  jealousy  to  their  adver- 
saries ;  while  in  their  private  meetings,  they  continued  to  con- 
firm one  another  in  the  doctrine  which  they  had  received,  and 
the  seed  lately  sown  had  sufficient  time  to  take  root  and  spread. 

Before  he  took  his  departure,  Knox  gave  his  brethren  such 
directions  as  he  judged  most  necessary,  and  most  useful  to 
them,  in  their  present  circumstances.  Not  satisfied  with  com- 
municating these  orally,  he  committed  them  to  writing  in  a 
common  letter,  which  he  either  left  behind  him,  or  sent  from 
Dieppe,  to  be  circulated  in  the  different  quarters  where  he  had 
preached.  In  this  letter,  he  warmly  recommends  to  every  one 
the  frequent  and  careful  perusal  of  the  Scriptures.  He  incul- 
cates the  duty  of  attending  to  religious  instruction  and  worship 
in  each  family.  He  exhorts  the  brethren  to  meet  together  once 
every  week,  if  practicable,  and  gives  them  directions  for  con- 
ducting their  assemblies,  in  the  manner  best  adapted  for  their 
mutual  improvement,  while  destitute  of  public  teachers  They 
ought  to  begin  with  confession  of  sins,  and  invocation  of  the 
divine  blessing.  A  portion  of  the  Scriptures  should  then  be 
read ;  and  they  would  find  it  of  great  advantage  to  observe  a 
regular  course  in  their  reading,  and  to  join  a  chapter  of  the  Old 
and  of  the  New  Testament  together.  After  the  reading  of  the 
Scriptures,  if  an  exhortation,  interpretation,  or  doubt,  occurred 
to  any  brother,  he  might  speak ;  but  he  ought  to  do  it  with  mo- 
desty, and  a  desire  to  edify  or  to  be  edified,  carefully  avoiding 
«  multiplication  of  words,  perplexed  interpretation,  and  wilful- 
ness  in  reasoning."  If,  in  the  course  of  reading  or  conference, 
they  met  with  any  difficulties  which  they  could  not  solve,  he 
advised  them  to  commit  these  to  writing,  before  they  separated, 
that  they  might  submit  them  to  the  judgment  of  the  learned ; 
and  he  signified  his  own  readiness  to  give  them  his  advice,  by 
letter,  whenever  it  should  be  required.  Their  assemblies  ought 
always  to  be  closed,  as  well  as  opened,  by  prayer.*  There  is 
every  reason  to  conclude,  that  these  directions  were  punctually 
complied  with ;  this  letter  may  therefore  be  viewed  as  an  im- 
portant document  regarding  the  state  of  the  Protestant  Church 
in  Scotland  previous  to  the  establishment  of  the  Reformation, 
and  shall  be  inserted  at  large  in  the  notes.t 

Among  his  subsequent  letters  are  answers  to  questions  which 
his  countrymen  had  transmitted  to  him  for  advice.  The  ques- 
tions are  such  as  might  be  supposed  to  arise  in  the  minds  of 
pious  persons  lately  made  acquainted  with  Scripture,  puzzled 

*  MS.  Letters,  pp.  352—359.  f  See  Note  Z. 


128  LIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

with  particular  expressions,  and  at  a  loss  how  to  apply  some  of 
its  directions  to  their  situation.  They  discover  an  inquisitive 
and  conscientious  disposition ;  and  at  the  same  time,  illustrate 
the  disadvantages  under  which  ordinary  Christians  labour  when 
deprived  of  the  assistance  of  learned  teachers.*  Our  Reformer's 
answers  display  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  Scripture,  and 
dexterity  in  expounding  it,  with  prudence  in  giving  advice  in 
cases  of  conscience,  so  as  not  to  encourage  a  dangerous  laxity 
on  the  one  hand,  or  scrupulosity  and  excessive  rigidness  on  the 
other. 

*  Among  the  questions  proposed  were  the  following : — Whether  the  bap- 
tism  administered  by  the  Popish  priests  was  valid,  and  did  not  require  repe- 
tition )  Whether  all  the  things  prohibited  in  the  decree  of  the  apostles  and 
elders  at  Jerusalem  (Acts  xv.)  were  still  unlawful  1  Whether  the  prohibition 
in  2d  John,  verse  10,  extended  to  the  common  salutation  of  those  who  taught 
erroneous  doctrine  1  How  are  the  directions  respecting  dress,  in  2d  Peter  iii. 
3,  to  be  obeyed  1  In  what  sense  is  God  said  to  repent  1 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  129 


PERIOD  V. 


FROM  THE  YEAR  1556  WHEN  HE  RETURNED  TO  GENEVA,  AFTER 
VISITING  SCOTLAND,  TO  MAY  1559,  WHEN  HE  RETURNED  TO  SCOT- 
LAND  FOR  THE  LAST  TIME. 

KNOX  reached  Geneva  before  the  end  of  harvest,  and  took 
upon  him  the  charge  of  the  English  congregation  there,*  among 
whom  he  laboured  during  the  two  following  years.  This  short 
period  was  the  most  quiet  of  his  life.  In  the  bosom  of  his  own 
family,  he  experienced  that  soothing  care  to  which  he  had  hith- 
erto been  a  stranger,  and  which  his  frequent  bodily  ailments 
now  required.  Two  sons  were  born  to  him  in  Geneva.  The 
greatest  affection  to  him,  and  cordiality  among  themselves,  sub- 
sisted in  the  small  flock  under  his  charge.  With  his  colleague, 
Christopher  Goodman,  he  lived  as  a  brother ;  and  he  was  happy 
in  the  friendship  of  Calvin  and  the  other  pastors  of  Geneva. 
So  much  was  he  pleased  with  the  purity  of  religion  established 
in  that  city,  that  he  warmly  recommended  it  to  his  religious 
acquaintances  in  England,  as  the  best  Christian  asylum  to 
which  they  could  flee.  "  In  my  heart,"  says  he,  in  a  letter  to 
his  friend  Mr.  Locke,  "  I  could  have  wished,  yea,  and  cannot 
cease  to  wish,  that  it  might  please  God  to  guide  and  conduct 
yourself  to  this  place,  where,  I  neither  fear  nor  eshame  to  say, 
is  the  most  perfect  school  of  Christ  that  ever  was  in  the  earth 
since  the  days  of  the  apostles.  In  other  places  I  confess 
Christ  to  be  truly  preached ;  but  manners  and  religion  to  be 
so  sincerely  reformed,  I  have  not  yet  seen  in  any  other  place 
beside."f 

But  neither  the  enjoyment  of  personal  accommodations,  nor 
the  pleasures  of  literary  society,  nor  the  endearments  of  do- 

*  The  congregation  appear  to  have  delayed  the  final  settlement  of  their 
form  of  worship  and  discipline  until  Knox's  arrival ;  for  the  preface  to  The 
Order  of  Geneva,  is  dated  "  the  10th  of  February  anno  1556."  Dunlop's 
Collection  of  Confessions,  ii.  401.  If  this  date  was  according  to  the  old 
method  of  reckoning,  Knox  must  have  been  present  at  the  time.  But  I  am 
not  sure  but  that  the  new  rriode  of  beginning  the  year  in  January  was  intro- 
duced in  Geneva  as  early  as  1556. 

t  MS.  Letters,  p.  377. 

R 


130  UFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

mestic  happiness,  could  subdue  Knox's  ruling  passion,  or  unfix 
his  determination  to  revisit  Scotland,  as  soon  as  an  opportunity 
should  offer,  for  advancing  the  Reformation  among  his  country- 
men. In  a  letter  written  to  some  of  his  friends  in  Edinburgh, 
March  16,  1557,  he  expresses  himself  in  the  following  man- 
ner :  "  My  own  motion  and  daily  prayer  is,  not  only  that  I  may 
visit  you,  but  also  that  with  joy  I  may  end  my  battle  among 
you.  And  assure  yourself  of  this,  that  whenever  a  greater 
number  among  you  shall  call  upon  me  than  now  hath  bound 
me  to  serve  them,  by  his  grace  it  shall  not  be  the  fear  of  pun- 
ishment, neither  yet  of  the  death  temporal,  that  shall  impede 
my  coming  to  you."*  A  certain  heroic  confidence,  and  assu- 
rance of  ultimate  success,  have  often  been  displayed  by  those 
whom  Providence  has  raised  up  to  achieve  great  revolutions  in 
the  world ;  by  which  they  have  been  borne  up  under  discour- 
agements which  would  have  overwhelmed  men  of  ordinary 
spirits,  and  imboldened  to  face  dangers  from  which  others 
would  have  shrunk  appalled.  Knox  possessed  no  inconsidera- 
ble portion  of  that  enthusiastic  heroism  which  was  so  con- 
spicuous in  the  German  reformer.  "  Satan,  I  confess,  rageth," 
says  he,  in  a  letter  written  at  this  time  ;  "  but  potent  is  He  that 
promiseth  to  be  with  us,  in  all  such  enterprises  as  we  take  in 
hand  at  his  commandment,  for  the  glory  of  his  name,  and  for 
maintenance  of  his  true  religion.  And  therefore  the  less  fear 
we  any  contrary  power;  yea,  in  the  boldness  of  our  God,  we 
altogether  contemn  them,  be  they  kings,  emperors,  men,  angels, 
or  devils.  For  they  shall  be  never  able  to  prevail  against  the 
simple  truth  of  God  which  we  openly  profess ;  by  the  permis- 
sion of  God  they  may  appear  to  prevail  against  our  bodies,  but 
our  cause  shall  triumph  in  despite  of  Satan."t 

Soon  after  the  above  letter  had  been  written,  two  citizens  of 
Edinburgh,  James  Syme  and  James  Barron,  arrived  at  Geneva 
with  a  letter  and  credentials  from  the  Earl  of  Glencairn,  and 
Lords  Lorn,  Erskine,  and  James  Stewart,  informing  him,  that 
the  professors  of  the  reformed  doctrine  remained  steadfast,  that 
its  adversaries  were  daily  losing  credit  in  the  nation,  and  that 
those  who  possessed  the  supreme  authority,  although  they  had 
not  yet  declared  themselves  friendly  to  it,  continued  to  refrain 
from  persecution ;  and  inviting  him,  in  their  own  name,  and  in 
that  of  their  brethren,  to  return  to  Scotland,  where  he  would 
find  them  all  ready  to  receive  him,  and  to  spend  their  lives  and 
fortunes  in  advancing  the  cause  which  they  had  espoused4 

Knox,  at  the  same  time  that  he  laid  this  letter  before  his  congre- 
gation, craved  the  advice  of  Calvin  and  the  other  ministers  of 

*  MS.  Letters,  p.  408.  f  Ibid  p.  378. 

|  Knox,  Historic,  p.  97,  98. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  131 

Geneva.  They  gave  it  as  their  opinion,  "that  he  could  not 
refuse  the  call  without  shewing  himself  rebellious  to  God,  and 
unmerciful  to  his  country."  His  congregation  agreed  to  sacri- 
fice their  particular  interest  to  the  greater  good  of  the  Church ; 
and  his  own  family  silently  acquiesced.  Upon  this,  he  returned 
an  answer  to  the  letter  of  the  nobility,  signifying  that  he  meant 
to  visit  them  with  all  reasonable  expedition.  The  congregation 
chose  as  his  successor  William  Whittingham,*  a  learned  Eng- 
lishman, with  whom  he  had  been  long  united  by  the  ties  of 
friendship  and  congeniality  of  sentiment.  Having  settled  his 
other  affairs,  he  took  an  affectionate  leave  of  his  friends  at 
Geneva,  and  went  to  Dieppe,  in  the  month  of  October.  But 
on  his  arrival  there,  he  received  letters  from  Scotland,  written 
in  a  very  different  strain  from  the  former.  By  these  he  was 
informed,  that  new  consultations  had  been  held  among  the  Pro- 
testants in  that  country ;  that  some  of  them  began  to  repent  of 
the  invitation  which  they  had  given  him  to  return ;  and  that 
the  greater  part  seemed  irresolute  and  faint-hearted. 

This  intelligence  exceedingly  disconcerted  and  embarrassed 
him.  He  instantly  despatched  a  letter  to  the  nobility  who  had 
invited  him,  upbraiding  them  for  their  timidity  and  inconstancy. 
The  information  which  he  had  just  received,  had,  he  said,  con- 
founded him,  and  pierced  his  heart  with  sorrow.  After  taking 
the  advice  of  the  most  learned  and  godly  in  Europe,  to  satisfy 
his  own  conscience  and  theirs  as  to  the  propriety  of  this  enter- 
prise, the  abandonment  of  it  must  reflect  disgrace  either  on  him 
or  them — it  argued  either  that  he  had  been  marvellously  for- 
ward and  vain,  or  that  they  had  betrayed  great  imprudence  and 
want  of  judgment  in  the  invitation  which  they  had  given 
him.  To  some  it  might  appear  a  small  matter  that  he  had 
left  his  poor  family  destitute  of  a  head,  and  committed  the  care 
of  his  little  but  dearly-beloved  flock  to  another ;  but,  for  his 
part,  he  could  not  name  the  sum  that  would  induce  him  to  go 
through  that  scene  a  second  time,  and  to  behold  so  many  grave 
men  weeping  at  his  departure.  What  answer  could  he  give  to 
those  who  inquired,  why  he  did  not  prosecute  his  journey  ?  He 
could  take  God  to  witness,  that  the  personal  inconveniences  to 
which  he  had  been  subjected,  and  the  mortification  which  he 
felt  at  the  disappointment,  were  not  the  chief  causes  of  his  grief. 
He  was  alarmed  at  the  awful  consequences  which  would  ensue 
— at  the  bondage  and  misery,  spiritual  and  temporal,  which 
they  would  entail  on  themselves  and  their  children,  their  sub- 
jects and  their  posterity,  if  they  neglected  the  present  oppor- 
tunity of  introducing  the  gospel  into  their  native  country.  In 
his  conscience,  he  could  exempt  none  that  bore  the  name  of 

*  See  Note  AA. 


132  LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX. 

nobility  in  Scotland  from  blame  in  this  affair.  His  words  might 
perhaps  appear  sharp  and  indiscreet;  but  charity  would  con- 
strue them  in  the  best  sense,  and  wise  men  would  consider  that 
a  true  friend  cannot  flatter,  especially  in  a  matter  which  involves 
the  salvation  of  the  bodies  and  souls,  not  of  a  few  persons,  but 
of  a  whole  realm.  "  What  are  the  sobs,  and  what  is  the  afflic- 
tion, of  my  troubled  heart,  God  shall  one  day  declare.  But  this 
will  I  add  to  my  former  rigour  and  severity ;  to  wit,  if  any  per- 
suade you,  for  fear  or  dangers  to  follow,  to  faint  in  your  former 
purpose,  be  he  esteemed  never  so  wise  and  friendly,  let  him  be 
judged  of  you  both  foolish  and  your  mortal  enemy.  I  am  not 
ignorant  that  fearful  troubles  shall  ensue  your  enterprise,  as  in 
my  former  letters  I  did  signify  unto  you.  But,  0  !  joyful  and 
comfortable  are  those  troubles  and  adversities  which  man  sus- 
taineth  for  accomplishment  of  God's  will  revealed  in  his  word. 
For  how  terrible  soever  they  appear  to  the  judgment  of  natural 
men,  yet  they  are  never  able  to  devour  nor  utterly  to  consume 
the  sufferers ;  for  the  invisible  and  invincible  power  of  God  sus- 
taineth  and  preserveth,  according  to  his  promise,  all  such  as 
with  simplicity  do  obey  him.  No  less  cause  have  ye  to  enter 
in  your  former  enterprise,  than  Moses  had  to  go  to  the  presence 
of  Pharaoh ;  for  your  subjects,  yea,  your  brethren  are  oppressed 
— their  bodies  and  souls  holden  in  bondage  ;  and  God  speaketh 
to  your  consciences  (unless  ye  be  dead  with  the  blind  world), 
that  ye  ought  to  hazard  your  own  lives,  be  it  against  kings  or 
emperors,  for  their  deliverance.  For  only  for  that  cause  are  ye 
called  princes  of  the  people,  and  receive  honour,  tribute,  and 
homage  at  God's  commandment, — not  by  reason  of  your  birth 
and  progeny  (as  the  most  part  of  men  falsely  do  suppose,)  but 
by  reason  of  your  office  and  duty ;  which  is,  to  vindicate  and 
deliver  your  subjects  and  brethren  from  all  violence  and  oppres- 
sion, to  the  uttermost  of  your  power."* 

Having  sent  off  this  letter,  with  others  written  in  the  same 
strain,  to  Erskine  of  Dun,  Wishart  of  Pitterow,  and  some  other 
gentlemen  of  his  acquaintance,  he  cherished  the  hope  that  he 
would  soon  receive  more  favourable  accounts  from  Scotland, 
and  resolved  in  the  mean  time  to  remain  in  France.t  The  re- 
formed doctrine  had  been  early  introduced  into  that  kingdom ; 
it  had  been  copiously  watered  with  the  blood  of  martyrs ;  and 
all  the  violence  which  had  been  employed  by  its  enemies  had 
not  been  able  to  extirpate  it,  or  to  prevent  its  spreading  among 
all  ranks.  The  Parisian  Protestants  were  at  present  smarting 

*  Knox,  Historic,  pp.  98—100. 

1 1  find  him  about  this  time,  addressing1  a  letter  to  one  of  his  correspon- 
dents from  Lyons.  MS.  Letters,  p.  346.  This  letter  is  subscribed  John 
Sinclair.  See  above,  p.  18,  note  * 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  133 

under  the  effects  of  one  of  those  massacres,  which  so  often  dis- 
graced the  Roman  Catholic  religion  in  that  country,  before  as 
well  as  after  the  commencement  of  the  civil  wars.  Not  satis- 
fied with  assaulting  them  when  peaceably  assembled  for  wor- 
ship in  a  private  house,  and  treating  them  with  great  barbarity, 
their  adversaries,  in  imitation  of  their  pagan  predecessors,  in- 
vented the  most  diabolical  calumnies  against  them,  and  circu- 
lated the  report  that  they  were  guilty  of  abominable  practices 
in  their  religious  assemblies.*  The  innocent  sufferers  had  drawn 
up  an  apology,  in  which  they  vindicated  themselves  from  the 
atrocious  charge;  and  Knox,  having  got  this  translated  into 
English,  wrote  a  preface  and  additions  to  it,  with  the  intention 
of  publishing  it  for  the  use  of  his  countrymen.t 

Having  formed  an  acquaintance  with  many  of  the  Protestants 
of  France,  and  being  able  to  speak  their  language,  he  occasionally 
preached  to  them  in  passing  through  the  country.  It  seems  to 
have  been  on  this  occasion  that  he  preached  in  the  city  of  Rochelle, 
and  having  alluded  to  his  native  country  in  the  course  of  his 
sermon,  told  his  audience  that  he  expected  within  a  few  years, 
to  preach  in  the  Church  of  St.  Giles,  in  Edinburgh.^ 

*  Histoire  des  Martyrs,  pp.  425,  426.  Anno  1597,  Folio.  Beza,  Vita 
Calvini,  ad  ann.  1557.  The  Cardinal  of  Lorrain,  uncle  to  Mary,  the  young 
Queen  of  Scotland,  was  industrious  in  propagating-  these  vile  calumnies ;  a 
circumstance  which  increased  Knox's  bad  opinion  of  that  determined  enemy 
of  the  Reformation.  This  is  mentioned  by  him  in  his  preface  to  the  Parisian 
Apology.  "  This  was  not  bruited  be  the  rude  and  ignorant  pepil ;  but  a 
cardinall  (whais  ipocrisie  nevertheless  is  not  abil  to  cover  his  awn  filthiness) 
eschamit  not  openlie  at  his  tabill  to  affirm  that  maist  impudent  and  manifest 
lie ;  adding,  moreover  (to  the  further  declaratioun  whais  sone  he  was),  that 
in  the  hous  whair  they  wer  apprehendit,  8  bedis  were  preparit.  When  in 
verie  deed,  in  that  place  whair  they  did  convene  (except  a  table  for  the 
Lord's  supper  to  have  been  ministered,  a  chayr  for  the  preicher,  and 
bankis  and  stullis  for  the  easement  of  the  auditors),  no  preparation  nor 
furniture  was  abill  to  be  proved,  not  even  by  the  verie  enemis."  MS.  Let- 
ters, pp.  445,  446. 

t  MS.  Letters,  pp.  442 — 500.  The  Apology  of  the  Parisian  Protestants 
was  published ;  but  I  do  not  think  that  the  English  translation,  with  Knox's 
additions,  ever  appeared  in  print.  The  writer  of  the  Life  of  Knox,  prefixed 
to  the  edition  of  his  History,  1732,  p.  xxi.  has  fallen  into  several  blunders 
on  this  subject.  There  are  no  letters  to  the  French  Protestants  in  the  MS. 
to  which  he  refers.  The  Apology  was  written  by  the  Parisians  themselves, 
and  Knox  informs  us,  that  a  part  of  the  translation  only  was  done  by  him, — 
"  the  former  and  maist  part  was  translatit  by  another,  because  of  my  other 
labors."  Ut  supra,  p.  446. 

|  "  Having  particularly  declared  to  me,"  says  Row,  "  by  those  who  heard 
him  say,  when  he  was  in  Rochel,  in  France,  that  within  two  or  three  years 
he  hoped  to  preach  the  gospel  publicly  in  St.  Giles  in  Edinburgh.  But  the 

Ersons  who.  heard  him  say  it,  being  Papists  for  the  time,  and  yet  persuaded 
a  nobleman  to  hear  him  preach  privately,  and  see  him  baptize  a  bairn 
it  was  carried  many  miles  to  him  for  that  purpose,  thought  that  such  a 
thing  could  never  come  to  pass,  and  hated  him  for  so  speaking ;  yet,  coming 
12 


134  LIFE   OF  JOHN   KNOX. 

It  does  not  appear  that  there  were  any  Protestants  in  Dieppe 
when  Knox  first  visited  it.  But  he  had  now  the  satisfaction  of 
officiating  in  a  reformed  church,  recently  planted  in  that  town. 
In  the  course  of  the  year  1557,  a  travelling  merchant  from 
Geneva,  named  John  Venable,  had  come  to  Dieppe,  and  by  his 
conversation  and  the  circulation  of  books,  imparted  the  know- 
ledge of  the  Protestant  doctrine  to  some  of  the  inhabitants.  At 
his  request,  they  were  visited  by  Delajonch6,  pastor  at  Rouen, 
who  applied  to  the  ministers  of  Geneva  to  furnish  them  with  a 
preacher.  They  sent  Andr6  de  Sequeran,  sieur  d' Amont,  who,, 
having  removed  in  the  course  of  a  few  months,  was  succeeded 
by  Delaporte,  one  of  the  pastors  of  the  Church  of  Rouen. 
Knox  having  come  to  Dieppe  at  this  time,  was  chosen  colleague 
to  Delaporte ;  and  under  their  ministry  the  Reformation  was 
embraced  by  some  of  the  principal  persons  of  the  town,  and 
amongst  the  rest  by  M.  de  Bagueville,  a  descendant  of  Charles 
Martel.  A  surprising  change  was  soon  observed  on  the  morals 
of  the  inhabitants,  which  had  formerly  been  very  dissolute ;  and 
the  church  at  Dieppe  continued  long  in  a  flourishing  condi- 
tion.* 

Being  disappointed  in  his  expectation  of  letters  from  Scot- 
land, Knox  determined  to  relinquish  his  journey,  and  return  to 
Geneva.  This  resolution  does  not  accord  with  the  usual  firm- 
ness of  our  Reformer,  and  is  not  sufficiently  accounted  for  in 
the  common  histories.  The  Protestant  nobles  had  not  retracted 
their  invitation :  the  discouraging  letters  which  he  had  received, 
were  written  by  individuals  without  any  authority  from  the  rest ; 
and  if  their  zeal  and  courage  had  begun  to  flag,  his  presence 
was  the  more  necessary  to  recruit  them.  From  the  letters  which 
he  wrote  to  his  familiar  acquaintance,  I  am  enabled  to  state  the 
motives  by  which  he  was  actuated  in  making  this  retrograde  step. 
He  was  perfectly  aware  that  a  violent  struggle  must  precede  the 

home  to  Scotland,  and  through  stress  of  weather  likely  to  perish,  they  began 
to  think  of  his  preaching,  and  allowed  of  every  part  of  it,  and  vowed  to 
God,  if  he  would  preserve  their  lives,  that  they  would  forsake  Papistry,  and 
follow  the  calling  of  God ;  whilk  they  did,  and  saw  and  heard  John  Knox  preach 
openly  in  the  kirk  of  Edinburgh,  at  the  time  whereof  he  spoke  to  them."  Row's 
Historic,  MS.  pp.  8,  9.  The  same  fact  is  mentioned  by  Pierre  de  la  Roque, 
a  French  author,  in  Recueil  des  Dernieres  Heures  Edifiantes:  Wodrow, 
MSS.  No.  15,  Advocates'  Library. 

*  Annuaire,  ou  Repertoire  Ecclesiastique,  a  1'usage  desEglises  Reformees 
et  Protestantes  de  1'empire  Francais,  par  M.  Rabaut  le  Jeune,  pp.  273, 274.  A 
Paris,  1807. 

The  pastor  of  Dieppe  was  a  member  of  the  first  National  Synod  of  the 
reformed  churches  of  France,  held  at  Paris  in  1559.  Quick's  Synodicon,  1, 
2,  7.  In  1630  there  were  upwards  of  5000  communicants  in  the  Church  of 
Dieppe.  Diary  of  Mr.  Robert  Trail,  minister  of  Greyfriars,  Edinburgh,  pp. 
22,  23.  MS.  in  the  possession  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Trail. 


LIFE    OF    JOfiN    KNOX.  135 

establishment  of  the  reformation  in  his  native  country  ;  he  knew 
that  his  presence  in  Scotland  would  excite  the  rage  of  the  clergy, 
who  would  make  every  eifort  to  crush  their  adversaries,  and  to 
maintain  the  lucrative  system  of  superstition :  and  he  dreaded 
that  civil  discord,  and  tumult,  and  bloodshed  would  ensue. 
The  prospect  of  these  things  rushed  into  his  mind,  and,  regard- 
less of  public  tranquillity  as  some  have  pronounced  him  to  be, 
staggered  his  resolution  to  prosecute  an  undertaking,  which,  in 
his  judgment,  was  not  only  lawful,  but  laudable  and  necessary. 
"  When,"  says  he,  "  I  heard  such  troubles  as  appeared  in  that 
realm,  I  began  to  dispute  with  myself  as  followeth : — <  Shall 
Christ,  the  author  of  peace,  concord,  and  quietness,  be  preached 
where  war  is  proclaimed,  sedition  engendered,  and  tumults 
appear  to  rise  ?  Shall  not  his  evangel  be  accused  as  the  cause 
of  all  this  calamity  which  is  like  to  follow  ?  What  comfort 
canst  thou  have  to  see  the  one-half  of  the  people  rise  up  against 
the  other ;  yea,  to  jeopard  the  one  to  murder  and  destroy  the 
other  ?  But,  above  all,  what  joy  shall  it  be  to  thy  heart,  to  be- 
hold with  thy  eyes  thy  native  country  betrayed  into  the  hands 
of  strangers,  which,  to  no  man's  judgment,  can  be  avoided ; 
because,  that  those  who  ought  to  defend  it,  and  the  liberty 
thereof,  are  so  blind,  dull,  and  obstinate,  that  they  will  not  see 
their  own  destruction.3  "*  To  "  these  and  more  deep  cogita- 
tions," which  continued  to  distract  his  mind  for  several  months 
after  he  returned  to  Geneva,  he  principally  imputed  his  abandon- 
ment of  the  journey  to  Scotland.  At  the  same  time,  he  was 
convinced  that  they  were  not  sufficient  to  justify  his  desisting 
from  an  undertaking  recommended  by  so  many  powerful  con- 
siderations. "But,  alas  !"  says  he,  "  as  the  wounded  man,  be 
he  never  so  expert  in  physic  or  surgery,  cannot  suddenly  miti- 
gate his  own  pain  and  dolour,  no  more  can  I  the  fear  and  grief 
of  my  heart,  although  I  am  not  ignorant  of  what  is  to  be  done. 
It  may  also  be,  that  the  doubts  and  cold  writing  of  some 
brethren  did  augment  my  dolour,  and  somewhat  discourage  me 
that  before  was  more  nor  feeble.  But  nothing  do  I  so  much 
accuse  as  myself."  Whatever  were  the  secondary  causes  of  this 
step,  I  cannot  help  again  directing  the  reader's  attention  to  the 
wisdom  of  Providence,  in  throwing  impediments  in  his  way,  by 
which  his  return  to  Scotland  was  protracted  to  a  period,  before 
which  it  might  have  been  injurious,  and  at  which  it  was  calcu- 
lated to  be  in  the  highest  degree  beneficial,  to  the  great  cause 
that  he  meant  to  promote. 

In  judging  of  Knox's  influence  in  advancing  the  Reformation, 
we  must  take  into  view  not  only  his  personal  labours,  but  also 
the  epistolary  correspondence  which  he  maintained  with  his 

*  MS.  Letters,  p.  349. 


136  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

countrymen.  By  this  he  instructed  them  in  his  absence,  com- 
municated his  own  advice,  and  that  of  the  learned  among  whom 
he  resided,  upon  every  difficult  case  which  occurred,  and  ani- 
mated them  to  constancy  and  perseverance.  During  his  resi- 
dence at  Dieppe,  he  transmitted  to  Scotland  two  long  letters, 
which  deserve  particular  notice.  The  one,  dated  on  the  1st  of 
December,  is  directed  to  the  Protestants  in  general ;  the  other, 
dated  on  the  17th  of  that  month,  is  addressed  to  the  nobility. 
In  both  of  them  he  prudently  avoids  any  reference  to  his  late 
disappointment. 

In  the  first  letter  he  strongly  inculcates  purity  of  morals,  and 
warns  all  who  professed  the  reformed  religion  against  those 
irregularities  of  life  which  were  employed  to  the  disparagement 
of  their  cause,  by  two  classes  of  persons, — by  the  Papists,  who, 
although  the  same  vices  prevailed  in  a  far  higher  degree  among 
themselves,  represented  them  as  the  native  fruits  of  the  reformed 
doctrine, — and  by  a  new  sect,  who  were  enemies  to  superstition, 
but  who  had  deserted  the  reformed  communion,  and  were  be- 
come scarcely  less  hostile  to  it  than  the  Papists.  The  principal 
design  of  this  letter  was  to  put  his  countrymen  on  their  guard 
against  the  arts  of  this  last  class  of  persons,  and  to  expose  their 
leading  errors. 

The  persons  to  whom  he  referred  went  under  the  general 
name  of  Anabaptists,  a  sect  which  sprung  up  soon  after  the  com- 
mencement of  the  Reformation  under  Luther,  and,  breaking  out 
into  the  greatest  excesses,  produced  violent  commotions  in  dif- 
ferent parts  of  Germany.  Being  suppressed  in  the  place  of  its 
birth,  it  spread  through  other  countries,  and  secretly  made  con- 
verts by  high  pretensions  to  seriousness  and  Christian  simpli- 
city ;  the  spirit  of  wild  fanaticism,  which  at  first  characterized 
its  disciples,  gradually  subsiding  after  its  first  effervescence. 
Extravagancies  of  a  similar  kind  have  not  unfrequently  accom- 
panied great  revolutions  ;  when  the  minds  of  men,  released  from 
the  fetters  of  implicit  obedience,  and  dazzled  by  a  sudden  illu- 
mination, have  been  disposed  to  fly  to  the  extreme  of  anarchy 
and  turbulence.  Nothing  proved  more  vexatious  to  the  original 
reformers  than  this.  It  was  urged  by  the  defenders  of  the  old 
system  as  a  popular  argument  against  all  change.  The  extra- 
vagant opinions  and  disorderly  practices  of  the  new  sect,  though 
disowned  and  opposed  by  all  sober  Protestants,  were  artfully 
imputed  to  them  by  their  adversaries.  And  many,  who  had  de- 
clared themselves  friendly  to  reform,  alarmed,  or  pretending  to 
be  alarmed,  at  this  hideous  spectre,  drew  back,  and  sheltered 
themselves  within  the  sacred  pale  of  that  Church,  which,  not- 
withstanding her  notorious  dissensions,  errors,  and  corruption, 
both  in  head  and  members,  continued  to  arrogate  to  herself  ex- 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  137 

clusively  the  properties  of  unity,  universality,  and  perpetual 
infallibility. 

The  radical  error  of  this  sect,  according  to  the  more  improved 
system  held  by  them  at  the  time  of  which  I  write,  was  a  fond 
conceit  of  a  certain  ideal  spirituality  and  perfection,  by  which 
they  considered  the  Christian  Church  to  be  essentially  distin- 
guished from  the  Jewish,  which  was,  in  their  opinion,  a  mere 
carnal,  secular  society.  Entertaining  this  notion,  they  were 
naturally  led  to  abridge  the  rule  of  faith  and  manners,  by  con- 
fining themselves  almost  entirely  to  the  New  Testament,  and  to 
adopt  their  other  opinions  concerning  the  unlawfulness  of  infant 
baptism,  of  civil  magistracy,  national  churches,  oaths,  and  defen- 
sive war.  But  besides  these  tenets,  the  Anabaptists  were,  at  this 
period,  generally  infected  with  the  Pelagian  heresy,  and  united 
with  the  Papists  in  loading  the  doctrines  which  the  reformers 
held  respecting  predestination  and  grace  with  the  most  odious 
charges.* 

Our  Reformer  had  occasion  to  meet  with  some  of  these  sec- 
taries both  in  England  and  on  the  Continent,  and  had  ascer- 
tained their  extravagant  and  dangerous  principles.  In  the  year 
1553,  one  of  them  came  to  his  lodging  in  London,  and,  after 
requiring  secresy,  gave  him  a  book,  written  by  one  of  the  party, 
which  he  pressed  him  to  read.  It  contained  the  following  pro- 
position, "  God  made  not  the  world,  nor  the  wicked  creatures 
in  it ;  but  these  were  made  by  the  devil,  who  is  therefore  called 
the  god  of  this  world."  He  immediately  warned  the  man 
against  such  gross  doctrine,  and  began  to  explain  to  him  the 
sense  in  which  the  devil  is  called  "  the  god  of  this  world"  in 
Scripture.  "  Tush  for  your  written  word !"  replied  the  enthu- 
siast, "  we  have  as  good  and  as  sure  a  word  and  veritie  that 
teacheth  us  this  doctrine,  as  ye  have  for  you  and  your  opinion."! 
Being  apprised  that  persons  who  had  imbibed  these  opinions 
were  creeping  into  Scotland,  Knox  was  afraid  that  they  might 
insidiously  instil  their  poison  into  the  minds  of  some  of  his  bre- 
thren. He  refuted  their  opinion  respecting  church-communion, 
by  showing  that  they  required  a  purity  which  had  never  been 

*  The  Careles  by  Necessitie,  as  reprinted  in  Knox's  Answer  to  an  Ana- 
baptist, in  1560,  Spanhemii  (Patris)  Disput.  Theol.  Miscell.  Genevse,  1652. 
Spanhemii  (Filii)  Opera,  torn.  iii.  pp.  771 — 798.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to 
state,  that  the  greater  part  of  those  who,  in  the  present  day,  oppose  the  bap- 
tism of  infants,  do  not  hold  a  number  of  the  tenets  specified  above.  They 
are  decidedly  hostile  to  Pelagianism,  and  friendly  to  the  doctrine  of  grace. 
So  far  from  denying  the  lawfulness  of  magistracy  among  Christians,  they 
have  in  general  (at  least  in  Scotland)  adopted  the  principle  of  non-resistance 
to  civil  rulers  in  all  cases. 

f  Knox,  Answer  to  the  Blasphemous  Cavillations  written  by  an  Anabaptist, 
pp.  405,  407.  Anno  1560. 


138  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

found  in  the  Church,  either  before  or  since  the  completion  of 
the  canon  of  Scripture.  In  opposition  to  their  Pelagian  tenets, 
he  gave  the  following  statement  of  his  sentiments :  "  If  there 
be  any  thing  which  God  did  not  predestinate  or  appoint,  then 
lacked  he  wisdom  and  free  regimen ;  or,  if  any  thing  was  ever 
done,  or  yet  after  shall  be  done,  in  heaven  or  in  earth,  which  he 
might  not  have  impeded,  (if  so  had  been  his  godly  pleasure), 
then  he  is  not  omnipotent:  which  three  properties,  to  wit, 
wisdom,  free  regimen,  and  power,  denied  to  be  in  God,  I  pray 
you  what  rests  in  his  Godhead  ?  The  wisdom  of  our  God  we 
acknowledge  to  be  such,  that  it  compelleth  the  very  malice  of 
Satan,  and  the  horrible  iniquity  of  such  as  be  drowned  in  sin, 
to  serve  to  his  glory,  and  to  the  profit  of  his  elect.  His  power 
we  believe  and  confess  to  be  infinite,  and  such  as  no  creature 
in  heaven  or  earth  is  able  to  resist.  And  his  regimen  we  ac- 
knowledge to  be  so  free,  that  none  of  his  creatures  dare  present 
them  in  judgment,  to  reason  or  demand  the  question,  why  hast 
thou  done  this  or  that  ?  But  the  fountain  of  this  their  damnable 
error  (which  is,  that  in  God  they  can  acknowledge  no  justice 
except  that  which  their  foolish  brain  is  able  to  comprehend), 
at  more  opportunity,  God  willing,  we  shall  entreat."* 

He  assigns  his  reasons  for  warning  them  so  particularly 
against  the  seduction  of  these  erroneous  teachers.  Under  the 
cloak  of  mortification,  and  the  colour  of  a  godly  life,  they  "  sup- 
jplanted  the  dignity  of  Christ,"  and  "  were  become  enemies  to 
free  justification  by  faith  in  his  blood."  The  malice  of  Papists 
was  now  visible  to  all  the  world ;  the  hypocrisy  of  mercenary 
teachers  and  ungodly  professors  would  soon  discover  itself;  and 
seldom  had  open  tyranny  been  able  to  suppress  the  true  religion, 
when  it  had  once  been  earnestly  embraced  by  the  body  of  any 
nation  or  province.  "  But  deceivable  and  false  doctrine  is  a 
poison  and  venom,  which,  once  drunken  and  received,  with 
great  difficulty  can  afterwards  be  purged."  Accordingly,  he 
charged  them  to  "  try  the  spirits"  which  came  to  them,  and  to 
suffer  no  man  to  take  the  office  of  preacher  upon  him  of  his 
own  accord,  and  without  trial,  or  to  assemble  the  people  in 
secret  meetings;  else  Satan  would  soon  have  his  emissaries 
among  them,  who  would  "  destroy  the  plantation  of  our  hea- 
venly Father."!  His  admonitions,  on  this  head,  were  not  with- 
out effect ;  and  the  Protestants  of  Scotland,  instead  of  being  dis- 
tracted with  those  opinions,  remained  united  in  their  views,  as 
to  doctrine,  worship,  and  discipline. 

His  letter  to  the  Protestant  lords  breathes  an  ardent  and  ele- 


*  This  he  afterwards  accomplished  in  the  book  referred  to  in  the  prece- 
ding note, 
f  MS.  Letters,  pp.  403—424. 


LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX.  139 

vated  spirit.  Its  object  was  to  purify  their  minds  from  selfish 
and  worldly  principles — to  raise,  sanctify,  and  christianize  their 
views,  by  exhibiting  and  recommending  to  them  the  examples 
of  those  great  and  good  men  whose  characters  were  delineated, 
and  whose  deeds  were  recorded,  in  the  sacred  annals.  The 
glory  of  God,  the  advancement  of  the  kingdom  of  Jesus  Christ, 
the  salvation  of  themselves  and  their  brethren,  the  emancipation 
of  their  country  from  spiritual  and  political  bondage — these, 
and  not  their  own  honour  and  aggrandisement,  or  the  reveng- 
ing of  their  petty  private  feuds,  were  the  objects  which  they 
ought  to  keep  steadily  and  solely  in  view. 

In  this  letter,  he  also  communicates  his  advice  on  the  delicate 
question  of  resistance  to  supreme  rulers.  They  had  consulted 
him  on  this  subject,  and  had  submitted  it  to  the  judgment  of 
the  most  learned  men  on  the  Continent.  Soon  after  they  had 
agreed  to  the  marriage  of  their  young  queen  to  the  dauphin  of 
France,  the  Scots  began  to  be  jealous  of  the  designs  of  the 
French  court  against  their  liberties  and  independence.  Their 
jealousies  increased  after  the  regency  was  transferred  to  the 
queen  dowager,  who  was  wholly  devoted  to  the  interest  of 
France,  and  had  contrived,  under  different  pretexts,  to  keep  a 
body  of  French  troops  in  the  kingdom.  It  was  not  difficult  to 
excite  to  resistance  the  independent  and  haughty  barons  of 
.  Scotland,  accustomed  to  yield  a  very  limited  and  precarious 
'  obedience  even  to  their  native  princes.  They  had  lately  given 
a  proof  of  this  by  their  refusal  to  co-operate  in  the  war  against 
England,  which  they  considered  as  undertaken  merely  for 
French  interests.  And,  encouraged  by  this  circumstance,  the 
Duke  of  Chaste] herault  had  begun,  under  the  direction  of  his 
brother,  the  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews,  to  intrigue  for  regain- 
ing the  authority  which  he  had  reluctantly  resigned. 

Our  Reformer  displayed  his  moderation,  and  the  soundness 
of  his  principles,  by  the  advice  which  he  gave  at  this  critical 
period.  He  did  not  attempt  to  inflame  the  irascible  minds  of 
the  nobility  by  aggravating  the  mal-administration  of  the  queen 
regent ;  far  less  did  he  advise  them  to  join  with  the  duke,  and 
others  who  were  discontented  with  the  government,  and  to  en- 
deavour in  this  way  to  advance  their  cause.  Instead  of  this,  he 
informed  them  that  it  was  currently  reported  on  the  Continent 
that  a  rebellion  was  intended  in  Scotland;  and  he  solemnly 
charged  all  the  professors  of  the  Protestant  religion  to  avoid  ac- 
cession to  it,  and  to  beware  of  countenancing  those  who  sought 
to  promote  their  private  and  worldly  ends  by  disturbing  the  go- 
vernment. "  He  did  not  mean,"  he  said,  "  to  retract  the  prin- 
ciple which  he  had  advanced  in  former  letters,  nor  to  deny  the 
lawfulness  of  inferior  magistrates,  and  the  body  of  a  nation,  re- 
sisting the  tyrannical  measures  of  supreme  rulers."  He  still 


140  LIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

held,  that  there  was  "  a  great  difference  between  lawful  obe- 
dience, and  a  fearful  flattering  of  princes,  or  an  unjust  accom- 
plishment of  their  desires,  in  things  which  be  required  or  de- 
vised for  the  destruction  of  a  commonwealth."  The  nobility 
were  the  hereditary  guardians  of  the  national  liberties ;  and 
there  were  limits  beyond  which  obedience  was  not  due  by  sub- 
jects. But  recourse  ought  not  to  be  had  to  resistance,  except 
when  matters  were  tyrannically  driven  to  an  extreme.  And 
it  was  peculiarly  incumbent  on  the  Protestants  of  Scotland  to 
be  circumspect  in  all  their  proceedings,  that  they  might  give 
their  adversaries  no  reason  to  allege  that  seditious  and  rebellious 
designs  were  concealed  under  the  cloak  of  zeal  for  reforming 
religion.  His  advice  and  solemn  charge  to  them  therefore  was, 
that  they  should  continue  to  yield  cheerful  obedience  to  all  the 
lawful  commands  of  the  regent,  and  endeavour,  by  humble  and 
repeated  requests,  to  procure  her  favour,  and  to  prevail  upon 
her,  if  not  to  promote  their  cause,  at  least  to  protect  them  from 
persecution.  If  she  refused  to  take  any  steps  for  reforming  re- 
ligion, it  was  their  duty  to  provide  that  the  gospel  should  be 
preached,  and  the  sacraments  administered  in  purity,  to  them- 
selves and  their  brethren.  If,  while  they  were  endeavouring 
peaceably  to  accomplish  this,  attempts  should  be  made  to  crush 
them  by  violence,  he  did  not  think,  considering  the  station  which 
they  occupied,  that  they  were  bound  to  look  on  and  see  their^ 
innocent  brethren  murdered.  On  the  contrary,  it  was  lawful 
for  them,  nay,  it  was  their  incumbent  duty,  to  stand  up  in  their 
defence.  But  even  in  this  case  they  ought  to  protest  their 
readiness  to  obey  the  regent  in  every  thing  consistent  with 
their  fidelity  to  God,  and  to  avoid  all  association  with  the  am- 
bitious, the  factious,  and  the  turbulent.* 

This  is  a  specimen  of  the  correspondence  which  Knox  main- 
tained with  the  Protestant  nobility,  by  which  he  enlightened 
their  views,  aroused  their  zeal,  and  restrained  their  impetuosity, 
at  this  important  juncture.  I  shall  afterwards  have  occasion 
to  call  the  attention  of  the  reader  more  particularly  to  his  po- 
litical principles. 

Knox  returned  to  Geneva  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1 558. 
During  that  year,  he  was  engaged,  along  with  several  learned 
men  of  his  congregation,  in  making  a  new  translation  of  the 
Bible  into  English  ;  which,  from  the  place  where  it  was  composed 
and  first  printed,  has  obtained  the  name  of  the  Geneva  Bible.t 

*  MS.  Letters,  pp.  424,  438. 

f  Strype's  Mem.  of  Parker,  p.  205.  This  translation  was  often  reprinted 
in  Britain.  The  freedom  of  remark  used  in  the  notes  gave  offence  to  Queen 
Elizabeth,  and  her  successor  James ;  the  last  of  whom  said,  that  it  was  the 
worst  translation  which  he  had  seen.  Notwithstanding  this  expression  of 
disapprobation,  it  is  evident  that  the  translators  appointed  by  his  authority 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  141 

It  was  at  this  time  also  that  he  published  his  Letter  to  the 
Queen  Regent,  and  his  Appellation  and  Exhortation  ;  both  of 
which  were  transmitted  to  Scotland,  and  contributed  not  a  little 
to  the  spread  of  the  reformed  opinions.  I  have  already  given 
an  account  of  the  first  of  these  tracts,  which  was  chiefly  intended 
for  removing  the  prejudices  of  Roman  Catholics.  The  last  was 
more  immediately  designed  for  instructing  and  animating  the 
friends  of  the  reformed  religion.  Addressing  himself  to  the 
nobility  and  estates  of  the  kingdom,  he  shows  that  the  care  and 
reformation  of  religion  belonged  to  them  as  civil  rulers,  and 
constituted  one  of  the  primary  duties  of  their  office.  This  was  a 
dictate  of  nature  as  well  as  revelation ;  and  he  would  not  insist 
on  it,  lest  he  should  seem  to  suppose  them  "  lesse  careful  over 
God's  true  religion,  than  were  the  ethnicks*  over  their  idolatrie." 
Inferior  magistrates,  within  the  sphere  of  their  jurisdiction — the 
nobles  and  estates  of  a  kingdom,  as  well  as  kings  and  princes, 
were  bound  to  attend  to  this  high  duty.  He  then  addresses 
himself  to  the  commonalty  of  Scotland,  and  points  out  their  duty 
and  interest,  with  regard  to  the  important  controversy  in  agita- 
tion. They  were  rational  creatures,  formed  after  the  image  of 
God — they  had  souls  to  be  saved — -they  were  accountable  for 
their  conduct — they  were  bound  to  judge  of  the  truth  of  religion, 
and  to  make  profession  of  it,  as  well  as  kings,  nobles,  or  bishops. 
If  idolatry  was  maintained,  if  the  gospel  was  suppressed,  if  the 
blood  of  the  innocent  was  shed,  and  if,  in  these  circumstances, 
they  kept  silence,  and  did  not  exert  themselves  to  prevent  such 
evils,  how  could  they  vindicate  their  conduct  ?t 

But  the  most  singular  treatise  published  this  year  by  Knox, 
and  that  which  made  the  greatest  noise,  was,  "  The  first  Blast 
of  the  Trumpet  against  the  Monstrous  Regiment!  of  Women ;" 


made  great  use  of  it ;  and  if  they  had  followed  it  still  more,  the  version 
which  they  have  given  us  would,  upon  the  whole,  have  been  improved.  The 
late  Dr.  Geddes  had  a  very  different  opinion  of  it  from  the  royal  critic. 

I  pretend  not  to  know  the  versions  referred  to  in  the  following  passage  of 
a  foreign  critic : — "  Nee  vero  melius  opera  SUSB  factioni,  vel  astuta  vulpecula 
ilia  Joannes  Cnoxius  Scotus,  vel  oes  magnae  &  Celebris  Anglicanae  veridic- 
tianae  reformationis  authores,  cum  in  suis  Bibliis  eodem  capite,  itareponunt: 
Scoti  primi  quia  proprius  Calvinismo  accedunt ;  *  Thou  ar  Piter,  and  vpon 
that  rok  I  wil  buld  my  kirk,'  id  est,  Tu  es  Petrus,  &  super  istam  rape  ego 
volo  sedificare  mea  Ecclesia.  Videmus  « that  rok '  non  esse  id  quod  Petrum 
Cnoxius  vocauit,  atque  Dominus  Petrum  afiatur,  et  de  eodem  intelligit 
fore  ipsum  Ecclesise  suse  columen.  Angli  nihil  habent  discriminis,  nisi 
quod  dicunt  'churk'  pro  'Kirk.'"  Paradigma  De  Quatuor  Linguis 
Orientalibvs  Praecipvis.  Petro  Victore  Caietano  Palma  Avthore,  p.  115 
Parisiis,  1595. 

*  *.  e.  heathen. 

-|  Appellation,  apud  Historic,  pp.  434—440,  453,  454. 

\  i.  e.  regimen,  or  government 


142  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

in  which  he  attacked,  with  great  vehemence,  the  practice  of 
admitting  females  to  the  government  of  nations.  There  is  some 
reason  to  think  that  his  mind  was  struck  with  the  incongruity  of 
this  practice  as  early  as  Mary's  accession  to  the  throne  of  Eng- 
land.* This  was  probably  one  of  the  points  on  which  he  had 
conferred  with  the  Swiss  divines  in  1554.t  That  his  sentiments 
respecting  it  were  fixed  in  1556,  appears  from  an  incidental 
reference  to  the  subject  in  one  of  his  familiar  letters.^  Influ- 
enced, however,  by  deference  to  the  opinion  of  others,  he 
refrained  for  a  considerable  time  from  publishing  them  to  the 
world.  But,  at  last,  provoked  by  the  tyranny  of  the  queen  of 
England,  and  wearied  out  with  her  increasing  cruelties,  he 
applied  the  trumpet  to  his  mouth,  and  uttered  a  terrible  blast. 
"  To  promote  a  woman  to  bear  rule,  superiority,  dominion,  or 
empire,  above  any  realm,  nation,  or  city,  is  repugnant  to  nature, 
contumely  to  God,  a  thing  most  contrarious  to  his  revealed  will 
and  approved  ordinance,  and,  finally,  it  is  a  subversion  of  all 
equity  and  justice."  Such  is  the  first  sentence  and  principal 
proposition  of  the  work.  The  arguments  by  which  he  endea- 
vours to  establish  it  are,  that  nature  intended  the  female  sex  for 
subjection,  not  superiority,  to  the  male,  as  appears  from  their 
infirmities,  corporal  and  mental  (excepting  always  such  as  God, 
"  by  singular  privilege,  and  for  certain  causes,  exempted  from 
the  common  rank  of  women") ;  that  the  divine  law,  announced 
at  the  creation  of  the  first  pair,  had  expressly  assigned  to  man 
the  dominion  over  woman,  and  commanded  her  to  be  subject  to 
him ;  that  female  government  was  not  permitted  among  the 
Jews  ;  that  it  is  contrary  to  apostolical  injunctions ;  and  that  it 
leads  to  the  perversion  of  government,  and  other  pernicious 
consequences. 

Knox's  theory  on  this  subject  was  not  novel.  In  support  of 
his  opinion,  he  could  appeal  to  the  constitutions  of  the  free 
states  of  antiquity,  and  to  the  authority  of  their  most  celebrated 
legislators  and  philosophers.  §  In  the  kingdom  of  France, 
females  were,  by  an  express  law,  excluded  from  succeeding  to 
the  crown.  Edward  VI.  some  time  before  his  death,  had  pro- 
posed to  the  privy  council  the  adoption  of  this  law  in  England ; 
but  the  motion,  not  suiting  the  ambitious  views  of  the  Duke  of 
Northumberland,  was  overruled. ||  Though  his  opinion  was 

*  First  Blast,  apud  Historie,  p.  478. 

f  MS.  Letters,  pp.  318,  319.  |  Ibid.  pp.  322,  323. 

§  Tacitus  has  expressed  his  contempt  of  those  who  submit  to  female  gov- 
ernment with  his  usual  emphatic  brevity  in  the  account  which  he  gives  of 
the  Sitones,  a  German  tribe.  "  Caetera  similes,  uno  differunt,  quod  feemina 
dominatur ;  in  tantum,  non  modo  a  libertate,  sed  etiam  a  servitute  degene- 
rant."  De  Mor.  Germ.  c.  45. 

II  Warner's  Eccles.  History  of  England,  ii.  308 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  143 

sanctioned  by  such  high  authority,  Knox  was  by  no  means 
sanguine  in  his  expectations  as  to  the  reception  of  this  perform- 
ance. He  tells  us,  in  the  preface,  that  he  laid  his  account  not 
only  with  the  indignation  of  those  who  were  interested  in  the 
support  of  the  reprobated  practice,  but  also  with  the  disapproba- 
tion of  such  gentle  spirits  among  the  learned  as  would  be  alarmed 
at  the  boldness  of  the  attack.  He  did  not  doubt  that  he  would 
be  called  "  curious,  despiteful,  a  sower  of  sedition,  and  one  day 
perchance  be  attainted  for  treason ;"  but  in  uttering  a  truth  of 
which  he  was  deeply  convinced,  he  was  determined  to  "  cover 
his  eyes,  and  shut  his  ears,"  from  these  dangers  and  obloquies. 
He  was  not  mistaken  in  his  anticipations.  It  exposed  him  to 
the  resentment  of  two  queens,  during  whose  reign  it  was  his  lot 
to  live ;  the  one  his  native  princess,  and  the  other  exerting  a 
sway  over  Scotland  scarcely  inferior  to  that  of  any  of  its  mon- 
archs.  Several  of  the  English  exiles  approved  of  his  opinion,* 
and  few  of  them  would  have  been  displeased  at  seeing  it  re- 
duced to  practice,  at  the  time  that  the  Blast  was  published.  But 
Queen  Mary  dying  soon  after  it  appeared,  and  her  sister  Eliza- 
beth succeeding  her,  they  raised  a  great  outcry  against  it.  John 
Fox  wrote  a  letter  to  the  author,  in  which  he  expostulated  with 
him,  in  a  very  friendly  manner,  as  to  the  impropriety  of  the  pub- 
lication, and  the  severity  of  its  language.  Knox,  in  his  reply, 
did  not  excuse  his  "  rude  vehemencie  and  inconsidered  affirma- 
tions, which  may  appear  rather  to  procead  from  coler  then  of 
zeal  and  reason ;"  but  signified  that  he  was  still  persuaded  of  the 
principal  proposition  which  he  had  maintained.! 

His  original  intention  was  to  blow  his  trumpet  thrice,  and  to 
publish  his  name  with  the  last  blast,  to  prevent  the  odium  from 
falling  on  any  other  person.  But  finding  that  it  gave  offence  to 
many  of  his  brethren,  and  being  desirous  to  strengthen  rather 
than  invalidate  the  authority  of  Elizabeth,  he  relinquished  his 
design  of  prosecuting  the  discussion.:}:  He  retained  his  senti- 
ments to  the  last,  but  abstained  from  any  further  declaration  of 
them,  and  from  replying  to  his  opponents  ;  although  he  was  pro- 
voked by  their  censures  and  triumph,  and  sometimes  hinted,  in 

*  Christopher  Goodman  adopted  the  sentiment,  and  commended  the  publi- 
cation of  his  colleague,  in  his  book  on  "  Obedience  to  Superior  Powers." 
Whittingham  and  Gilby  declared  themselves  on  the  same  side  of  the  ques- 
tion. I  might  also  mention  countrymen  of  his  own,  who  agreed  with  Knox 
on  this  subject;  as  James  Kennedy,  the  celebrated  Archbishop  of  St.  An- 
drews, and  Sir  David  Lindsay.  Buchanani  Hist.  lib.  xii.  torn.  i.  221 — 24, 
edit  Rudim.  Chalmers's  Lindsay,  iii.  175. 

f  Strype's  Annals,  i.  127.  Fox's  letter  was  written  before  the  death  of 
Queen  Mary.  Knox's  Answer  to  it,  from  the  original  in  the  British  Museum, 
will  be  found  in  the  Appendix. 

I  The  heads  of  the  intended  Second  Blast  are  subjoined  to  his  Appellation, 
which  was  published  some  months  after  the  First  Blast. 


144  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

his  private  letters,  that  he  would  break  silence,  if  they  did  not 
study  greater  moderation. 

In  the  course  of  the  following  year,  an  answer  to  the  Blast 
appeared  under  the  title  of  "  An  Harborowe  for  Faithful  Sub- 
jects."* Though  anonymous,  like  the  book  to  which  it  was  a 
reply,  it  was  soon  declared  to  be  the  production  of  John  Aylmer, 
one  of  the  English  refugees  on  the  Continent,  who  had  been 
archdeacon  of  Stowe,  and  tutor  to  Lady  Jane  Grey.  It  was  not 
undertaken  until  the  accession  of  Elizabeth,  and  was  written,  as 
Aylmer's  biographer  informs  us,  "  upon  a  consultation  holden 
among  the  exiles,  the  better  to  obtain  the  favour  of  the  new 
queen,  and  to  take  off  any  jealousy  she  might  conceive  of  them, 
and  of  the  religion  which  they  professed."!  Aylmer  himself 
says,  that  if  the  author  of  the  Blast  "  had  not  swerved  from  the 
•particular  question  to  the  general,"  but  had  confined  himself  to 
the  queen  who  filled  the  throne  when  he  wrote,  "  he  could  have 
said  nothing  too  much,  nor  in  such  wise  as  to  have  oifended  any 
indifferent  man ;"  and  he  allows  with  Knox,  that  Mary's  govern- 
ment was  "  unnatural,  unreasonable,  unjust,  and  unlawful."^ 
From  these  and  some  other  considerations,  Knox  was  induced 
to  express  a  suspicion  that  his  opponent  had  accommodated  his 
doctrine  to  the  times,  and  courted  the  favour  of  the  reigning 
princess  by  nattering  her  vanity  and  love  of  power.  §  It  is  cer- 
tain, that  if  Knox  is  entitled  to  the  praise  of  boldness  and  disin- 
terestedness, Aylmer  carried  away  the  palm  for  prudence  ;  the 
latter  was  advanced  to  the  bishopric  of  London,  the  former  could 
not,  without  great  difficulty,  obtain  leave  to  set  his  foot  again 
upon  English  ground.  Knox's  trumpet  would  never  have  sound- 
ed its  alarm,  had  it  not  been  for  the  tyranny  of  Mary  ;  and  there 
is  reason  to  think  that  Aylmer  would  never  have  opened  his 
"  Harborowe  for  Faithful  Subjects,"  but  for  the  auspicious  suc- 
cession of  Elizabeth. 

This,  however,  is  independent  of  the  merits  of  the  question, 

*  "An  Harborowe  for  Faithful  and  Trewe  Subjects,  against  the  late 
blowne  Blaste,  concerning  the  Government  of  Wemen,  &c.  anno  MD.  lix. 
At  Strasborowe  the  26.  of  Aprill."  The  Blast  drew  forth  several  other  de- 
fences of  female  government,  two  of  which  were  written  by  natives  of  Scot- 
land. Bishop  Lesley's  tract  on  this  subject  was  printed  along  with  his  de- 
fence of  Queen  Mary's  honour.  David  Chalmers,  one  of  the  lords  of  session, 
published  his  "  Discours  de  la  legitime  succession  des  Femmes,"  after  he 
retired  from  Scotland.  Lord  Hailes's  Catal.  of  the  Lords  of  Session,  note 
23.  Mackenzie's  Lives,  iii.  388,  392. 

f  Strype's  Life  of  Aylmer,  p.  16. 

|  Harborowe,  sig.  B.  Strype  says,  contrary  to  the  plain  meaning  of  the 
passage,  that  Aylmer  speaks  here  of  "  the  Scotch  Queen  Mary."  Life  of 
Aylmer,  p.  230. 

§  The  same  suspicion  seems  to  have  been  entertained  by  some  of  Eliza- 
beth's courtiers.  Strype's  Aylmer,  p.  20. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  145 

which  I  do  not  feel  inclined  to  examine  minutely.  The  change 
which  has  taken  place  in  the  mode  of  administering  govern- 
ment in  modern  times,  renders  it  of  less  practical  importance 
than  it  was  formerly,  when  so  much  depended  upon  the  per- 
sonal talents  and  activity  of  the  reigning  prince.  It  may  be 
added,  that  the  evils  incident  to  a  female  reign  will  be  less  felt 
under  such  a  constitution  as  that  of  Britain,  than  under  a  pure 
and  absolute  monarchy.  This  last  consideration  is  urged  by 
Aylmer;  and  here  his  reasoning  is  most  satisfactory.*  The 
Blast  bears  the  mark  of  hasty  composition.!  The  Harborowe 
has  evidently  been  written  with  great  care ;  it  contains  a  good 
collection  of  historical  facts  bearing  on  the  question ;  and  though 
more  distinguished  for  rhetorical  exaggeration  than  logical  pre- 
cision, the  reasoning  is  ingeniously  conducted,  and  occasionally 
enlivened  by  strokes  of  humour.  :£  It  is,  upon  the  whole,  a 
curious  as  well  as  rare  work. 

After  all,  it  is  easier  to  vindicate  the  expediency  of  continu- 
ing the  practice,  where  it  has  been  established  by  law  and 
usage,  than  to  support  the  affirmative,  when  the  question  is 
propounded  as  a  general  thesis  on  government.  It  may  fairly 
be  questioned,  if  Aylmer  has  refuted  the  principal  arguments 
of  his  opponent ;  and  had  Kuox  deemed  it  prudent  to  rejoin,  he 
might  have  exposed  the  fallacy  of  his  reasoning  in  different  in- 
stances. In  replying  to  the  argument  from  the  apostolical 
canon,§  the  archdeacon  is  not  a  little  puzzled.  Distrusting  his 
distinction  between  the  greater  office,  "  the  ecclesiastical  func- 
tion," and  the  less,  "  extern  policy,"  he  argues,  that  the  apos- 
tle's prohibition  may  be  considered  as  temporary,  and  peculiarly 
applicable  to  the  women  of  his  own  time ;  and  he  insists  that 
his  clients  shall  not,  in  toto,  be  excluded  from  teaching  and 
ruling  in  the  Church  any  more  than  in  the  State.  "  Me  thinke," 
says  he,  very  seriously,  "  even  in  this  poynte,  we  must  use 
ertestxjta,  a  certain  moderacion,  not  absolutely,  and  in  every 
wise  to  debar  them  herein  (as  it  shall  please  God)  to  serve 

*  See  Note  BB. 

f  The  editions  of  the  Blast  printed  along  with  Knox's  History  are  all  ex- 
tremely incorrect :  whole  sentences  are  often  omitted. 

|  In  his  answer  to  Knox's  argument,  from  Isaiah  iii.  12,  he  concludes 
thus :  "  Therefore  the  argumente  ariseth  from  wrong  understandinge.  As 
the  vicar  of  Trumpenton  understode  Eli,  Eli,  lama-zabatani,  when  he  read 
the  passion  on  Palme  Sonday.  When  he  came  to  that  place,  he  stopped, 
and  calling  the  churchwardens,  saide,  'Neighbours!  this  gear  must  be 
amended.  Here  is  Eli  twice  in  the  book :  I  assure  you  if  my  L.  [the  bishop] 
of  Elie  come  this  waye  and  see  it,  he  will  have  the  book.  Therefore,  by 
mine  advice,  we  shall  scrape  it  out,  and  put  it  in  our  own  towne's  name, 
Trumpington,  Trumpington,  lamah  zabactanC  They  consented,  and  he 
did  so,  because  he  understode  no  grewe."  Harborowe,  G.  3  G.  4. 

$  1  Tim.  ii.  11—14. 

13  T 


146  LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX. 

Christ.  Are  there  not,  in  England,  women,  think  you,  that  for 
their  learninge  and  wisdom,  could  tell  their  householde  and 
neighbouris  as  good  a  tale  as  the  best  Sir  Jhone  there?''*  Be- 
yond all  question.  Who  can  doubt  that  the  learned  Lady 
Elizabeth,  who  on  a  certain  time  interrupted  the  dean  of  her 
chapel,  and  told  him  to  "stick  to  his  text/'  was  able  to  make 
as  good  a  sermon  as  any  of  her  clergy  ?  or,  that  she  was  better 
qualified  for  other  parts  of  the  duty,  when  she  composed  a  book 
of  prayers  for  herself,  while  they  were  obliged  to  use  one  made 
to  their  hands  ?  In  fact,  the  view  which  the  archdeacon  gave 
of  the  text  was  necessary  to  vindicate  the  authority  of  his  queen, 
who  was  head,  or  supreme  governor,  of  the  Church,  as  well  as 
of  the  State.  She  who,  by  law,  had  supreme  authority  over  all 
the  reverend  and  right  reverend  divines  in  the  land,  with  power 
to  superintend,  suspend,  and  control  them  in  all  their  ecclesiasti- 
cal functions, — who,  by  her  injunctions,  could  direct  the  primate 
himself  when  to  preach,  and  how  to  preach, — and  who  could 
license  and  silence  ministers  at  her  pleasure,  must  have  been 
bound  very  moderately  indeed  by  the  apostolical  prohibition, 
"  I  suffer  not  a  woman  to  teach,  nor  to  usurp  authority  over  the 
man,  but  to  be  in  silence."  Reason  would  also  say,  that  she 
had  an  equal  right  to  assume  the  exercise  of  the  office  in  her 
own  person,  if  she  chose  to  avail  herself  of  that  ri^ht ;  and  had 
she  issued  a  conge  d'  elire,  accompanied  with  her  royal  recom- 
mendation to  elect  some  learned  sister  to  a  vacant  see,  the  arch- 
deacon at  least  would  not  have  felt  so  squeamish  at  complying 
with  it,  as  the  Italian  university  did  at  conferring  the  degree 
of  Doctor  in  Divinity  upon  the  learned  Helen  Lucrecia  Piscopia 
Cornaca.t 

There  are  some  things  in  the  Harborowe  which  might  have 
been  unpalatable  to  the  queen,  if  the  author  had  not  sweetened 
them  with  that  personal  flattery,  which  was  as  agreeable  to 
Elizabeth  as  to  others  of  her  sex  and  rank,  and  which  he  took 
care  to  administer  in  sufficient  quantities  before  concluding  his 
work.  The  ladies  will  be  ready  to  excuse  a  slight  slip  of  the 
pen  in  the  good  archdeacon,  in  consideration  of  the  handsome 
manner  in  which  he  has  defended  their  right  to  rule ;  but  they 
will  scarcely  believe  that  the  following  description  of  the  sex 
could  proceed  from  him.  "  Some  women,"  says  he,  "  be  wiser, 
better  learned,  discreater,  constanter,  than  a  number  of  men ;" 
but  others  ("  the  most  part,"  according  to  his  biographer)  he 
describes^  as  "  fond,  foolish,  wanton,  flibbergibs,  tatlers,  trifling, 
wavering,  witles,  without  counsel,  feable,  carles,  rashe,  proud, 
daintie,  nise,  tale-bearers,  eves-droppers,  rumour-raisers,  evil- 

*  Harborowe,  G.  4.  H.  t  See  Note  CC. 

|  Harborowe,  sig.  G.  3.     Life  of  Aylmer,  p.  279. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  147 

tongued,  worse-minded,  and,  in  every  wise,  doltified  with  the 
dregges  of  the  devil's  doungehill ! ! !"  The  rude  author  of  the 
monstrous  Blast  never  spoke  of  the  sex  in  terms  half  so  disre- 
spectful as  these.  One  would  suppose  that  Aylmer  had  already 
renounced  the  character  of  advocate  of  the  fair  sex,  and  re- 
canted his  principles  on  that  head,  as  he  did  respecting  the  titles 
and  revenues  of  bishops,  which  he  inveighed  against  before  his 
return  from  exile,  but  afterwards  accepted  with  little  scruple  ; 
and,  when  reminded  of  the  language  which  he  had  formerly 
used,  apologized  for  himself  by  saying,  "  When  I  was  a  child, 
I  thought  as  a  child ;  but  when  I  became  a  man  I  put  away 
childish  things."* — But  it  is  time  to  return  to  the  narrative. 

Our  Reformer's  letter  to  the  Protestant  lords  in  Scotland  pro- 
duced its  intended  effect,  in  reanimating  their  drooping  courage. 
At  a  consultative  meeting,  held  at  Edinburgh  in  December 
1557,  they  unanimously  resolved  to  adhere  to  one  another,  and 
exert  themselves  in  advancing  the  Reformation.  Having  sub- 
scribed a  solemn  bond  of  mutual  assistance,  they  renewed  their 
invitation  to  Knox ;  and  being  afraid  that  he  might  hesitate  on 
account  of  their  former  irresolution,  they  wrote  to  Calvin,  to 
employ  his  influence  to  induce  him  to  comply.  Their  letters 
did  not  reach  Geneva  until  November  1558.f  By  the  same 
conveyance,  Knox  received  letters  of  a  later  date,  communi- 
cating the  most  agreeable  intelligence  respecting  the  progress 
which  the  reformed  cause  had  made,  and  the  flourishing  ap- 
pearance which  it  continued  to  wear,  in  Scotland. 

Through  the  exertions  of  our  Reformer,  during  his  residence 
among  them  in  the  year  1556,  and  in  pursuance  of  the  instruc- 
tions which  he  left  behind  him,  the  Protestants  had  formed 
themselves  into  congregations,  which  met  in  different  parts  of 
the  country  with  greater  or  less  privacy,  according  to  the  oppor- 
tunities which  they  enjoyed.  Having  come  to  the  resolution  of 
withdrawing  from  the  Popish  worship,  they  provided  for  their 
religious  instruction  and  mutual  edification  in  the  best  manner 
that  their  circumstances  would  permit.  As  there  were  no  mi- 
nisters among  them,  they  continued  for  some  time  to  be  de- 
prived of  the  dispensation  of  the  sacraments  ;J  but  certain  in- 
telligent and  pious  men  of  their  number  were  chosen  to  read 
the  Scriptures,  to  exhort,  and  offer  up  prayers  in  their  assem- 

*  Life  of  Aylmer,  p.  269. 

f  Knox,  Historie,  p.  101. 

\  Ninian  Winget  says,  that  "  sum  lordis  and  gentilmen  "  ministered  the 
sacrament  of  the  supper  "  to  their  awn  household  servandis  and  tenantis." 
If  only  one  instance  of  this  kind  occurred,  the  Papists  would  exaggerate  it. 
The  same  writer  adds,  "  that  Knox  blamed  the  persons  who  did  it,  saying-, 
that  they  had  "  gretumlie  failzeit."  Winzet's  Buke  of  Fourscoir  Three 
Questions,  in  Keith,  Append,  p.  239.  Comp.  Knox,  p.  217. 


148  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

blies.  Convinced  of  the  necessity  of  order  and  discipline  in 
their  societies,  and  desirous  to  have  them  organized,  as  far  as 
was  in  their  power,  agreeably  to  the  institution  of  Christ,  they 
next  proceeded  to  choose  elders  for  the  inspection  of  their  man- 
ners, to  whom  they  promised  subjection,  and  deacons  for  the 
collection  and  distribution  of  alms  to  the  poor.*  Edinburgh 
was  the  first  place  in  which  this  order  was  established :  Dundee 
the  first  town  in  which  a  reformed  Church  was  completely 
organized,  provided  with  a  regular  minister,  and  favoured  with 
the  dispensation  of  the  sacraments. 

During  the  war  with  England,  which  began  in  Autumn  1556, 
and  continued  through  the  following  year,  the  Protestants  en- 
joyed considerable  liberty ;  and  they  improved  it  with  great 
zeal  and  success.  The  clergy  were  not  indifferent  to  the  pro- 
gress which  the  reformed  opinions  were  daily  making,  and  they 
prevailed  with  the  regent  to  summon  such  as  had  presumed  to 
preach  without  their  authority  ;  but  she  was  obliged  to  abandon 
the  process  against  them,  in  consequence  of  the  arrival  of  certain 
gentlemen  from  the  west  country,  who  demanded  their  release 
in  a  tone  which  declared  that  they  were  resolved  not  to  be  re- 
fused.t 

At  a  meeting  of  the  nobles  and  barons  attached  to  the  Re- 
formation, held  at  Edinburgh  in  December  1557,  two  resolu- 
tions were  adopted  for  regulating  their  conduct  in  the  present 
delicate  juncture.  It  was  agreed,  in  the  first  place,  that  they 
should  rest  satisfied  for  the  present  with  requiring  that  prayers, 
and  the  lessons  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  should  be  read 
in  English,  according  to  the  book  of  Common  Prayer,:}:  in  every 
parish,  on  Sundays  and  festival  days,  by  the  curates  of  the 
respective  parishes,  or,  if  they  were  unable  or  unwilling,  by 
such  persons  within  the  bounds  as  were  best  qualified.  And, 
secondly,  that  the  reformed  preachers  should  teach  in  private 
houses  only,  till  the  government  should  allow  them  to  preach  in 
public.  §  The  first  resolution  has  been  represented  as  an  unwar- 
rantable assumption  of  authority  by  this  reforming  assembly,  and 
as  implying  that  they  had  a  right  to  dictate  to  the  whole  nation, 
by  setting  aside  the  established  worship,  and  imposing  a  new 

*  Cald.  MS.  i.  257.  "  The  Electioun  of  Eldaris  and  Deaconis  in  the 
Church  of  Edinburgh,"  in  Dunlop's  Confessions,  ii.  635,  636.  Calderwood 
places  his  account  of  this  under  the  year  1555 ;  but  I  think  that  date  too 
early.  It  was  rather  in  the  end  of  1556,  or  in  the  course  of  1557.  The 
names  of  the  first  elders  in  Edinburgh  were  George  Smail,  Michael  Robert- 
son, Adam  Craig,  John  Cairns,  and  Alexander  Hope.  There  were  at  first 
two  assemblies  in  Edinburgh ;  but  Erskine  of  Dun  persuaded  them  to  unite, 
and  they  met  sometimes  in  the  houses  of  Robert  Watson  and  James  Barron, 
and  sometimes  in  the  Abbey. 

f  Knox,  Historic,  pp.  94—5.        }  See  Note  DD.        $  Knox,  101. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  149 

form.  This  construction  is,  however,  irreconcilable  with  the 
situation  in  which  they  were  then  placed,  and  with  the  moderate 
and  submissive  tone  in  which  they  continued  to  urge  their  claims 
at  a  subsequent  period.  It  is  rather  to  be  viewed  as  expressing 
the  opinion  of  that  meeting  respecting  the  degree  of  reformation 
which  individuals  of  their  body  might  introduce,  in  places  to 
which  their  authority  and  influence  extended.  And,  accordingly, 
it  was  reduced  to  practice  in  many  parishes  where  Protestant 
barons  resided,  and  where  the  people  were  disposed  to  imitate 
their  example.* 

In  pursuance  of  the  second  resolution  agreed  on  at  the  general 
meeting,  the  Earl  of  Argyle  undertook  the  protection  of  John 
Douglas,  a  Carmelite  friar,  who  had  embraced  the  reformed 
sentiments  ;t  and  the  rest  of  the  preachers  were  received  into 
the  houses  of  other  barons,  and  employed  to  preach  as  their 
chaplains.  This  measure  alarmed  the  clergy  no  less  than  the 
former  practice  of  itinerant  preaching  had  done.  They  saw 
that  it  would  be  vain  to  commence  prosecutions  against  preachers 
who  were  entertained  in  the  families  of  the  principal  men  in  the 
kingdom ;  and  they  resolved  to  exert  all  their  influence  to  deprive 
them  of  such  powerful  patronage.  Presuming  upon  the  easy 
temper  of  the  aged  Earl  of  Argyle,  and  upon  the  friendship 
which  had  long  subsisted  between  his  family  and  the  Hamiltons, 
the  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews  wrote  a  letter  to  that  nobleman 
in  a  very  insinuating  strain,  and  at  the  same  time  sent  a  relation 
of  his  own,  Sir  David  Hamilton,  with  instructions  to  represent 
the  danger  to  which  he  exposed  his  noble  house  by  countenan- 
cing Douglas,  and  to  entreat  him,  in  the  most  earnest  manner,  to 
withdraw  his  protection  from  such  a  pestilent  heretic.  Argyle's 
reply  was  temperate  and  respectful,  but  at  the  same  time  firm 
and  spirited :  he  not  only  vindicated  the  doctrine  taught  by  his 
chaplain,  and  refused  to  dismiss  him,  but  made  several  shrewd 
and  pointed  remarks  which  the  archbishop  could  not  fail  to  apply 
to  himself.  The  bishop  having  written  that  he  felt  himself 
bound  "  in  honour  and  conscience"  to  inquire  into  the  heresies 
of  which  Douglas  was  accused,  the  earl  replies  :  "  He  preiches 
against  idolatrie,  I  remit  to  your  lordschip's  conscience  gif  it  be 
heresie  or  not ;  he  preiches  against  adultrie  and  fornicatioun,  I 
referre  that  to  your  lordschip's  conscience  ;J  he  preiches  against 
hypocrisie,  I  referre  that  to  your  lordschip's  conscience ;  he 
preiches  against  all  maner  of  abuses  and  corruptioun  of  Christis 
sincere  religioun,  I  referre  that  to  your  lordschip's  conscience. 

*  Spotswood,  p.  117.  -t  Ibid.    Knox,  p.  102. 

|  How  the  bishop's  conscience  stood  affected  as  to  these  points  we  know 
not ;  but  it  is  certain  that  his  practice  was  very  far  from  being  immaculate. 
Wilkins,  Concilia,  iv.  209.     Knox,  Historic,  p.  104.   Keith,  p.  208. 
13* 


150  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

My  lord,  I  exhort  yow,  in  Christis  name,  to  wey  all  thir  affairis 
in  your  conscience,  and  consider  if  it  be  your  dewtie  also  not 
onlie  to  thole*  this,  bot  in  like  maner  to  do  the  same.  This  is 
all,  my  lord,  that  I  varie  in  my  age,  and  na  uthar  thing  bot  that 
I  knew  not  befoir  these  offences  to  be  abhominable  to  God,  and 
now,  knawing  his  will  by  manifestatioun  of  his  word,  abhorres 
thame."  Referring  to  the  bishop's  offer  to  send  him  a  learned 
and  catholic  teacher,  the  earl  replies,  "  God  Almichtie  send  us 
mony  of  that  sorte,  that  will  preiche  trewlie,  and  nathing  but 
ane  catholic  universall  Christian  fay th ;  and  we  Heiland  rude 
pepill  hes  mistert  of  thame.  And  if  your  lordschip  wald  get 
and  provyde  me  sic  a  man,  I  sould  provyde  him  a  corporal 
levin  g  as  to  my  self,  with  grit  thanks  to  your  lordschip ;  for 
trewlie,  I  and  many  ma  hes  grit  mister  of  sic  men.  And  becaus 
I  am  abill  to  sustain  ma  nor  ane  of  thame,  I  will  requeist  your 
lordschip  earnestlie  to  provyde  me  sic  a  man  as  ye  wrait ;  for 
the  harvest  is  grit,  and  thair  are  few  labouraris.^J 

Foiled  in  his  attempts  to  prevail  on  the  nobility  to  withdraw 
their  protection  from  the  preachers,  the  archbishop  determined 
to  wreak  his  vengeance  upon  such  of  them  as  were  still  within 
his  power,  and  proceeded  to  revive  those  cruel  measures  which 
had  been  suspended  for  several  years,  by  the  political  circum- 
stances of  the  country  rather  than  by  the  clemency  and  modera- 
tion of  the  clergy.  Walter  Mill,  parish  priest  of  Lunan  in  Angus, 
having  been  condemned  as  a  heretic  in  the  time  of  Cardinal 
Beatoun,  had  escaped  from  execution,  and  continued  to  preach, 
sometimes  in  private,  and  at  other  times  openly,  in  different 
quarters  of  the  kingdom.  Being  lately  discovered  by  one  of  the 
archbishop's  spies,  he  was  brought  to  trial  at  St.  Andrews.  He 
appeared  before  the  court  so  worn  out  with  age,  and  the  hardships 
which  he  had  endured,  that  it  was  not  expected  he  would  be  able 
to  answer  the  questions  which  might  be  put  to  him  ;  but,  to  the 
surprise  of  all,  he  conducted  his  defence  with  great  spirit.  Such 
was  the  compassion  excited  by  his  appearance,  and  the  horror 
which  was  now  felt  at  the  punishment  to  which  he  was  doomed, 
that  the  clergy,  after  pronouncing  him  guilty,  could  not  procure 
a  secular  judge  to  pass  sentence  of  death  upon  him,  and  the 
archbishop  was  at  last  obliged  to  employ  a  worthless  servant  of 
his  own  to  perform  the  odious  task.  On  the  28th  of  August  1558, 
Mill  expired  amidst  the  flames,  uttering  these  words :  "  As  for 
me,  I  am  fourscore  and  two  years  old,  and  cannot  live  long  by 
course  of  nature ;  but  a  hundred  better  shall  rise  out  of  the 
ashes  of  my  bones.  I  trust  in  God,  I  shall  be  the  last  that  shall 
suffer  death  in  Scotland  for  this  cause  !"§ 

*  Endure.  f  Need.  J  Knox,  Historic,  pp.  106—7. 

§  Lindsay  of  Pitscottie's  History,  pp.  200 — 1.  Knox,  122.  Spotswoo^. 
95—7.  Petrie,  Part  ii.  191. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  151 

This  barbarous  and  illegal  execution  produced  effects  of  the 
greatest  importance.  It  raised  the  horror  of  the  nation  to  an 
incredible  pitch  ;  and  as  it  was  believed  at  that  time,  that  the 
regent  was  not  accessory  to  the  deed,  their  indignation  was 
directed  wholly  against  the  clergy.  Throwing  aside  all  fear,  and 
disregarding  those  restraints  which  prudence,  or  respect  for  esta- 
blished order,  had  hitherto  imposed  on  them,  the  people  now 
assembled  openly  to  join  in  the  reformed  worship,  and  avowed 
their  determination  to  adhere  to  it  at  all  hazards.  Harlow, 
Douglas,  Paul  Methven,  and  some  others,  were  imboldened  to 
break  through  the  regulations  to  which  they  had  submitted,  and 
began  to  preach,  and  administer  the  sacraments,  with  greater 
publicity  than  formerly.*  In  the  month  of  October,!  they  were 
joined  by  John  Willock,  who  returned  a  second  time  from 
Embden. 

Meanwhile,  the  Protestant  barons,  having  assembled  at  Edin- 
burgh in  the  month  of  July,  J  had  resolved  to  lay  their  complaints 
in  a  formal  manner  before  the  regent.  They  renewed  the  request 
which  they  had  formerly  made,  that  she  would,  by  her  authority 
and  in  concurrence  with  the  parliament,  restrain  the  violence  of 
the  clergy,  correct  the  flagrant  and  insufferable  abuses  which  pre- 
vailed in  the  Church,  and  grant  to  them  and  their  brethren  the 
liberty  of  religious  instruction  and  worship,  at  least  according  to 
a  restricted  plan  which  they  laid  before  her,  and  to  which  they 
were  willing  to  submit,  till  their  grievances  should  be  deliberately 
examined  and  legally  redressed.  §  Their  petition  was  presented 
to  the  regent,  in  the  palace  of  Holyroodhouse,  by  Sir  James  San- 
dilands  of  Calder,  in  the  presence  of  a  number  of  the  nobility  and 
bishops.  Her  reply  was  such  as  to  persuade  them  that  she  was 
friendly  to  their  proposals ;  she  promised  that  she  would  take 
measures  for  carrying  them  legally  into  effect  as  soon  as  it  was 
in  her  power,  and  assured  them,  that,  in  the  mean  time,  they 
might  depend  on  her  protection.  || 

*  Wilkins,  Concilia,  iv.  216.  Besides  the  persons  above  named,  the 
council  mention  (in  the  place  here  referred  to)  "  Johannes  Patritz,  et  alii 
complures,  catholicae  fidei  et  ecclesiasticse  unitatis  desertores."  Who  this 
Patritz  was  I  do  not  know.  The  reformed  preachers  were  obliged  to  assume 
feigned  names  on  particular  occasions,  to  escape  apprehension.  Thus  Douglas 
went  by  the  name  of  Grant.  Comp.  Knox,  Historic,  pp.  103,  106. 

f  Historic  of  the  Estate  of  Scotland  from  1559  to  1566,  p.  1.  MS.  be- 
longing to  Thomas  Thomson,  Esq.  Advocate.  This  MS,,  which  I  had  not 
seen  when  I  published  the  first  edition  of  this  work,  contains  a  number  of 
minute  particulars  not  mentioned  in  other  histories.  It  would  have  been 
extremely  valuable  if  it  had  been  complete,  but  the  copy  which  I  have  used 
stops  short  in  the  middle  of  the  year  1560. 

t  Ibid.  §  See  Note  EE. 

|j  Knox,  Historic,  p.  122.  Bishop  Bale,  who  was  then  at  Basle,  inserted, 
in  a  work  which  he  was  just  publishing,  a  letter  sent  him  at  this  time  by 


152  LIFE    OF  JOHN    KNOX. 

It  did  not  require  many  arguments  to  persuade  Knox  to  com- 
ply with  an  invitation,  which  was  accompanied  with  such  gra- 
tifying intelligence ;  and  he  began  immediately  to  prepare  for 
his  journey  to  Scotland.  The  future  settlement  of  the  congre- 
gation under  his  charge,  occupied  him  for  some  time.  Infor- 
mation being  received  of  the  death  of  Mary,  Queen  of  England,* 
and  the  accession  of  Elizabeth,  the  Protestant  refugees  hastened 
to  return  to  their  native  country.  The  congregation  at  Ge- 
neva, having  met  to  return  thanks  to  God  for  this  deliverance, 
agreed  to  send  one  of  their  number  with  letters  to  their  brethren 
in  different  places  of  the  Continent,  and  particularly  in  Frank- 
fort, congratulating  them  on  the  late  happy  change,  and  re- 
questing a  confirmation  of  the  mutual  reconciliation  which  had 
already  been  effected,  the  burial  of  all  past  offences,  and  a 
brotherly  co-operation,  in  endeavouring  to  obtain  such  a  settle- 
ment of  religion  in  England  as  would  be  agreeable  to  all  the 
sincere  well-wishers  of  the  Reformation.  A  favourable  return 
to  their  letters  being  obtained,!  they  took  leave  of  the  hospita- 
ble city,  and  set  out  for  their  native  country.  By  them  Knox 
sent  letters  to  some  of  his  former  acquaintances,  who  were  now 
in  the  court  of  Elizabeth,  requesting  permission  to  travel  through 
England  on  his  way  to  Scotland. 

In  the  month  of  January  1559,  our  Reformer  took  his  leave 
of  Geneva  for  the  last  time.J  In  addition  to  former  marks  of 
respect,  the  republic,  before  his  departure,  conferred  on  him  the 
freedom  of  the  city.§  He  left  his  wife  and  family  behind  him, 

Thomas  Cole,  an  English  refugee  residing  at  Geneva,  communicating  this 
information.  "  Heri  enim,"  says  Cole,  "  D.  Knoxus  ex  Scotia  nova  certis- 
sima  de  immutata  religione  accepit :  Christum  publice  per  totum  illud  reg- 
num  doceri ;  et  ita  demum  hominum  corda  occupasse,  ut  omni  metu  posito 
audeant  publicis  precibus  interesse  sua  lingua  celebratis,  et  sacramenta 
quoque  habeant  rite  administrata,  impuris  antichrist!  ceremoniis  abjectis. 
Nunc  regina  cogitat  Reformationem  religionis,  indicto  die  quo  conventus  fiat 
totius  regni,"  &c.  Scriptor.  Illustr.  Major.  Britannise  Poster.  Pars.  Art. 
Knoxus.  Basil.  1559. 

*  "God  would  not  suffer  her  to  reign  long,"  says  a  Catholic  writer, 
"  either  on  account  of  the  sins  of  her  Hither,  or  on  account  of  the  sins  of 
her  people,  who  were  unworthy  of  a  princess  so  holy,  so  pious,  and  endued 
with  such  divine  and  rare  dispositions."  Laing,  de  Vita  Hseretic.  fol.  28. 

t  Troubles  at  Franckford,  pp.  189,  190.  J  Cald.  MS.  i.  380. 

§  Histoire  Litteraire  de  Geneve,  par  Jean  Senebier,  torn.  i.  375,  Genev. 
1788.  It  is  somewhat  singular,  that  Calvin  did  not  obtain  this  honour  until 
December  1559.  "  II  n'y  a  cependant  point  de  citoyen,"  says  Senebier, 
"  qui  ait  achete  ce  titre  honorable  aussi  cherement  que  lui  par  ses  services, 
et  je  ne  crois  pas  qu'il  en  ait  beaucoup  qui  1'aient  autant  merite,  et  qui  le 
rendent  aussi  celebre."  Ibid.  pp.  230,  231. 

Our  Reformer  obtained  another  public  testimony  of  esteem  at  this  time 
from  Bishop  Bale,  who  dedicated  his  work  on  Scottish  writers  to  him  and 
Alexander  Aless.  The  praise  which  he  bestows  on  him  deserves  the  more 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  153 

until  he  should  ascertain  that  they  could  live  with  safety  in 
Scotland.  Upon  his  arrival  at  Dieppe,  in  the  middle  of  March, 
he  received  information  that  the  English  government  had  re- 
fused to  grant  him  liberty  to  pass  through  their  dominions. 
The  request  had  appeared  so  reasonable  to  his  own  mind,  con- 
sidering the  station  which  he  had  held  in  that  country,  and  the 
object  of  his  present  journey,  that  he  once  thought  of  proceed- 
ing to  London  without  waiting  for  a  formal  permission ;  yet  it 
was  with  some  difficulty  that  those  who  presented  his  letters 
escaped  imprisonment.* 

This  impolitic  severity  was  occasioned  by  the  informations  of 
some  of  the  exiles,  who  had  not  forgotten  the  old  quarrel  at 
Frankfort,  and  had  accused  of  disloyalty  and  disaffection  to  the 
queen,  not  only  Knox,  but  all  those  who  had  been  under  his 
charge  at  Geneva,  whom  they  represented  as  proselytes  to  the 
opinion  which  he  had  published  against  female  government.! 
There  was  not  an  individual  who  could  believe  that  Knox  had 
the  most  distant  eye  to  Elizabeth  in  publishing  the  obnoxious 
book ;  nor  a  person  of  judgment  who  could  seriously  think  that 
her  government  was  exposed  to  the  slightest  danger  from  him 
or  his  associates,  who  felt  no  less  joy  at  her  auspicious  acces- 
sion than  their  brethren.^  If  he  had  been  imprudent  in  that 
publication,  if  he  had  "  swerved  from  the  particular  question  to 
the  general,"  his  error  (to  use  the  words  of  his  respondent) 

notice,  because  the  bishop  had  been  one  of  his  opponents  at  Frankfort.  "  Te 
vero,  Knoxe,  frater  amatissime,  conjunxit  mihi  Anglia  et  Germania,  impri- 
mis autem  doctrinse  nostrae  in  Christo  Domino  fraterna  consensio.  Nemo  est 
enim  qui  tuam  fidem,  constantiam,  patientiam  tot  erumnis,  tanta  persecutione, 
exilioque  diuturno  et  gravi,  testatum,  non  collaudet,  et  non  admiretur,  non 
amplectatur."  Balei  Script.  Illustr.  Maj.  Brit.  Poster.  Pars.  pp.  175,  176. 
Basilise,  ex  officina  Joan.  Operini,  1559,  mense  Februario. 

*  Knox,  Historic,  p.  205.  t  Ibid.  pp.  206,  210. 

J  In  February  1559,  the  English  exiles  at  Geneva  published  a  prose  trans- 
lation of  the  Book  of  Psalms,  which  they  dedicated  to  Elizabeth ;  and  in 
this  dedication,  their  congratulations  on  her  accession  to  the  throne,  and 
their  professions  of  loyalty,  are  as  warm  as  those  of  any  of  her  subjects  were. 
It  is  inscribed,  "  To  the  most  Vertuous  and  Noble  Queene  Elizabeth,  Queene 
of  Englande,  France,  and  Irelande,  &c.  your  humble  subjects  of  the  English 
Church  at  Geneva,  wyth  grace,"  &c.  After  mentioning  that  they  had  em- 
ployed the  time  of  their  exile  in  revising  the  English  translation  of  the 
Bible,  and  endeavouring  to  bring  it  as  near  as  they  could  to  the  pure  sim- 
plicity and  true  meaning  of  the  Hebrew  tongue,  they  add : — "  When  we 
heard  that  the  almightie  and  most  mercyfull  God  had  no  less  myraculously 
preferred  you  to  that  excellent  dignitie,  than  he  had  aboue  all  men's  expec- 
tations, preserued  you  from  the  furie  of  such  as  sought  your  blood :  with  the 
most  joyful  myndes  and  great  diligence  we  endeavoured  our  selves,  to  set 
foorth  and  dedicate  this  most  excellent  booke  of  the  Psalmes  vnto  your 
grace  as  a  speciall  token  of  our  seruice  and  good  will,  till  the  rest  of  the 
Byble,  which,  praysed  be  God,  is  in  good  readinesse,  may  be  accomplished 
and  presented.'1  Epistle,  p.  3,  prefixed  to  the  Booke  of  Psalmes,  Geneva, 
1559,  16mo. 

u 


154  LIFEOFJOHNKNOX. 

"  rose  not  of  malice,  but  of  zeal,  and  by  looking  more  to  the 
present  cruelty,  than  to  the  inconveniences  that  after  might 
follow ;"  and  it  was  the  part  of  generosity  and  of  good  policy 
to  overlook  the  fault.  Instead  of  this,  Elizabeth  and  her  coun- 
sellors took  up  the  charge  in  a  serious  light ;  and  the  accused 
were  treated  with  such  harshness  and  disdain,  that  they  repent- 
ed of  leaving  their  late  asylum  to  return  to  their  native  country. 
One  cannot  help  feeling  indignant  at  this  weak  revenge,  when 
it  is  considered  that  Elizabeth  had  admitted  to  favour,  and  re- 
tained at  court,  persons  who  had  endeavoured  to  prevent  her 
succession,  and  who  had  thirsted  for  her  blood  ;*  and  that  those 
who,  under  the  preceding  reign,  had  advised  and  practised  the 
greatest  severities  against  the  Protestants,  were  now  treated 
with  the  utmost  lenity.  Even  the  infamous  Bonner  was  allowed 
to  appear  at  court,  and  although  the  queen  shuddered  at  the 
thought  of  a  man  who  was  polluted  with  so  much  blood  kissing 
her  hand,  yet  was  he  at  this  time  going  about  London  without 
the  smallest  molestation.t  In  the  first  parliament  of  Elizabeth, 
one  Dr.  Storey  made  a  speech,  in  which  he  had  the  effrontery 
to  justify  the  cruelties  of  Mary,  to  boast  of  his  own  activity  in 
carrying  her  orders  into  execution,  and  to  regret  that  measures 
still  more  violent  and  effectual  had  not  been  adopted  for  the 
utter  extirpation  of  heresy 4  Nor  does  it  appear  that  this  speech 
was  resented  either  by  the  house  or  by  the  queen. 

De  nobis,  post  haec,  tristis  sententia  fertur : 
Dat  veniam  corvis,  vexat  censura  columbas. 

The  refusal  of  his  request,  and  the  harsh  treatment  of  his 
flock,  touched  to  the  quick  the  irritable  temper  of  our  Reformer ; 
and  it  was  with  some  difficulty  that  he  suppressed  the  desire 

*  Haynes,  State  Papers,  p.  295.     Knox,  Historic,  p.  210. 

t  Burnet,  ii.  374,  396.  Stow,  Annals,  p.  635,  edit.  1631.  When  after- 
wards committed  to  the  Marshalsea  for  refusing1  to  take  the  oath  of  alle- 
giance and  supremacy,  Bonner  was  kept  "  under  a  very  easy  restraint." 
Godwin  de  Prsesulibus  Anglise,  p.  251,  edit.  1616.  Stapleton,  a  Popish  wri- 
ter, says  that  Tonstal  was  "  cast  into  prison,  as  most  of  the  bishops  were, 
where  he  made  a  glorious  end  of  a  confessor,  and  satisfied  for  his  former 
crime  of  schisme."  "  A  prison !"  exclaims  Dr.  Jortin,  "  Lambeth  palace, 
and  the  archbishop's  table,  was  a  dreadful  dungeon,  to  be  sure ;  and  as  bad, 
as  those  into  which  the  righteous  Bonner,  and  other  saints  of  the  same  class, 
used  to  thrust  the  poor  heretics !  Will  men  never  be  ashamed  of  these  godly 
tricks  and  disingenuous  prevarications'?"  Life  of  Erasmus,  i.  101. 

|  He  said,  "  that  he  saw  nothing  to  be  ashamed  of  or  sorry  for ;  wished 
that  he  had  done  more,  and  that  he  and  others  had  been  more  vehement  in 
executing  the  laws ;  and  said  that  it  grieved  him  that  they  laboured  only 
about  the  young  and  little  twigs,  whereas  they  should  have  struck  at  the 
root ;"  by  which  he  was  understood  to  mean  Queen  Elizabeth.  Strype's 
Annals,  i.  79,  536. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  155 

which  he  felt  rising  in  his  breast,  to  prosecute  a  controversy 
which  he  had  resolved  to  abandon.  "  My  First  Blast,"  says 
he,  in  a  letter  dated  Dieppe,  6th  April  1559,  "hath  blown  from 
me  all  my  friends  in  England.  My  conscience  bears  record, 
that  yet  I  seek  the  favour  of  my  God ;  and  so  I  am  in  the  less 
fear.  The  Second  Blast,  I  fear,  shall  sound  somewhat  more 
sharp,  except  that  men  be  more  moderate  than  I  hear  they  are. 
England  hath  refused  me ;  but  because,  before,  it  did  refuse 
Christ  Jesus,  the  less  do  I  regard  the  loss  of  this  familiarity. 
And  yet  have  I  been  a  secret  and  assured  friend  to  thee,  0  Eng- 
land, in  cases  which  thyself  could  not  have  remedied."*  But 
greater  designs  occupied  his  mind,  and  engrossed  his  attention. 
It  was  not  for  the  sake  of  personal  safety,  nor  from  the  vanity 
of  appearing  at  court,  that  he  desired  to  pass  through  England. 
He  felt  the  natural  wish  to  visit  his  old  acquaintances  in  that 
country,  and  was  anxious  for  an  opportunity  of  once  more  ad- 
dressing those  to  whom  he  had  preached,  especially  at  New- 
castle and  Berwick..  But  there  was  another  object  which  he 
had  still  more  at  heart,  and  in  which  the  welfare  of  both  Eng- 
land and  Scotland  was  concerned. 

Notwithstanding  the  flattering  accounts  which  he  had  receiv- 
ed of  the  favourable  disposition  of  the  queen  regent  towards  the 
Protestants,  and  the  directions  which  he  sent  them  to  cultivate 
this,  he  appears  to  have  always  entertained  suspicions  of  the 
sincerity  of  her  professions.  Since  he  left  Geneva,  these  sus- 
picions had  been  confirmed ;  and  the  information  which  he  had 
procured,  in  travelling  through  France,  conspired,  with  intelli- 
gence which  he  had  lately  received  from  Scotland,  to  convince 
him,  that  the  immediate  suppression  of  the  Reformation  in  his 
native  country,  and  its  consequent  suppression  in  the  neigh- 
bouring kingdom,  were  intended.  The  plan  projected  by  the 
gigantic  ambition  of  the  princes  of  Lorrain,  brothers  of  the 
queen  regent  of  Scotland,  has  been  developed  and  described 
with  great  accuracy  and  ability  by  a  celebrated  modern  his- 
torian.t  Suffice  it  to  say  here,  that  their  counsels  had  deter- 
mined the  French  court  to  set  up  the  claim  of  the  young  Queen 
of  Scots  to  the  crown  of  England ;  to  attack  Elizabeth,  and 
wrest  the  sceptre  from  her  hands,  under  the  pretext  that  she 
was  a  bastard  and  a  heretic ;  and  to  commence  their  operations 
by  suppressing  the  Reformation,  and  establishing  the  French 
influence  in  Scotland,  as  the  best  preparative  to  an  attack  upon 
the  dominions  of  the  English  queen.  In  the  course  of  his  jour- 
neys through  France,  Knox  had  formed  an  acquaintance  with 
certain  persons  about  the  court,  and,  by  their  means,  had  gained 

*  Cald.  MS.  i.  384.     See  also  Knox,  Historie,  pp.  204—207. 
t  Robertson's  History  of  Scotland,  b.  ii.  ad  an.  1559. 


156  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

some  knowledge  of  this  plan.*  He  was  convinced  that  the 
Scottish  reformers  were  unable  to  resist  the  power  which  France 
might  bring  against  them ;  and  that  it  was  no  less  the  interest 
than  the  duty  of  the  English  court  to  afford  them  the  most 
effectual  support.  But  he  was  afraid  that  a  selfish  and  narrow 
policy  might  prevent  them  from  doing  this  until  it  was  too  late, 
and  was  therefore  anxious  to  call  their  attention  to  the  subject 
at  an  early  period,  and  to  put  them  in  possession  of  the  facts 
that  had  come  to  his  knowledge.  The  assistance  which  Eliza- 
beth granted  to  the  Scottish  Protestants  in  the  year  1560,  was 
dictated  by  the  soundest  policy.  It  baffled  and  defeated  the 
designs  of  her  enemies  at  the  very  outset ;  it  gave  her  an  in- 
fluence over  Scotland,  which  all  her  predecessors  could  not  ob- 
tain by  the  terror  of  their  arms,  nor  the  influence  of  their 
money ;  and  it  secured  the  stability  of  her  government,  by  ex- 
tending and  strengthening  the  Protestant  interest,  the  principal 
pillar  on  which  it  rested.  And  it  reflects  not  a  little  credit  on 
our  Reformer's  sagacity,  that  he  had  conceived  this  plan  at  so 
early  a  period,  was  the  first  person  who  proposed  it,  and  per- 
sisted, in  spite  of  great  discouragements,  to  urge  its  adoption, 
until  his  endeavours  were  ultimately  crowned  with  success. 

Deeply  impressed  with  these  considerations,  he  resolved,  al- 
though he  had  already  been  twice  repulsed,  to  brook  the  morti- 
fication, and  make  another  attempt  to  obtain  an  interview  with 
some  confidential  agent  of  the  English  government.  With  this 
view,  he,  on  the  10th  of  April,  wrote  a  letter  to  secretary  Cecil, 
with  whom  he  had  been  personally  acquainted  during  his  resi- 
dence in  London.  Adverting  to  the  treatment  of  the  exiles  who 
had  returned  from  Geneva,  he  exculpated  them  from  all  respon- 
sibility as  to  the  offensive  book  which  he  had  published,  and 
assured  him  that  he  had  not  consulted  with  any  of  them  pre- 
vious to  its  publication.  As  for  himself,  he  did  not  mean  to  deny 
that  he  was  the  author,  nor  was  he  yet  prepared  to  retract  the 
leading  sentiment  which  it  contained.  But  he  was  not,  on  that 

*  Knox,  Historic,  pp.  206,  214,  260.  He  had  an  opportunity  of  receiving 
a  confirmation  of  this  intelligence  during  his  voyage  to  Scotland.  In  the 
same  ship  in  which  he  sailed,  there  was  sent  by  the  French  court  to  the  queen 
regent  a  staff  of  state,  with  a  great  seal,  on  which  were  engraved  the  arms 
of  France,  Scotland,  and  England.  This  was  shewn  to  him  in  great  se- 
crecy. The  English  court,  after  they  were  awakened  from  their  lethargy, 
and  convinced  of  the  hostile  designs  of  France,  applied  to  Knox  for  the  in- 
formation which  they  might  have  had  from  him  six  months  before.  Cotton 
MSS.  Caligula,  b.  ix.  f.  38.  74.  Sadler's  State  Papers,  i.  463, 688.  Keith, 
Append,  pp.  38,  42.  The  English  certainly  suffered  themselves  to  be  amused 
during  the  treaty  of  Chateau-Cambresis,  while  the  Courts  of  France  and 
Spain  concerted  measures  dangerous  to  England,  and  to  the  whole  Protes- 
tant interest.  Dr.  Wotton,  one  of  the  commissioners,  complains,  in  a  letter 
to  Cecil,  of  want  of  intelligence,  and  that  the  English  had  no  spies  on  the 
continent.  Forbes's  State  Papers,  i.  23. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  157 

account  less  friendly  to  the  person  and  government  of  Elizabeth, 
in  whose  exaltation  he  cordially  rejoiced ;  although  he  rested 
the  defence  of  her  authority  upon  grounds  different  from  the 
common.  This  was  the  third  time  that  he  had  craved  liberty 
to  pass  through  England.  He  had  no  desire  to  visit  the  court, 
nor  to  remain  long  in  the  country  ;  but  he  was  anxious  to  com- 
municate to  him,  or  some  other  trusty  person,  matters  of  great 
importance,  which  it  was  not  prudent  to  commit  to  writing,  or 
intrust  to  an  ordinary  messenger.  If  his  request  was  refused,  it 
would  turn  out  to  the  disadvantage  of  England.* 

The  situation  in  which  he  stood  at  this  time  with  the  court  of 
England  was  so  well  known,  that  it  was  not  without  great  diffi- 
culty that  he  could  find  a  messenger  to  carry  his  letter  ;t  and, 
either  despairing  of  the  success  of  his  application,  or  urged  by 
intelligence  received  from  Scotland,  he  sailed  from  Dieppe  on 
the  22d  of  April,  and  landed  safely  at  Leith  on  the  2d  of  May 
15594 

*  Knox,  Historie,  pp.  204,  206. 

t  The  person  whom  he  at  last  persuaded  to  take  his  letter  was  Richard 
Harrison.  But  the  cautious  spy  (for  such  was  his  employment  at  that  time), 
dreading  that  Knox  had  made  him  the  bearer  of  another  Blast,  which,  if  it 
did  not  endanger  the  throne  of  Elizabeth,  might  blow  up  his  credit  with  the 
court,  prudently  communicated  the  suspicious  packet  to  Sir  Nicholas  Throk- 
morton,  the  English  ambassador  at  the  court  of  France,  who  conveyed  it  to 
London.  Letter  from  Throkmorton  to  Cecil,  15th  of  May  1559.  Forbes's 
State  Papers,  i.  90,  91. 

J  Cald.  MS.  i.  392,  393.    Knox,  Historie,  pp.  127,  207. 

14 


158  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 


PERIOD  VI. 


FROM  MAY  1559,  WHEN  HE  FINALLY  RETURNED  TO  SCOTLAND,  TO 
AUGUST  1560,  WHEN  HE  WAS  SETTLED  AS  MINISTER  OF  EDINBURGH, 
AT  THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  REFORMATION. 


ON  his  arrival,  Knox  found  matters  in  the  most  critical  state 
in  Scotland.  The  queen  regent  had  thrown  off  the  mask  which 
she  had  long  worn,  and  avowed  her  determination  forcibly  to 
suppress  the  Reformation.  As  long  as  she  stood  in  need  of  the 
assistance  of  the  Protestants  to  support  her  authority  against  the 
Hamiltons,  and  to  procure  the  matrimonial  crown  for  her  son- 
in-law,  the  dauphin  of  France,  she  courted  their  friendship, 
listened  to  their  plans  of  reform,  professed  her  dissatisfaction  with 
the  ecclesiastical  order,  and  her  desire  of  correcting  its  corruption 
and  tyranny  as  soon  as  a  fit  opportunity  offered,  and  flattered 
them,  if  not  with  the  hopes  of  her  joining  their  party,  at  least 
with  the  assurances  that  she  would  shield  them  from  the  fury  of 
the  clergy.  So  completely  were  they  duped  by  her  consummate 
address  and  dissimulation,  that  they  complied  with  all  her  requests, 
restrained  their  preachers  from  preaching  in  public,  and  desisted 
from  presenting  to  the  parliament  a  petition  which  they  had  pre- 
pared ;  nor  would  they  believe  her  to  be  insincere,  even  after 
different  parts  of  her  conduct  had  afforded  strong  grounds  for 
suspicion.  But,  having  accomplished  the  great  objects  which  she 
had  in  view,  she  at  last  adopted  measures  which  completely 
undeceived  them,  and  discovered  the  gulf  into  which  they  were 
about  to  be  precipitated. 

As  this  discovery  of  the  regent's  duplicity  produced  conse- 
quences of  the  greatest  importance  ;  as  it  completely  alienated 
from  her  the  minds  of  the  reformers,  and  aroused  that  spirit  of 
determined  and  united  opposition  to  her  insidious  policy,  and  her 
violent  measures,  which  ultimately  led  to  the  establishment  of 
the  Reformation  ;  and  as  the  facts  connected  with  it  have  not 
been  accurately  or  fully  stated  in  our  common  histories,*  the 

*  Some  remarks  on  the  representation  which  Dr.  Robertson  has  given  of 
the  regent's  conduct  will  be  found  in  Note  FF. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  159 

reader  may  not  be  displeased  at  having  the  following  more  cir- 
cumstantial detail  laid  before  him. 

A  mutual  jealousy  had  long  subsisted  between  the  queen 
regent  and  that  able  but  unprincipled  prelate,  Archbishop  Ha- 
milton, whose  zeal  for  the  Church  was  uniformly  subordinated 
to  personal  ambition,  and  the  desire  of  aggrandizing  his  family. 
While  he  exerted  the  influence  which  his  station  gave  him 
over  the  clergy  to  embarrass  the  administration  of  the  regent, 
she  employed  the  Protestants  as  a  counterbalance  to  his  power. 
But  amidst  the  jarring  excited  by  rival  interests,  both  parties 
beheld  the  rapid  progress  of  the  reformed  sentiments  with  equal 
concern ;  and  intelligent  persons  early  foresaw,  that  their  differ- 
ences would  finally  be  compromised,  and  a  coalition  formed 
between  them  to  accomplish  the  ruin  of  the  Protestants.*  It 
does  not  appear  that  the  primate  ever  entertained  the  slightest 
suspicion  that  the  regent  was  friendly  to  the  cause  of  the 
reformers.  Independently  of  her  own  sentiments,  he  was  well 
acquainted  with  the  influence  which  her  brothers  possessed  over 
her,  and  with  their  devoted  attachment  to  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church.  Had  he  not  had  good  reasons  for  presuming  upon  her 
connivance  and  secret  approbation,  his  known  prudence  would 
not  have  allowed  him  to  venture  upon  the  invidious  measure  of 
putting  Mill  to  death.  As  early  as  July  1558,  she  had  held 
consultations  with  him  on  the  course  which  should  be  adopted 
for  checking  the  Reformation.!  In  consequence  of  this,  steps 
were  taken  to  bring  to  trial  certain  individuals  who  had  given 
great  offence  to  the  clergy  by  expounding  the  Scriptures  in 
private  meetings,  and  contemning  the  laws  of  the  Church.^  And 
immediately  after  the  meeting  of  parliament  in  November,  at 
which  the  regent  obtained,  by  the  assistance  of  the  Protestants, 
all  the  objects  which  she  wished  to  carry,  the  primate  received 
positive  assurances  of  her  support  in  his  exertions  for  maintaining 
the  authority  of  the  Church.  Accordingly,  in  the  end  of  De- 
cember, he  summoned  the  reformed  preachers  to  appear  before 
him  in  St.  Andrews,  on  the  2d  of  February  following,  to  answer 
for  their  conduct  in  usurping  the  sacred  office,  and  disseminating 
heretical  doctrines.§ 

Upon  this,  a  deputation  of  the  Protestants  waited  on  the 
regent,  and  informed  her,  that,  after  what  had  recently  taken 
place  in  the  instance  of  Mill,  they  were  determined  to  attend 
and  see  justice  done  to  their  preachers ;  and  that,  if  the  pro- 
secution went  forward,  there  would  be  a  greater  convocation  at 
St.  Andrews  than  had  been  seen  at  any  trial  in  Scotland  for  a 

*  Knox,  Historic,  p.  125. 

t  MS.  History  of  the  Estate  of  Scotland,  from  1559  to  1566,  p.  1. 

f  See  Note  GG.  §  MS.  Historic,  ut  supra  p.  2. 


160  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

long  period.  Dreading  the  consequences  of  a  concourse  of 
people  in  a  place  adjacent  to  counties  in  which  the  Protestants 
were  numerous,  the  queen  wrote  to  the  archbishop  to  prorogue 
the  trial.  She,  at  the  same  time,  summoned  a  convention  of  the 
nobility,  to  be  held  at  Edinburgh  on  the  7th  of  March,  to  advise 
upon  the  most  proper  measures  for  settling  the  religious  differ- 
ences which  had  so  long  agitated  the  nation.*  And  the  primate, 
at  her  request,  called  a  provincial  council  of  the  clergy  to  meet 
in  the  same  place  on  the  first  of  March. t 

\V  hen  our  Saviour  was  condemned  to  be  crucified,  it  was  ob- 
served, that,  "  on  the  same  day,  Pilate  and  Herod  were  made 
friends  together,  for  before  they  were  at  enmity  between  them- 
selves." The  determination  which  was  at  this  time  formed  to 
crush  the  Protestant  interest  in  Scotland,  seems  to  have  brought 
about  the  reconciliation  of  more  than  the  queen  regent  and  the 
primate.  A  rivalship  had  long  subsisted  between  those  who 
occupied  the  two  Scottish  archbishoprics  ;  the  bishops  of  Glas- 
gow insisting  on  the  independence  of  their  see,  and  boasting  of 
the  priority  of  its  erection,  while  the  bishops  of  St.  Andrews 
claimed  an  authoritative  primacy  over  all  the  clergy  in  the  king- 
dom, as  belonging  to  that  see  from  the  time  of  its  foundation.^ 
Hamilton,  in  the  mandate  issued  for  assembling  this  council, 
had  asserted  his  primacy  in  very  formal  terms,  founding  upon 
it,  as  well  as  upon  the  authority  with  which  he  was  invested  as 
papal  legate,  his  right  to  convocate  the  clergy. §  Beatoun,  Arch- 
bishop of  Glasgow,  seems  to  have  resented  this  claim  of  superi- 
ority, and  declined  for  some  time  to  countenance  the  council  by 
his  presence,  or  to  cite  his  suffragans  and  the  clergy  of  his  dio- 
cese to  attend.  This  dissension,  which  might  have  proved  highly 
injurious  to  the  Roman  Church  at  this  critical  period,  was  got 
accommodated,  and  Beatoun,  with  the  western  clergy,  at  length 
joined  the  council.  || 

In  the  mean  time,  the  Protestants,  having  assembled  at  Edin- 
burgh, appointed  commissioners  to  lay  their  representations 

*  MS.  Historie,  pp.  2,  3.    f  Ibid.  p.  3.  Wilkins,  Concilia,  torn.  iv.  p.  285. 

t  Act.  Parl.  Scot.  ii.  342.  Knox,  p.  51.  Spotswood,  24.  Lord  Hailes, 
Provincial  Councils,  39,  40. 

5  Wilkins,  Concilia,  iv.  pp.  204 — 5. 

||  The  primate's  letter,  summoning  the  Archbishop  of  Glasgow  to  the 
council,  is  dated  the  last  day  of  January.  Wilkins,  ut  supra.  The  council 
met  on  the  1st  of  March.  Ibid.  p.  208.  But  the  Archbishop  of  Glasgow's 
letter,  calling  his  clergy  to  the  council,  is  dated  so  late  as  the  18th  of  March, 
and  he  requires  them  to  attend  on  the  6th  of  April.  Ibid.  p.  206.  We  may 
also  observe  that  Beatoun,  in  his  citation,  takes  no  notice  of  the  primate's 
mandate.  It  is  likely  that  the  matter  was  settled  by  the  good  offices  of  the 
queen  regent,  whose  favourable  inclinations  towards  the  Church  are  warmly 
celebrated  by  the  council.  Ibid.  p.  209. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  161 

before  the  convention  of  the  nobility,  and  the  council  of  the 
clergy.*  The  commissioners  gave  in  to  the  latter  certain  pre- 
liminary articles  of  reformation,  in  which  they  craved,  that  the 
religious  service  should  be  performed  in  the  vulgar  tongue  ;  that 
such  as  were  unfit  for  the  pastoral  office  should  be  removed  from 
their  benefices ;  that,  in  time  coming,  bishops  should  be  ad- 
mitted with  the  assent  of  the  barons  of  the  diocese,  and  parish 
priests  with  the  assent  of  the  parishioners  ;  and  that  measures 
should  be  adopted  for  preventing  immoral  and  ignorant  persons 
from  being  employed  in  ecclesiastical  functions.!  But  there  was 
another  paper  laid  before  the  council,  which,  it  is  probable,  gave 
them  more  uneasiness  than  the  representation  of  the  Protes- 
tants. This  was  a  remonstrance  by  certain  persons  attached  to 
the  Roman  Catholic  faith,  "  craving  redress  of  several  grievances 
complained  of  in  the  ecclesiastical  administration  of  Scotland." 
It  consisted  of  thirteen  articles,  in  which,  among  other  points  of 
reformation,  they  required  that  the  exacting  of  corpse-presents 
and  Easter  offerings  should  be  abolished ;  that,  for  the  more  ef- 
fectual instruction  of  those  who  partake  of  the  sacraments, "  there 
should  be  an  godlie  and  faithful  declaration  set  forth  in  Inglis 
toung,  to  be  first  shewin  to  the  pepil  at  all  times,"  when  any  of 
the  sacraments  are  administered  ;  and  that  the  common  prayers 
and  litanies  should  also  be  read  in  the  vulgar  language.  At  the 
same  time,  they  desired  that  none  should  be  permitted  to  speak 
irreverently  of  the  mass,  make  innovations  upon  the  ceremonies 
of  the  Church,  or  administer  divine  ordinances  without  authority 
from  the  bishops.:}: 

The  council  were  not  disposed  to  agree  to  the  proposals  either 
of  the  Protestant  or  the  Popish  reformers.  After  making  cer- 
tain partial  regulations  relating  to  some  of  the  grievances  com- 
plained of  by  the  latter,§  and  renewing  the  canons  of  former 
councils  respecting  the  lives  of  the  clergy  and  public  instruc- 
tion, ||  they  refused  to  allow  any  part  of  the  public  service  to  be 
performed  in  the  vulgar  language  ;1f  they  ratified,  in  the  strongest 
terms,  all  the  popish  doctrines  which  were  controverted  by  the 
Protestants  ;**.  and  they  ordained,  that  strict  inquisition  should 

*  MS.  Historie  of  the  Estate  of  Scotland,  p.  3. 

f  Lesley,  Hist.  p.  546.     Lord  Hailes,  Provincial  Councils,  p.  38. 

\  Wilkins,  Concilia,  iv.  207 — 8.  Wilkins  has  inserted  the  remonstrance 
at  large,  which  he  procured  from  the  records  in  the  Scots  college  at  Paris. 
It  is  surprising  that  this  curious  document  should  have  escaped  the  inquisi- 
tive eye  of  Lord  Hailes,  who  has  not  taken  the  slightest  notice  of  it  in  his 
account  of  the  Scottish  councils. 

\  Can.  21,  22,  24,  32 :  in  Wilkins,  214—16. 

||  Can.  2—20 :  ibid.  pp.  210—14. 

IT  Lesley,  Hist.  p.  546.     Lord  Hailes,  Prov.  Coun.  pp.  38—9. 

**  Can.  16:  in  Wilkins,  ut  supra,  pp.  212—213. 
14*  V 


162  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

be  made  after  such  as  absented  themselves  from  the  celebration 
of  mass,*  and  that  excommunication  should  be  fulminated 
against  those  who  administered  or  received  the  sacrament  after 
the  Protestant  forms,  and  against  parents  and  sponsors  who 
had  presented  children  for  baptism  to  the  reformed  preachers, 
and  did  not  bring  them  to  the  priests  to  be  re-baptized,  t 

The  council  were  emboldened  to  take  these  decisive  steps  in 
consequence  of  a  secret  treaty  which  they  had  concluded  with 
the  regent,  and  in  which  they  had  stipulated  to  raise  a  large 
sum  of  money  to  enable  her  to  suppress  the  reformers.:}:  This 
arrangement  could  not  be  long  concealed  from  the  Protestant 
deputies,  who,  perceiving  that  they  were  mocked  by  the- clergy, 
and  abandoned  by  the  court,  broke  off  the  fruitless  negotiations 
in  which  they  had  been  engaged,  and  left  Edinburgh.  They 
were  no  sooner  gone  than  a  proclamation  was  made  at  the 
market  cross,  by  order  of  the  regent,  prohibiting  any  person 
from  preaching  or  administering  the  sacraments  without  au- 
thority from  the  bishops,  and  commanding  all  the  subjects  to 
prepare  to  celebrate  the  ensuing  feast  of  Easter,  according  to 
the  rites  of  the  Catholic  Church.  Understanding  that  her  pro- 
clamation was  disregarded,  she  determined  on  taking  decisive 
steps  to  enforce  obedience,  by  bringing  the  preachers  to  justice. § 
Accordingly,  Paul  Methven,  John  Christison,  William  Harlaw, 
and  John  Willock,  were  summoned  to  stand  trial  before  the 
justiciary  court  at  Stirling,  on  the  10th  of  May,  for  usurping 
the  ministerial  office,  for  administering,  without  the  consent  of 
their  ordinaries,  the  sacrament  of  the  altar  in  a  manner  different 
from  that  of  the  Catholic  Church,  during  three  several  days  of 
the  late  feast  of  Easter,  in  the  burghs  and  boundaries  of  Dundee, 
Montrose,  and  various  other  places  in  the  sheriffdoms  of  Forfar 
and  Kincardine,  and  for  convening  the  subjects  in  these  places, 
preaching  to  them,  seducing  them  to  their  erroneous  doctrines, 
and  exciting  seditions  and  tumults.  As  the  preachers  were 
resolved  to  make  their  appearance,  George  Lovell,  burgess  of 
Dundee,  became  surety  for  Methven,  John  Erskine  of  Dun  for 

*  Can.  30.    Ibid.  p.  216. 

f  Can.  33,  34.  Ibid.  pp.  216—17.  The  following  is  the  form  of  words 
appointed  by  the  council  to  be  used  by  the  priest  in  re-baptization : — "  Si  tu 
es  baptizatus,  ego  non  te  baptize ;  sed  si  non  es  baptizatus,  ego  te  baptize,  in 
nomine  Patris,"  &c.  i.  e.  "  If  thou  hast  been  baptized,  I  do  not  baptize 
thee ;  but  if  thou  hast  not  been  baptized,  I  do  baptize  thee,  in  the  name  of 
the  Father,"  &c.  This  was  not,  however,  a  new  form. 

\  MS.  Historie  of  the"  Estate  of  Scotland,  p.  3.  Knox,  Historic,  p.  122. 
According  to  the  first  of  these  authorities,  the  sum  promised  by  the  clergy 
was  L.  15,000 :  but  according  to  a  chronicle  written  by  the  Laird  of  Erles- 
hall,  and  referred  to  by  Knox,  it  was  L.40,000. 

§  MS.  Hist,  of  the  Estate  of  Scotland,  ut  supra. 


LIFE   OF    JOHN    KNOX.  163 

Ghristison,  Patrick;  Murray  of  Tibbermuir  for  Harlaw,  and  Ro- 
bert Campbell  of  Kinyeancleugh  for  Willock.* 

To  prevent  matters  from  coming  to  extremity,  the  Earl  of 
Glencairn,  and  Sir  Hugh  Campbell  of  London,  sheriff  of  Ayr, 
waited  on  the  queen,  and  remonstrated  against  these  proceed- 
ings ;  but  she  told  them  haughtily,  that,  "  in  spite  of  them,  all 
their  preachers  should  be  banished  from  Scotland."  They  re- 
minded her  of  the  promises  she  had  repeatedly  made  to  pro- 
tect them  ;  upon  which  she  unblushingly  replied,  that  "  it  be- 
came not  subjects  to  burden  their  princes  with  promises,  farther 
than  they  pleased  to  keep  them."  Surprised,  but  not  intimi- 
dated, at  this  language,  Glencairn  and  London  told  her,  that,  if 
she  violated  the  engagements  which  she  had  come  under  to  her 
subjects,  they  would  consider  themselves  as  absolved  from  their 
allegiance  to  her.  After  they  had  remonstrated  with  her  very 
freely,  and  pointed  out  the  dangerous  consequences  that  might 
result  from  adopting  such  a  line  of  conduct,  she  began  to  speak  . 
in  a  milder  tone,  and  promised  to  suspend  the  trial  of  the 
preachers,  and  take  the  whole  affair  into  serious  consideration.! 
But  receiving  intelligence  soon  after  that  peace  was  concluded 
between  France  and  Spain,  by  a  treaty  in  which  these  two 
powers  had  agreed  to  unite  their  endeavours  for  the  extirpa- 
tion of  heresy,  and  being  irritated  by  the  introduction  of  the  re- 
formed worship  into  the  town  of  Perth,  she  ordered  the  process 
against  the  preachers  to  go  on,  and  summoned  them  peremp- 
torily to  stand  their  trial  at  Stirling  on  the  appointed  day  4 

The  state  of  our  Reformer's  mind,  upon  receiving  this  infor- 
mation, will  appear  from  the  following  letter,  hastily  written 
by  him  on  the  day  after  he  landed  in  Scotland. 

"  The  perpetual  comfort  of  the  Holy  Ghost  for  salutation. 
These  few  lines  are  to  signify  unto  you,  dear  sister,  that  it  hath 
pleased  the  merciful  providence  of  my  heavenly  Father  to  con- 
duct me  to  Edinburgh,  where  I  arrived  the  2d  of  May  :  uncer- 
tain as  yet  what  God  shall  further  work  in  this  country,  except 
that  I  see  the  battle  shall  be  great.  For  Satan  rageth  even  to 
the  uttermost,  and  I  am  come,  I  praise  my  God,  even  in  the 
brunt  of  the  battle.  For  my  fellow  preachers  have  a  day  ap- 
pointed to  answer  before  the  queen  regent,  the  10th  of  this 
instant,  when  I  intend  (if  God  impede  not)  also  to  be  present  ; 
by  life,  by  death,  or  else  by  both,  to  glorify  His  godly  name, 
who  thus  mercifully  hath  heard  my  long  cries.  Assist  me, 
sister,  with  your  prayers,  that  now  I  shrink  not,  when  the  battle 
approacheth.  Other  things  I  have  to  communicate  with  you, 
but  travail  after  travail  doth  so  occupy  me,  that  no  time  is  granted 


*  Justiciary  Records,  May  10.  1559.  t  Knox,  126. 

J  Knox,  126.    Spotswood,  120—1.     Buchanani  Oper.  .  312—3. 


164  LIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

me  to  vnrite.  Advertise  my  brother,  Mr..  Goodman,  of  my 
estate ;  as,  in  my  other  letter  sent  unto  you  from  Dieppe,  I 
willed  you.  The  grace  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  rest  with  you. 
From  Edinburgh,  in  haste,  the  3d  of  May."* 

His  arrival  in  Scotland  was  not  long  concealed  from  the 
clergy.  On  the  morning  after  he  landed  at  Leith,  one  came  to 
the  monastery  of  the  Greyfriars,  where  the  provincial  council 
was  still  sitting,!  and  informed  them  that  John  Knox  was  come 
from  France,  and  had  slept  last  night  in  Edinburgh.  The 
clergy  were  panic-struck  with  the  intelligence,  and,  foreboding 
the  ruin  of  all  the  plans  which  they  had  formed  with  so  much 
care,  they  dismissed  the  council  in  great  haste  and  confusion. 
A  messenger  was  instantly  despatched  by  them  with  the  infor- 
mation to  the  queen  regent,  who  was  at  Glasgow ;  and  within 
a  few  days  Knox  was  proclaimed  an  outlaw  and  a  rebel,  in 
virtue  of  the  sentence  formerly  pronounced  against  him  by  the 
clergy.J 

Although  his  own  cause  was  prejudged,  and  he  knew  that 
he  was  liable  to  be  apprehended  as  a  condemned  heretic,  he 
did  not  hesitate  a  moment  in  resolving  to  present  himself  volun- 
tarily at  Stirling,  to  assist  his  brethren  in  their  defence,  and 
share  their  danger.  Having  remained  only  a  single  day  at 
Edinburgh,  he  hurried  to  Dundee,  where  he  found  the  principal 
Protestants  in  Angus  and  Mearns  already  assembled,  and  de- 
termined to  attend  their  ministers  to  the  place  of  trial,  and  avow 
their  adherence  to  the  doctrines  for  which  they  were  accused. 
The  providential  arrival  of  such  an  able  champion  of  the  cause, 
at  this  crisis,  must  have  been  very  encouraging  to  the  assembly  ; 
and  the  liberty  of  accompanying  them,  which  he  requested, 
was  readily  granted.  ( 

Lest  the  unexpected  approach  of  such  a  multitude,  though 
unarmed,  should  alarm  or  offend  the  regent,  the  assembled  Pro- 
testants agreed  to  stop  at  Perth,  and  sent  Erskine  of  Dun  be- 
fore them  to  Stirling,  to  acquaint  her  with  the  peaceable  object 
and  manner  of  their  coming.  Apprehensive  that  their  presence 
would  disconcert  her  measures,  the  regent  had  again  recourse 
to  dissimulation.  She  persuaded  Erskine  to  write  to  his  brethren 
to  desist  from  their  intended  journey,  and  authorized  him  to 

*  Letter  to  Mrs.  Anne  Locke,  apud  Cald.  MS.  i.  393. 

f  MS.  Historic  of  the  Estate  of  Scotland,  pp.  3,  4.  Knox,  Historic,  p. 
109.  In  the  preamble  to  the  acts  of  this  council,  it  is  said  to  have  been 
"  finitum  10  die  mensis  Aprilis."  But  in  the  conclusion  of  the  acts,  there  is 
an  expression  which  enables  us  to  reconcile  this  with  the  two  preceding 
authorities — "  finiendo  sen  Jinito  die  10  mensis  Aprilis ;"  from  which  it  ap- 
pears, that  though  the  acts  were  concluded,  it  was  not  yet  agreed  to  close 
the  council  on  that  day.  Wilkins,  iv.  209,  217. 

{  MS.  Historic  of  the  Estate  of  Scotland,  p.  4. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  165 

promise  in  her  name,  that  she  would  put  a  stop  to  the  trial. 
The  Protestants  testified  their  pacific  intentions  by  a  cheerful 
compliance  with  this  request,  and  the  greater  part,  confiding  in 
the  royal  promise,  returned  to  their  homes.  But  when  the  day 
of  trial  came,  the  summons  was  called  by  the  orders  of  the 
queen,  the  preachers  were  outlawed  for  not  appearing,  and 
all  persons  were  prohibited,  under  the  pain  of  rebellion,  from 
harbouring  or  assisting  them.*  At  the  same  time  the  gentle- 
men who  had  given  security  for  their  appearance,  were  fined.t 

Escaping  from  Stirling,  Erskine  brought  to  Perth  the  intelli- 
gence of  this  disgraceful  transaction,  which  could  not  fail  to 
incense  the  Protestants.  It  happened  that,  on  the  same  day  on 
which  the  news  came,  Knox,  who  remained  at  Perth,  preached 
a  sermon,  in  which  he  exposed  the  idolatry  of  the  mass,  and  of 
image-worship.  The  audience  had  quietly  dismissed,  and  a 
few  idle  persons  only  loitered  in  the  Church,  when  an  impru- 
dent priest,  wishing  to  try  the  disposition  of  the  people,  or 
to  show  his  contempt  of  the  doctrine  which  had  just  been 
delivered,  uncovered  a  rich  altar-piece,  decorated  with  images, 
and  prepared  to  celebrate  mass.  A  boy,  having  uttered  some 
expressions  of  disapprobation,  was  struck  by  the  priest.  He 
retaliated  by  throwing  a  stone  at  the  aggressor,  which,  falling 
on  the  altar,  broke  one  of  the  images.  This  operated  as  a  sig- 
nal upon  the  people  present,  who  had  sympathized  with  the 
boy ;  and,  in  the  course  of  a  few  minutes,  the  altar,  images,  and 
all  the  ornaments  of  the  Church,  were  torn  down,  and  trampled 
under  foot.  The  noise  soon  collected  a  mob,  which,  finding  no 
employment  in  the  Church,  flew,  by  a  sudden  and  irresistible 
impulse,  upon  the  monasteries ;  and  although  the  magistrates 
of  the  town  and  the  preachers  assembled  as  soon  as  they  heard 
of  the  riot,  yet  neither  the  persuasions  of  the  one,  nor  the  au- 
thority of  the  other,  could  restrain  the  fury  of  the  people,  until 
the  houses  of  the  grey  and  black  friars,  with  the  costly  edifice 
of  the  Carthusian  monks,  were  laid  in  ruins.  None  of  the  gen- 
tlemen or  sober  part  of  the  congregation  were  concerned  in 
this  unpremeditated  tumult ;  it  was  wholly  confined  to  the  lowest 
of  the  inhabitants,  or,  as  Knox  designs  them,  "  the  rascal  mul- 
titude." J 

The  demolition  of  the  monasteries  having  been  represented  as 
the  first  fruits  of  our  reformer's  labours  on  this  occasion,  it  was 
necessary  to  give  this  minute  account  of  the  causes  which  pro- 
duced that  event.  Whatever  his  sentiments  were  as  to  the 
destruction  of  the  instruments  and  monuments  of  idolatry,  he  did 

*  Knox,  Historie,  p.  127.     Spotswood,  121.     Buchanan!  Oper.  i.  313. 

f  See  Note  GG. 

J  Knox,  Historie,  p.  128.    Buchanani  Oper.  i.  313. 


166  LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX. 

not  wish  the  work  to  be  accomplished  in  an  irregular  manner ; 
he  was  sensible  that  tumultuary  proceedings, especially  in  present 
circumstances,  were  prejudicial  to  the  cause  of  the  reformers ; 
and,  instead  of  instigating,  he  exerted  himself  in  putting  a  stop 
to  the  ravages  of  the  mob.  If  this  disorderly  conduct  must  be 
traced  to  a  remote  cause  we  can  impute  it  only  to  the  wanton 
and  dishonourable  perfidy  of  the  queen  regent. 

In  fact,  nothing  could  be  more  favourable  to  the  designs  of  the 
regent  than  this  riot.  By  her  recent  conduct,  she  had  forfeited 
the  confidence  of  the  Protestants,  and  even  exposed  herself  in 
the  eyes  of  the  sober  and  moderate  of  her  own  party.  This 
occurrence  afforded  her -an  opportunity  of  turning  the  public 
indignation  from  herself,  and  directing  it  against  the  Protestants. 
She  did  not  fail  to  improve  it  with  her  usual  address.  She  mag- 
nified the  accidental  tumult  into  a  dangerous  and  designed  rebel- 
lion. Having  called  the  nobility  to  Stirling,  she,  in  her  interviews 
with  them,  insisted  upon  such  topics  as  were  best  calculated  to 
persuade  the  parties  into  which  they  were  divided.  In  conversing 
with  the  Catholics,  she  dwelt  upon  the  sacrilegious  overthrow  of 
those  venerable  structures  which  their  ancestors  had  dedicated  to 
the  service  of  God.  To  the  Protestants  who  had  not  joined  their 
brethren  at  Perth,  she  complained  of  the  destruction  of  the 
Charter-house,  which  was  a  royal  foundation  ;  and,  protesting 
that  she  had  no  intention  of  offering  violence  to  their  consciences, 
promised  to  protect  them,  provided  they  would  assist  her  in 
punishing  those  who  had  been  guilty  of  this  violation  of  public 
order.*  Having  inflamed  the  minds  of  both  parties,  she  collected 
an  army  from  the  adjacent  counties,!  and  advanced  to  Perth, 
threatening  to  lay  waste  the  town  with  fire  and  sword,  and  to 
inflict  the  most  exemplary  vengeance  on  all  who  had  been  instru- 
mental in  producing  the  riot.J 

The  Protestants  of  the  north  were  not  insensible  to  their  dan- 
ger, and  did  all  in  their  power  to  avert  the  storm  which  threatened 
them.  They  wrote  to  the  queen  regent,  to  the  commander  of 
the  French  troops,  to  the  Popish  nobles,  and  to  those  of  their 
own  persuasion  ;  they  solemnly  disclaimed  all  rebellious  inten- 
tions ;  they  protested  their  readiness  to  yield  due  obedience  to 
the  government ;  they  entreated  all  to  refrain  from  offering  vio- 
lence to  peaceable  subjects,  who  sought  only  the  liberty  of  their 
consciences,  and  the  reformation  of  religion.  But,  finding  all 

*  Knox,  Historie,  pp.  128—9, 135, 137. 

t  MS.  Historie  of  the  Estate  of  Scotland,  p.  5. 

|  Buchanan!  Oper.  i.  313.  Knox,  128.  A  writer  has  given  the  name  of 
"  bellum  imaginarium  "  to  this  war,  undertaken  by  the  regent  to  avenge 
the  destruction  of  the  images ;  and  the  crimes  charged  upon  the  Protestants 
he  denominates  "  mera  imaginaria  seditio  et  rebellio."  Historie  of  the 
Church  of  Scotland  to  1566.  MS.  Adv.  Lib.  A.  5,  43. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  167 

their  endeavours  fruitless,  they  resolved  not  to  suffer  themselves 
and  their  brethren  to  be  massacred,  and  prepared  for  a  defence 
of  the  town  against  an  illegal  and  furious  assault.  And  so 
prompt  and  vigorous  were  they  in  the  measures  which  they 
adopted,  that  the  regent,  when  she  approached,  deeming  it  im- 
prudent to  attack  them,  proposed  overtures  of  accommodation,  to 
which  they  readily  acceded.* 

While  the  two  armies  lay  before  Perth,  and  negotiations  were 
going  on  between  them,  our  Reformer  obtained  an  interview  with 
the  prior  of  St.  Andrews  and  the  young  Earl  of  Argyle,  who  ad- 
hered to  the  regent.  He  reminded  them  of  the  solemn  engage- 
ments which  they  had  contracted,  and  charged  them  with  violat- 
ing these,  by  abetting  measures  which  tended  to  suppress  the 
reformed  religion,  and  enslave  their  native  country.  The  noble- 
men replied,  that  they  had  been  induced,  by  the  representations 
of  the  regent  and  the  clergy,  to  believe  that  their  brethren  in- 
tended  to  swerve  from  their  former  loyalty,  and,  although  they 
were  now  convinced  that  this  charge  was  unfounded,  they  were 
anxious  to  fulfil  the  promise  which  they  had  made  to  the  queen, 
by  bringing  the  present  difference  to  an  amicable  termination  ; 
but,  if  she  should  violate  the  proposed  treaty,  they  would  with- 
draw their  countenance  from  her,  and  openly  take  part  with  their 
brethren,  to  whom  they  considered  themselves  as  bound  by  the 
most  sacred  ties.  The  regent  was  not  long  in  affording  them  an 
opportunity  of  verifying  their  promise.  No  sooner  had  she  taken 
possession  of  Perth,  and  perceived  that  the  forces  of  the  Protes- 
tants were  disbanded,  than  she  began  to  disregard  the  conditions 
to  which  she  had  agreed.  Argyle  and  the  prior  remonstrated 
against  the  infractions  of  a  treaty  which  they  had  concluded  at 
her  earnest  request,  but  were  answered  in  such  an  unsatisfactory 
manner,  that  they  deserted  her  court,  and  could  never  afterwards 
be  persuaded  to  place  any  confidence  in  her  promises.! 

From  the  time  that  the  leading  Protestants  discovered  the 
hostile  intentions  of  the  regent,  they  had  used  great  industry  to 
ascertain  the  numbers  of  their  friends,  to  establish  means  of  cor- 

*  When  the  overtures  were  proposed  to  the  Protestants,  they  exclaimed 
with  one  voice,  "  Cursit  be  they  that  seik  effusioun  of  blude,  weir,  or  dis- 
sentioun.  Lat  us  possess  Christ  Jesus,  and  the  benefite  of  his  evangell,  and 
nane  within  Scotland  sail  be  mair  obedient  subjectis  than  we  sail  be." 
Knox,  Historie,  p.  137.  The  regent's  army  consisted  of  8000,  that  of  the 
Protestants  amounted  to  5000  men.  This  seems  to  have  been  the  number 
of  the  latter  previous  to  the  arrival  of  the  Earl  of  Glencairn  with  a  rein- 
forcement from  the  west.  Glencairn  had  joined  them,  before  the  conclusion 
of  the  treaty,  with  2500  men,  a  circumstance  which  did  not  alter  their  pacific 
wishes.  Cald.  MS.  i.  426.  MS.  Historie  of  the  Estate  of  Scotland,  p.  5. 
Knox,  Historie,  136. 

f  MS.  Historie  of  the  Estate  of  Scotland,  p.  6.  Knox.  135—9.  Buch- 
anani  Ooer.  i.  314—5.  Spotswood,  123. 


168  LIFE   OF  JOHN   KNOX. 

respondence  among  them,  and  to  have  them  united  by  the 
strictest  bonds.  For  this  purpose,  copies  of  their  religious 
covenant  were  committed  to  persons  who  procured  sub- 
scriptions to  it  in  the  different  districts  where  they  resided.  * 
From  the  designation  which  they  gave  themselves  in  this  cove- 
nant, or  from  the  union  which  subsisted  among  them,  they  be- 
gan at  this  time  to  be  distinguished  by  the  name  of  The  Con- 
gregation. The  nobles  who  had  joined  the  association,  were 
the  Earls  of  Argyle,  Glencairn,  Monteith,  and  Rothes ;  Lords 
Ochiltree,  Boyd,  Ruthven,  and  the  prior  of  St  Andrews.  The 
Earl  Marischal,  and  Lord  Erskine,  with  some  others  who  were 
friendly  to  the  reformed  religion,  still  supported  the  regent,  or 
remained  neutral.  A  large  proportion  of  the  lesser  barons  be- 
longed to  the  Congregation  ;  particularly  those  of  Mearns,  An- 
gus, Strathearn,  Monteith,  Fyfe,  Cunningham,  Kyle,  Carrick, 
and  Galloway.t 

In  the  beginning  of  June,  the  lords  of  the  Congregation  held 
a  consultation  on  the  measures  which  they  should  adopt  for 
their  own  security,  and  for  the  advancement  of  the  Reformation. 
They  had  repeatedly  applied  to  the  clergy  to  rectify  the  abuses 
which  prevailed  in  the  Church,  and  to  release  them  from  those 
unjust  and  oppressive  laws  by  which  their  consciences  had  long 
been  enslaved ;  but  their  petitions  had  been  treated  with  neg- 
lect and  disdain.  "  To  abandon  usurped  power,  to  renounce 
lucrative  error,  are  sacrifices  which  the  virtue  of  individuals 
has,  on  some  occasions,  offered  to  truth ;  but  from  any  society 
of  men  no  such  effort  can  be  expected.  The  corruptions  of  a 
society,  recommended  by  common  utility,  and  justified  by  uni- 
versal practice,  are  viewed  by  its  members  without  shame  or 
horror ;  and  reformation  never  proceeds  from  themselves,  but  is 
always  forced  upon  them  by  some  foreign  hand."  J  Convinced 
of  this,  the  Protestant  leaders  had  next  addressed  themselves  to 
the  regent,  and  requested  her  to  employ  her  authority  to  bring 
about  a  reformation,  which  could  not  be  much  longer  deferred, 
without  interrupting  the  peace  of  the  kingdom.  As  long  as 
they  had  any  reason  to  think  that  she  was  disposed  to  listen  to 
their  petitions,  they  had  waited  with  exemplary  patience,  and 
restrained  the  ardour  of  such  of  their  friends  as  were  inclined, 
without  farther  delay,  to  use  the  right  which  nature  and  Christ- 
ianity gave  them ;  but  the  regent  had  disappointed  their  ex- 
pectations, and  from  being  a  professed  friend  was  become 
a  declared  enemy ;  they  could  no  longer  place  the  smallest  de- 

*  Buchanani  Oper.  i.  311. 

t  MS.  Historie  of  the  Estate  of  Scotland,  p.  8.  Knox,  Historie,  136, 
138,  144. 

Dr.  Robertson. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  169 

pendence  on  her  promises ;  and  they  were  satisfied  that  she  had 
formed  a  systematic  plan  for  suppressing  the  Reformation,  and 
enforcing  the  existing  ecclesiastical  laws  in  all  their  rigour.  It 
behoved  them  now  either  to  submit  to  have  their  chains  rivet- 
ed, or  by  a  bold  and  vigorous  effort  to  shake  them  off 
altogether.  They  determined  upon  the  latter.  The  scandalous 
lives  of  the  established  clergy,  their  total  neglect  of  the  religious 
instruction  of  the  people,  and  the  profanation  of  Christian  wor- 
ship by  gross  idolatry,  were  the  most  glaring  abuses.  The 
lords  of  the  Congregation  resolved  to  take  immediate  steps  for 
removing  these,  by  abolishing  the  Popish  service,  and  setting 
up  the  reformed  worship  in  all  those  places  to  which  their  au- 
thority or  influence  extended,  and  in  which  the  greater  part  of 
the  inhabitants  were  friendly  to  the  design.  This  step  is  justi- 
fied in  part  by  the  feudal  ideas  respecting  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
nobility,  which  at  that  time  prevailed  in  Scotland ;  the  urgent 
and  extreme  necessity  of  the  case,  however,  forms  its  best  vin- 
dication. A  great  part  of  the  nation  loudly  demanded  such  a 
reformation,  and,  had  not  regular  measures  been  adopted  for  its 
introduction,  the  popular  indignation  would  have  effected  the 
work  in  a  more  exceptionable  way. 

St  Andrews  was  the  place  fixed  on  for  commencing  these 
operations.  With  this  view,  the  Earl  of  Argyle,  and  Lord 
James  Stewart,  who  was  prior  of  the  abbey  of  St  Andrews, 
made  an  appointment  with  Knox  to  meet  them  on  a  certain 
day,  in  that  city.  Travelling  along  the  east  coast  of  Fife,  he 
preached  at  Anstruther  and  Crail,  and,  on  the  9th  of  June, 
joined  them  at  St  Andrews.  The  archbishop,  apprised  of  his 
design  to  preach  in  his  cathedral,  assembled  an  armed  force, 
and  sent  information  to  him,  that  if  he  appeared  in  the  pulpit, 
he  would  give  orders  to  the  soldiers  to  fire  upon  him.  The 
noblemen,  having  met  to  consult  what  ought  to  be  done,  agreed 
that  Knox  should  desist  from  preaching  at  that  time,  and 
strongly  urged  upon  him  the  reasons  of  their  opinion.  Their 
retinue  was  very  slender  ;  they  had  not  yet  ascertained  the  dis- 
position of  the  inhabitants  of  the  town ;  the  queen  regent  lay  at 
a  small  distance  with  an  army ;  and  his  appearance  in  the  pul- 
pit might  lead  to  the  sacrifice  of  his  own  life,  and  the  lives  of 
those  who  were  determined  to  defend  him  from  violence. 

There  are  occasions  on  which  it  is  a  proof  of  superior  wisdom 
to  disregard  the  ordinary  dictates  of  prudence ;  on  which,  to 
face  danger  is  to  avoid  it,  to  flee  from  it  is  to  invite  it.  Had  the 
reformers,  after  announcing  their  intentions,  suffered  themselves 
to  be  intimidated  by  the  bravading  attitude  and  language  of  the 
archbishop,  their  cause  would,  at  the  very  outset,  have  received 
a  blow,  from  which  it  would  not  easily  have  recovered.  This 
was  prevented  by  the  firmness  and  intrepidity  of  Knox.  Fired 
15  W 


170  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

with  the  recollection  of  the  part  which  he  had  formerly  acted 
on  that  spot,  and  with  the  near  prospect  of  realizing  the  san- 
guine hopes  which  he  had  so  long  cherished  in  his  breast,  he 
resisted  all  the  importunities  of  his  friends.  He  could  take  God 
to  witness,  he  said,  that  he  never  preached  in  contempt  of  any 
man,  nor  with  the  design  of  hurting  an  earthly  creature  ;  but  to 
delay  to  preach  next  day  (unless  forcibly  hindered)  he  could 
not  in  conscience  agree.  In  that  town,  and  in  that  church,  had 
God  first  raised  him  to  the  dignity  of  a  preacher,  and  from  it  he 
had  been  "  reft"  by  French  tyranny,  at  the  instigation  of  the 
Scots  bishops.  The  length  of  his  imprisonment,  and  the  tor- 
tures which  he  had  endured,  he  would  not  at  present  recite  ; 
but  one  thing  he  could  not  conceal,  that  in  the  hearing  of  many 
yet  alive,  he  had  expressed  his  confident  hope  of  again  preach- 
ing in  St  Andrews.  Now,  therefore,  when  Providence,  beyond 
all  men's  expectation,  had  brought  him  to  that  place,  he  be- 
sought them  not  to  hinder  him.  "  As  for  the  fear  of  danger 
that  may  come  to  me,"  continued  he, "  let  no  man  be  solici- 
tous ;  for  my  life  is  in  the  custody  of  Him  whose  glory  I  seek. 
I  desire  the  hand  nor  weapon  of  no  man  to  defend  me.  I  only 
crave  audience  ;  which,  if  it  be  denied  here  unto  me  at  this  time, 
I  must  seek  where  I  may  have  it." 

This  intrepid  reply  silenced  all  remonstrance  ;  and  next  day, 
Knox  appeared  in  the  pulpit,  and  preached  to  a  numerous 
assembly,  including  many  of  the  clergy,  without  experiencing 
the  slightest  interruption.  He  discoursed  on  the  subject  of  our 
Saviour's  ejecting  the  profane  traffickers  from  the  temple  of 
Jerusalem,  from  which  he  took  occasion  to  expose  the 
enormous  corruptions  which  had  been  introduced  into  the 
Church  under  the  Papacy,  and  to  point  out  what  was  incum- 
bent upon  Christians,  in  their  different  spheres,  for  removing 
them.  On  the  three  following  days  he  preached  in  the  same 
place ;  and  such  was  the  influence  of  his  doctrine,  that  the  pro- 
vost, bailies,  and  inhabitants,  harmoniously  agreed  to  set  up  the 
reformed  worship  in  the  town ;  the  Church  was  stripped  of 
images  and  pictures,  and  the  monasteries  were  pulled  down. 
This  happened  on  the  14th  of  June  1559. 

Understanding  that  the  lords  of  St.  Andrews  were  accompanied 
by  a  small  retinue,  the  queen  regent,  who  lay  at  Falkland,  at- 
tempted to  surprise  them.  But  the  Protestants  in  Angus,  having 
received  information  of  the  critical  situation  of  their  brethren, 
came  to  their  assistance  with  such  celerity  and  in  such  numbers, 
that  they  were  able  to  face  the  royal  army  at  Cupar-moor  ; 
and  the  regent,  afraid  to  risk  a  battle,  consented  to  a  truce,  by 
which  she  engaged  to  remove  her  French  troops  from  Fife,  and 
to  send  commissioners  to  St.  Andrews  for  the  purpose  of  settling 
all  differences  between  her  and  the  Congregation.  The  troops 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  171 

were  removed,  but  no  commissioners  appeared  ;  and  the  lords  of 
the  Congregation,  being  apprised  that  the  queen  intended  to 
fortify  the  passage  of  the  Forth  at  Stirling,  and  to  cut  off  their 
communication  with  the  Protestants  in  the  south,  proceeded  to 
Perth,  and,  having  expelled  the  garrison  from  that  town,  by  a 
rapid  march  seized  upon  Stirling,  and,  advancing,  took  posses- 
sion of  the  capital  of  the  kingdom;  the  regent,  as  they  approached, 
retiring  with  her  forces  to  I) unbar.* 

The  example  of  St.  Andrews,  in  abolishing  the  Popish  worship, 
was  quickly  followed  in  other  parts  of  the  kingdom ;  and,  in  the 
course  of  a  few  weeks,  at  Crail,  at  Cupar,  at  Lindores,  at  Stir- 
ling, at  Linlithgow,  at  Edinburgh,  and  at  Glasgow,  the  houses 
of  the  monks  were  overthrown,  and  all  the  instruments  of  idol- 
atry destroyed.! 

These  proceedings  were  celebrated  in  the  singular  lays,  which 
were  at  that  time  circulated  among  the  reformers. 

His  cardinalles  hes  cause  to  mourne, 

His  bishops  are  borne  a  backe ; 

His  abbots  gat  an  uncouth  turne, 

When  shavellinges  went  to  sacke : 

With  burges  wiles  they  led  their  lives, 

And  fare  better  than  wee. 

Hay  trix,  trim  goe  trix,  under  the  greene-wod  tree. 

His  Carmelites  and  Jacobinis, 
His  Dominikes  had  great  adoe ; 
His  Cordeliers  and  Augustines, 
Sanct  Francis's  ordour  to ; 
The  sillie  friers,  mony  yeiris 
With  babbling  bleirit  our  ee. 
Hay  trix,  &c. 

Had  not  your  self  begun  the  weiris, 
Your  stepillis  had  been  standand  yit ; 
It  was  the  flattering  of  your  triers 
That  ever  gart  sanct  Francis  flit : 
Ye  grew  sa  superstitious 

In  wickednesse, 
It  gart  us  grow  malicious 

Contrair  your  messe.t 

Scarcely  any  thing  in  the  progress  of  the  Scottish  Reforma- 
tion has  been  more  frequently  or  more  loudly  condemned  than 
the  demolition  of  those  edifices  upon  which  superstition  had  la- 
vished all  the  ornaments  of  the  chisel  and  the  pencil.  To  the 
Roman  Catholics,  who  anathematized  all  who  were  engaged  in 

*  Knox,  Historic,  141—146.  Buchanan!  Oper.  i.  315—6.  Spotswood, 
142-6. 

t  Letter  written  by  Knox  from  St.  Andrews,  23d  June  1559.  Cald.  MS. 
i.  426,  428.  Knox,  Historic,  pp.  140,  141.  MS.  Historic  of  the  Estate  of 
Scotland,  p.  6. 

I  Gude  and  godly  Ballates,  in  Dalyell's  Scottish  Poems  of  the  16th  cen- 
tury, ii.  192,  198. 


172  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

this  work  of  inexpiable  sacrilege,  and  represented  it  as  involving 
the  complete  overthrow  of  religion,*  have  succeeded  another  race 
of  writers,  who,  although  they  do  not,  in  general,  make  high  pre- 
tensions to  devotion,  have  not  scrupled,  at  times,  to  borrow  the 
language  of  their  predecessors,  and  have  bewailed  the  wreck  of 
these  precious  monuments  in  as  bitter  strains  as  ever  idolater  did 
the  loss  of  his  gods.  These  are  the  warm  admirers  of  Gothic 
architecture,  and  other  relics  of  ancient  art ;  some  of  whom,  if 
we  may  judge  from  their  language,  would  welcome  back  the 
reign  of  superstition,  with  all  its  ignorance  and  bigotry,  if  they 
could  recover  the  objects  of  their  adoration.t  Writers  of  this 
stamp  depict  the  ravages  and  devastation  which  marked  the  pro- 
gress of  the  Reformation,  in  colours  as  dark  as  ever  were  em- 
ployed by  the  historian  in  describing  the  overthrow  of  ancient 
learning,  by  the  irruption  of  the  barbarous  Huns  and  Vandals. 
Our  Reformer  cannot  be  mentioned  by  them  but  with  symptoms 
of  horror,  and  in  terms  of  detestation,  as  a  barbarian,  a  savage, 
and  a  ringleader  of  mobs,  for  overthrowing  whatever  was  ven- 
erable in  antiquity,  or  sacred  in  religion.  It  is  unnecessary  to 
produce  instances. 

Expectes  eadem  a  summo  minimoque  poeta. 

To  remind  such  persons  of  the  divine  mandate  to  destroy  all 
monuments  of  idolatry  in  the  land  of  Canaan  would  be  altogether 
insufferable,  and  might  provokej  from  some  of  them,  a  profane 
attack  upon  the  authority  from  which  it  proceeded.  To  plead 
the  example  of  the  early  Christians,  in  demolishing  the  temples 
and  statues  dedicated  to  pagan  polytheism,  would  only  awaken 
the  keen  regrets  that  are  felt  for  the  irreparable  loss.J  It  would 

*  The  tolbooth  of  Musselburgh  was  built  out  of  the  ruins  of  the  chapel 
of  Loretto ;  on  which  account  the  good  people  of  that  town  were,  till  lately, 
annually  excommunicated  at  Rome.  Sibbald's  Chronicle  of  Scottish  Poetry, 
iii.  19.  Those  who  wish  to  see  a  specimen  of  Catholic  declamation  on  this 
subject,  may  consult  Note  HH. 

f  The  reader  may  take  one  example,  which  I  adduce,  not  because  it  is  the 
strongest,  but  because  it  happens  to  be  at  hand.  "  This  abbey  (Kelso)  was 
demolished  1569,  in  consequence  of  the  enthusiastic  Reformation,  which,  in 
its  violence,  was  a  greater  disgrace  to  religion  than  all  the  errors  it  was  in- 
tended to  subvert.  Reformation  has  hitherto  always  appeared  in  the  form 
of  a  zealot,  full  of  fanatic  fury,  with  violence  subduing,  but  through  madness 
creating,  almost  as  many  mischiefs  in  its  oversights,  as  it  overthrows  errors 
in  its  pursuit.  Religion  has  received  a  greater  shock  from  the  present 
struggle  to  repress  some  formularies  and  save  some  scruples,  than  it  ever  did 
by  the  growth  of  superstition."  Hutchinson's  History  of  Northumberland, 
and  of  an  Excursion  to  the  Abbey  of  Melrose,  i.  265. 

|  "  Alas !  how  little  of  its  former  splendour  have  time  and  the  fanatic  rage 
of  the  early  Christians  left  to  the  Roman  forum !  The  covered  passage,  with  a 
flight  of  steps,  founded  by  Tarquin  the  elder,  is  no  more  here  to  shelter  us 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  173 

be  still  worse  to  refer  to  the  apocalyptic  predictions,  which  some 
have  been  so  fanatical  as  to  think  were  fulfilled  in  the  miserable 
spoliation  of  that  "  great  city/'  which,  under  all  its  revolutions, 
has  so  eminently  proved  the  nurse  of  the  arts,  and  given  encou- 
ragement to  painters,  statuaries,  and  sculptors,  to  "  harpers,  and 
musicians,  and  pipers,  and  trumpeters,  and  craftsmen  of  whatso- 
ever craft,"  who  to  this  day  have  not  forgotten  their  obligations 
to  it,  nor  ceased  to  bewail  its  destruction.  In  any  apology  which 
I  make  for  the  reformers,  I  would  alleviate  instead  of  aggravating 
the  distress  which  is  felt  for  the  loss  of  such  valuable  memorials 
of  antiquity.  It  has  been  observed  by  high  authority,  that  there 
are  certain  commodities  which  derive  their  principal  value  from 
their  extreme  rarity,  and  which,  if  found  in  great  quantities, 
would  cease  to  be  sought  after  or  prized.  A  nobleman  of  great 
literary  reputation  has,  indeed,  questioned  the  justness  of  this 
observation,  so  far  as  respects  precious  stones  and  metals.*  But 
I  flatter  myself  that  the  noble  author  and  the  learned  critic,  how- 
ever much  they  may  differ  as  to  public  wealth,  will  agree  that  the 
observation  is  perfectly  just,  as  applied  to  those  commodities  which 
constitute  the  wealth  and  engage  the  researches  of  the  antiquary. 
With  him  rarity  is  always  an  essential  requisite  and  primary 
recommendation.  His  property,  like  that  of  the  possessor  of  the 
famous  Sybilline  books,  does  not  decrease  in  value  by  the  reduc- 
tion of  its  quantity ;  but  after  the  greater  part  has  been  destroyed, 
becomes  still  more  precious.  If  the  matter  be  viewed  in  this 
light,  antiquarians  have  no  reason  to  complain  of  the  ravages  of 
the  reformers,  who  have  left  them  such  valuable  remains,  and 
placed  them  in  that  very  state  which  awakens  in  their  minds  the 
most  lively  sentiments  of  the  sublime  and  beautiful,  by  reducing 
them  to — ruins. 

But,  to  speak  seriously,  I  would  not  be  thought  so  great  an 
enemy  to  any  of  the  fine  arts,  as  to  rejoice  at  the  wanton  de- 
struction of  their  models,  ancient  or  modern,  or  to  vindicate 
those  who,  from  ignorance  and  fanatical  rage,  may  have  excited 
the  mob  to  such  violence.  But  I  am  satisfied,  that  the  charges 
usually  brought  against  our  reformers  on  this  head  are  highly 
exaggerated,  and  in  some  instances  altogether  groundless. 
The  demolition  of  the  monasteries  is,  in  fact,  the  only  thing  of 
which  they  can  be  fairly  accused.  Cathedral  and  parochial 
churches,  and,  in  several  places,  the  chapels  attached  to  monas- 

from  bad  weather,  or  to  serve  for  the  spectators  to  entertain  themselves 
with  mountebanks  in  the  market-place."  A  most  deplorable  loss  truly ! 
This  writer  adds,  that  the  statues  of  the  twelve  gods  are  yet  standing :  no 
great  proof,  one  would  imagine,  of  the  fanatic  rage  of  the  Christians.  Kot- 
.zebue's  Travels  through  Italy,  vol.  L  p.  200. 

*  Edinburgh  Review,  vol.  iv.  p.  348,  and  Lord  Lauderdale's  Observations 
on  Edinburgh  Review. 
15* 


174  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

teries,  were  appropriated  to  the  Protestant  worship ;  and,  in 
the  orders  issued  for  stripping  them  of  images,  idolatrous  pic- 
tures, and  superstitious  furniture,  particular  directions  were 
given  to  avoid  whatever  might  injure  the  buildings,  or  deface 
any  of  their  ordinary  decorations.  It  is  true  that  some  churches 
suffered  from  popular  violence  during  the  ferment  of  the  Refor- 
mation, and  that  others  were  dilapidated,  in  consequence  of 
their  most  valuable  materials  being  sold  to  defray  the  expenses 
of  the  war  in  which  the  Protestants  were  involved :  but  the 
former  will  not  be  matter  of  surprise  to  those  who  have  attend- 
ed to  the  conduct  of  other  nations  in  similar  circumstances ;  and 
the  latter  will  be  censured  by  such  persons  only  as  are  incapa- 
ble of  entering  into  the  feelings  of  a  people  who  were  engaged 
in  a  struggle  for  their  lives,  their  liberties,  and  their  religion. 
Of  all  the  charges  thrown  out  against  our  reformers,  the  most 
ridiculous  is,  that,  in  their  zeal  against  Popery,  they  waged  war 
against  literature,  by  destroying  the  valuable  books  and  records 
which  had  been  deposited  in  the  monasteries.  The  state  of 
learning  among  the  monks  at  the  era  of  the  Reformation  was 
wretched,  and  their  libraries  poor ;  the  only  persons  who  pa- 
tronized or  cultivated  literature  in  Scotland  were  Protestants ; 
and  so  far  from  sweeping  away  any  literary  monuments  which 
remained,  the  reformers  were  disposed  to  search  for  them  among 
the  rubbish,  and  to  preserve  them  with  the  utmost  care.  In 
this  respect  we  have  no  reason  to  deprecate  a  comparison  be- 
tween our  Reformation  and  that  of  England,  notwithstanding 
the  flattering  accounts  which  have  been  given  of  the  orderly 
and  temperate  manner  in  which  the  latter  was  conducted  under 
the  superintending  control  of  the  supreme  powers.* 

But  even  although  the  irregularities  committed  in  the  pro- 
gress of  that  work  had  been  greater  than  have  been  represent- 
ed, I  must  still  reprobate  the  spirit  which  disposes  persons  to 
dwell  with  unceasing  lamentation  upon  losses  which,  in  the 
view  of  an  enlightened  and  liberal  mind,  will  sink  and  disap- 
pear in  the  magnitude  of  the  incalculable  good  which  rose  from 
the  wreck  of  the  revolution.  What!  do  we  celebrate  with 
public  rejoicings  victories  over  the  enemies  of  our  country,  in 
the  gaining  of  which  the  lives  of  thousands  of  our  fellow-crea- 
tures have  been  sacrificed  ?  and  shall  solemn  masses  and  sad 
dirges,  accompanied  with  direful  execrations,  be  everlastingly 
sung,  for  the  mangled  members  of  statues,  torn  pictures,  and 
ruined  towers  ?  Shall  those  who,  by  a  display  of  the  horrors 
of  war,  would  persuade  their  countrymen  to  repent  of  a  con- 
test which  had  been  distinguished  with  uncommon  feats  of  va- 
lour, and  crowned  with  the  most  brilliant  success,  be  accused 

*  See  Note  II. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  175 

of  a  desire  to  tarnish  the  national  glory  ?  Shall  the  topics  on 
which  they  insist,  however  forcible  in  themselves — the  effusion 
of  human  blood,  the  sacking  of  cities,  the  devastation  of  fertile 
provinces,  the  ruin  of  arts  and  manufactures,  arid  the  intolerable 
burdens  entailed  even  upon  the  victors  themselves — be  repre- 
sented as  mere  commonplace  topics,  employed  as  a  cover  to 
disloyalty?  And  do  not  those  who,  at  the  distance  of  nearly 
three  centuries,  continue  to  wail  evils  of  a  far  inferior  kind 
which  attended  the  Reformation,  justly  expose  themselves  to 
the  suspicion  of  indifference  and  disaffection  to  a  cause,  in  com- 
parison with  which  all  contests  between  rival  kingdoms  and 
sovereigns  dwindle  into  insignificance  ?  I  will  go  further,  and 
say,  that  I  look  upon  the  destruction  of  these  monuments  as  a 
piece  of  good  policy,  which  contributed  materially  to  the  over- 
throw of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  and  the  prevention  of  its 
re-establishment.  It  was  chiefly  by  the  magnificence  of  its 
temples,  and  the  splendid  apparatus  of  its  worship,  that  the 
Popish  Church  fascinated  the  senses  and  imaginations  of  the 
people.  A  more  successful  method  of  attacking  it,  therefore, 
could  not  be  adopted  than  the  demolition  of  what  contributed 
so  much  to  uphold  and  extend  its  influence.  There  is  more 
wisdom  than  many  seem  to  perceive  in  the  maxim  which  Knox 
is  said  to  have  inculcated  "  that  the  best  way  to  keep  the  rooks 
from  returning,  was  to  pull  down  their  nests."  In  demolish- 
ing, or  rendering  uninhabitable,  all  those  buildings  which  had 
served  for  the  maintenance  of  the  ancient  superstition  (except 
what  were  requisite  for  the  Protestant  worship),  the  reformers 
only  acted  upon  the  principles  of  a  prudent  general,  who  dis- 
mantles or  razes  the  fortifications  which  he  is  unable  to  keep, 
and  which  might  afterwards  be  seized  and  employed  against 
him  by  the  enemy.  Had  they  been  allowed  to  remain  in  their 
former  splendour,  the  popish  clergy  would  not  have  ceased  to 
indulge  hopes,  and  to  make  efforts  to  be  restored  to  them ;  oc- 
casions would  have  been  taken  to  tamper  with  the  credulous, 
and  to  inflame  the  minds  of  the  superstitious ;  and  the  reformers 
might  soon  have  found  reason  to  repent  their  ill-judged  for- 
bearance.* 

*  When  we  had  quelled 

The  strength  of  Aztlan,  we  should  have  thrown  down 
Her  altars,  cast  her  idols  to  the  tire. 

The  priests  combined  to  save  their  craft ; 

And  soon  the  rumour  ran  of  evil  signs 

And  tokens ;  in  the  temple  had  been  heard 

Wailings  and  loud  lament ;  the  eternal  fire 

Gave  dismally  a  dim  and  doubtful  flame ; 

And  from  the  censer,  which  at  morn  should  steam 

Sweet  odours  to  the  sun,  a  fetid  cloud 

Black  and  portentous  rose. 

Southey's  Madoc,  part  i.  book  ii. 


176  LIFE   OF  JOHN   KNOX. 

Our  Reformer  was  along  with  the  forces  of  the  Congregation 
when  they  faced  the  army  of  the  regent  in  Cupar-moor;*  he 
accompanied  them  on  their  expedition  to  Perth,t  and  in  the 
end  of  June  arrived  with  them  at  Edinburgh.;}:  On  the  same 
day,  he  preached  in  St.  Giles's,  and  next  day  in  the  Abbey 
Church.  On  the  7th  of  July,  the  inhabitants  of  the  metropolis 
met  in  the  Tolbooth,  and  made  choice  of  him  as  their  minister. 
With  this  choice,  which  was  approved  of  by  his  brethren,  he 
judged  it  his  duty  to  comply,  and  immediately  began  his  la- 
bours in  the  city.§ 

On  their  arrival  at  Edinburgh,  the  lords  of  the  Congregation 
had  sent  deputies  to  Dunbar,  to  assure  the  queen  that  they  had 
no  intention  of  throwing  off  their  allegiance,  and  to  induce  her 
to  yield  to  reasonable  terms  of  accommodation.  As  a  prelimi- 
nary, she  agreed  to  release  their  ministers  from  the  sentence 
of  outlawry,  and  allow  them  to  preach  to  those  who  chose  to 
hear  them.  ||  Meanwhile,  she  was  busily  employed  in  endeavours 
to  disunite  her  opponents.  Having  spun  out  the  negotiations 
which  they  had  opened  with  her,  until  she  understood  that  the 
greater  part  of  their  forces  had  left  them,  she  advanced  sudden- 
ly with  her  army  to  Edinburgh.  The  Protestants  took  up  a 
position  on  the  east  side  of  Craigingate,1T  and  resolved  to  defend 
the  capital,  though  against  superior  forces  ;**  but  Leith  having 
opened  its  gates  to  her,  and  Lord  Erskine,  who  commanded  the 
castle,  threatening  to  fire  upon  them,  they  were  forced  to  con- 
clude a  treaty,  by  which  they  agreed  to  leave  Edinburgh.  They 
stipulated,  however,  that  the  inhabitants  should  be  left  at  liberty 
to  use  that  form  of  worship  which  was  most  acceptable  to  them.tt 
Knox  would  have  remained  with  his  congregation  after  the 
regent  took  possession  of  the  city ;  but  the  nobles,  knowing  the 
value  of  his  services,  and  the  danger  to  which  his  life  would  be 
exposed,  insisted  on  his  accompanying  them4J  Willock,  who 
was  less  obnoxious  to  the  hatred  of  the  court  and  clergy,  was 
therefore  substituted  in  his  place  ;  and  the  prudence  and  firm- 
ness which  this  preacher  displayed  in  that  difficult  situation 
proved  that  he  was  not  unworthy  of  the  choice  which  had  fallen 
on  him.  The  regent  was  extremely  anxious  to  have  the  Roman 
Catholic  service  re-established  in  the  Church  at  St.  Giles,  and 
employed  the  Earl  of  Huntly  to  persuade  the  citizens  to  declare 
in  favour  of  the  measure ;  but  neither  the  authority  of  the 

*  Knox,  Historie,  p.  332.  f  Ibid.  p.  146.  {  Ibid.  p.  145. 

§  MS.  Historie  of  the  Estate  of  Scotland,  pp.  8,  9.         H  Ibid.  p.  7. 
IT  Probably  a  part  of  the  Calton  Hill. 

**  The  army  of  the  regent  consisted  of  5000  men,  the  Congregation 
could  not  muster  above  1500.     MS.  Historie  of  the  Estate  of  Scotland,  p.  9 
ft  MS.  Historie,  p.  10.    Knox,  Historie,  151—5.        }{  Knox,  p.  158. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  177 

queen,  nor  the  entreaties  which  Huntly  employed,  both  in  pri- 
vate and  at  a  public  meeting  called  with  that  view,  could  pre- 
vail with  them  to  swerve  from  their  profession  of  the  reformed 
religion,  or  to  relinquish  the  right  which  was  secured  to  them 
by  the  late  treaty.*  Although  the  French  soldiers  who  had 
come  to  the  regent's  assistance  kept  the  city  in  alarm,  and  dis- 
turbed the  Protestant  service,!  Willock  maintained  his  place ; 
and  in  the  month  of  August  he  administered  the  sacrament  of 
the  supper  after  the  reformed  manner  in  St.  Giles's  Church.J 
The  celebration  of  the  Popish  worship  was  confined  to  the  royal 
chapel  and  the  church  of  Holyroodhouse,  during  the  time  that 
the  capital  was  in  the  possession  of  the  royal  forces.  § 

In  the  month  of  August,  a  singular  phenomenon  was  seen  in 
the  Abbey  church.  The  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews  appeared 
in  the  pulpit,  and  preached.  If  his  grace  did  not  acquit  him- 
self with  great  ability  on  the  occasion,  he  at  least  behaved  with 
becoming  modesty.  After  discoursing  for  a  short  time,  he 
requested  the  audience  to  excuse  the  defects  of  his  sermon,  as 
he  had  not  been  accustomed  to  the  employment,  and  told  them 
that  he  had  provided  a  very  skilful  preacher  to  succeed  him ; 
upon  which  he  concluded,  and  gave  way  to  Friar  Black. || 

On  retiring  from  Edinburgh,  Knox  undertook  a  tour  of 
preaching  through  the  kingdom.  The  wide  field  which  was 
before  him,  the  interesting  situation  in  which  he  was  placed, 
the  dangers  by  which  he  .was  surrounded,  and  the  hopes  which 
he  cherished,  increased  the  ardour  of  his  zeal,  and  stimulated 
him  to  extraordinary  exertions  both  of  body  and  mind.  Within 
less  than  two  months,  he  travelled  over  a  great  part  of  Scotland. 
He  visited  Kelso,  and  Jedburgh,  and  Dumfries,  and  Ayr,  and 
Stirling,  and  Perth,  and  Brechin,  and  Montrose,  and  Dundee, 
and  returned  to  St.  Andrews.  This  itinerancy  had  great  influence 
in  diffusing  the  knowledge  of  the  truth,  and  in  strengthening 
the  Protestant  interest.  The  attention  of  the  nation  was  aroused ; 
their  eyes  were  opened  to  the  errors  by  which  they  had  been 
deluded ;  and  they  panted  for  a  continued  and  more  copious  sup- 
ply of  the  word  of  life,  which  they  had  once  been  permitted  to 
taste,  and  had  felt  so  refreshing  to  their  souls.lf  I  cannot  better 
describe  the  emotions  which  this  success  excited  in  Knox's  breast, 
than  by  quoting  from  the  familiar  letters  which  he  wrote  at  in- 
tervals snatched  from  his  constant  employment. 

"  Thus  far  hath  God  advanced  the  glory  of  his  dear  Son 
among  us,"  says  he,  in  a  letter  written  from  St.  Andrews,  on  the 

*  MS.  Historic  of  the  Estate,  &c.  p.  11.  t  Knox,  159. 

|  MS.  Historie,  p.  12.  $  Ibid.    Knox,  159. 

||  MS.  Historie  of  the  Estate  of  Scotland,  p.  12. 
II  Cald.  MS.  i.  472,  473.     Forbes,  i.  131,  155.     Sadler,  i.  431,  432. 

X 


178  LIFE    OF    JOHN    RNOX. 

23d  of  June,  "  0  !  that  my  heart  could  be  thankful  for  the 
superexcellent  benefit  of  my  God.  The  long  thirst  of  my 
wretched  heart  is  satisfied  in  abundance,  that  is  above  my  expec- 
tation ;  for  now  forty  days  and  more  hath  my  God  used  my 
tongue,  in  my  native  country,  to  the  manifestation  of  his  glory. 
Whatsoever  now  shall  follow  as  touching  my  own  carcass,  his 
holy  name  be  praised.  The  thirst  of  the  poor  people,  as  well  as 
of  the  nobility,  here,  is  wondrous  great ;  which  putteth  me  in 
comfort,  that  Christ  Jesus  shall  triumph  here  in  the  north  and 
extreme  parts  of  the  earth  for  a  space."  In  another  letter, 
dated  the  2d  of  September,  he  says :  "  Time  to  me  is  so  precious, 
that  with  great  difficulty  can  I  steal  one  hour  in  eight  days,  either 
to  satisfy  myself,  or  to  gratify  my  friends.  I  have  been  in  conti- 
nual travel  since  the  day  of  appointment  ;*  and,  notwithstanding 
the  fevers  have  vexed  me,  yet  have  I  travelled  through  the  most 
part  of  this  realm,  where  (all  praise  to  His  Blessed  Majesty  !) 
men  of  all  sorts  and  conditions  embrace  the  truth.  Enemies  we 
have  many,  by  reason  of  the  Frenchmen  who  lately  arrived, 
of  whom  our  Papists  hope  golden  hills.  As  we  be  not  able  to 
resist,  we  do  nothing  but  go  about  Jericho,  blowing  with  trum- 
pets, as  God  giveth  strength,  hoping  victory  by  his  power 
alone."t 

Soon  after  his  arrival  in  Scotland,  he  wrote  for  his  wife  and 
family,  whom  he  had  left  behind  him  at  Geneva.  On  the  13th 
of  June,  Mrs.  Knox  and  her  mother  were  at  Paris,  and  applied 
to  Sir  Nicholas  Throkmorton,  the  English  ambassador,  for  a 
safe-conduct  to  pass  into  England.  Throkmorton,  who  by 
this  time  had  penetrated  the  counsels  of  the  French  court,  not 
only  granted  this  request,  but  wrote  a  letter  to  Elizabeth,  in 
which  he  urged  the  propriety  of  overlooking  the  offence  which 
Knox  had  given  by  his  publication  against  female  government, 
and  of  conciliating  him  by  the  kind  treatment  of  his  wife  ;  see- 
ing he  was  in  great  credit  with  the  lords  of  the  Congregation, 
had  been  the  principal  instrument  in  producing  the  late  change 
in  Scotland,  and  was  capable  of  doing  essential  service  to  her 
majesty.;}:  Accordingly,  Mrs.  Knox  came  into  England,  and, 

*  This  refers  to  the  agreement  between  the  regent  and  lords  of  the 
Congregation,  by  which  the  latter  gave  up  Edinburgh.  The  lords  left  Edin- 
burgh on  the  25th  of  July.  MS.  Historic  of  the  Estate  of  Scotland,  p.  10. 
Knox,  Historic,  p.  154. 

f  Cald.  MS.  i.  428,  471. 

|  Forbes,  i.  129,  130.  Throkmorton  wrote  to  the  same  effect  to  Cecil,  in 
letters  dated  7th  June,  and  19th  July  1559.  Ibid.  pp.  119,  167.  The  am- 
bassador was  probably  moved  to  more  earnestness  in  this  matter  by  the 
influence  of  Alexander  Whitlaw  of  Creenrig,  a  particular  friend  of  our 
Reformer,  who  was  at  this  time  in  France.  He  returned  soon  after  to  Scot- 
land, and  Throkmorton  recommended  him  to  Cecil,  as  "  a  very  honest,  sober, 
and  godly  man."  "  You  must  let  him  se  as  littel  sin  in  England  as  yowe 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  179 

being  conveyed  to  the  borders  by  the  direction  of  the  court, 
reached  her  husband  in  safety,  on  the  20th  of  September.* 
Mrs.  Bowes,  after  remaining  a  short  time  in  her  native  country, 
followed  her  daughter  into  Scotland,  where  she  remained  until 
her  death.t 

The  arrival  of  his  family  was  the  more  gratifying  to  our 
Reformer,  that  they  were  accompanied  by  Christopher  Good- 
man, his  late  colleague  at  Geneva.  He  had  repeatedly  writ- 
ten, in  the  most  pressing  manner,  for  him  to  come  to  his  assis- 
tance, and  expressed  much  uneasiness  at  the  delay  of  his 
arrival.:}:  Goodman  became  minister  of  Ayr,  and  was  after- 
wards translated  to  St.  Andrews.  The  settlement  of  Protest- 
ant ministers  began  to  take  place  at  an  earlier  period  than  is 
mentioned  in  our  common  histories.  Previous  to  September 
1559,  eight  towns  were  provided  with  pastors;  and  other 
places  remained  unprovided  owing  to  the  scarcity  of  preach ers.§ 

In  the  mean  time,  it  became  daily  more  apparent  that  the 
lords  of  the  Congregation  would  be  unable,  without  foreign 
aid,  to  maintain  the  struggle  in  which  they  were  involved  Had 
the  contest  been  merely  between  them  and  the  domestic  party 
of  the  regent,  they  would  soon  have  brought  it  to  a  successful 
termination ;  but  they  could  not  withstand  the  veteran  troops 
which  France  had  already  sent  to  her  assistance,  and  was  pre- 
paring to  send  in  still  more  formidable  numbers.  |[  As  far  back 

maye."  He  "  is  greatly  estemyd  of  Jhone  Knokes,  and  he  doth  allso  favour 
hym  above  other :  nevertheless,  he  is  sory  for  his  boke  rashly  written."  Ibid. 
137,  147—149. 

*  Cald.  MS.  I  491. 

f  Knox  applied  to  the  English  court  for  a  safe  conduct  for  Mrs.  Bowes  to 
come  into  Scotland,  which  was  granted  about  the  month  of  October  1559. 
Sadler,  i.  456,  479,  509.  I  have  already  noticed  (p.  124)  that  Mrs.  Bowes's 
husband  was  dead.  The  particular  time  of  his  death  I  have  not  ascertained, 
but  it  seems  to  have  been  between  1554  and  1556.  She  is  designed  a  widow- 
in  the  correspondence  between  Cecil  and  Sadler. 

t  Cald.  MS.  i.  429,  473. 

9  Edinburgh,  St.  Andrews,  Dundee,  Perth,  Brechin,  Montrose,  Sterling, 
and  Ayr,  were  the  towns  provided  with  ministers.  Letter,  Knox  to  Locke, 
2d  Sept.  1559.  Cald.  MS.  i.  472. 

||  Sadler,  i.  403,  411.  Forbes,  vol.  i.  passim.  Dr.  Robertson  complains 
that,  from  the  carelessness  of  the  contemporary  historians,  it  is  impossible  to 
ascertain  the  number  of  French  soldiers  in  Scotland,  or  at  what  times,  and 
under  what  pretexts,  they  had  returned,  after  having  left  the  kingdom  in 
1550.  History  of  Scotland,  p.  108.  Lond.  1791.  In  September  1559,  when 
the  queen  regent  retired  within  the  fortifications  of  Leith,  her  forces  amounted 
to  3000  soldiers,  of  whom  500  only  were  Scots.  MS.  Historic  of  the  Estate 
of  Scotland,  from  1559  to  1566,  p.  13.  A  thousand  men  had  arrived  from 
France  in  the  month  of  August,  and  it  does  not  appear  that  any  other  arri- 
val had  taken  place  since  the  commencement  of  the  late  commotions.  It 
eeems  pretty  evident  that  the  other  1500  had  been  sent  from  France  during 


180  LIFE    OF  JOHN   KNOX. 

as  the  middle  of  June,  our  Reformer  had  renewed  his  exer- 
tions for  obtaining  assistance  from  England,  and  persuaded 
William  Kircaldy  of  Grange,  first  to  write,  and  afterwards  to 
pay  a  visit,  to  Sir  Henry  Percy,  who  held  a  public  situation  on 
the  English  marches.  Percy  immediately  transmitted  his  rep- 
resentations to  London,  and  an  answer  was  returned  from  Sec- 
retary Cecil,  encouraging  the  correspondence.* 

Knox  himself  wrote  to  Cecil,  requesting  permission  to  visit 
England,!  and  enclosed  a  letter  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  in  which 
he  attempted  to  apologize  for  his  rude  attack  upon  female  gov- 
ernment. When  a  man  has  been  "  overtaken  in  a  fault,"  it  is 
his  glory  to  confess  it ;  but  those  who  have  been  so  unfortunate 
as  to  incur  the  resentment  of  princes,  must,  if  they  expect  to 
appease  them,  condescend  to  very  ample  and  humiliating  apolo- 
gies. Luther  involved  himself  more  than  once  by  attempting 
this  task,  and  had  not  the  lustre  of  his  talents  protected  him, 
his  reputation  must  have  suffered  materially  from  his  ill  success. 
He  was  prevailed  on  to  write  submissive  apologies  to  Leo  X. 
and  Henry  VIII.  for  the  freedom  with  which  he  had  treated 
them  in  his  writings ;  but,  in  both  instances,  his  apologies  were 
rejected  with  contempt,  and  he  found  himself  under  the  neces- 
sity of  retracting  his  retractations.  £  Knox  was  in  no  danger  of 
committing  himself  in  this  way.  He  was  less  violent  in  his 
temper  than  the  German  reformer,  but  he  was  also  less  flexible 
and  accommodating.  There  was  nothing  at  which  he  was 
more  awkward  than  apologies,  condescensions,  and  civilities ; 
and  on  the  present  occasion  he  was  placed  in  a  very  embarras- 
sing predicament,  as  his  judgment  would  not  permit  him  to  re- 
tract the  sentiment  which  had  given  offence  to  the  English 
queen.  In  his  letter  to  Elizabeth,  he  expresses  deep  distress 
at  having  incurred  her  displeasure,  and  warm  attachment  to  her 
government ;  but  the  grounds  on  which  he  advises  her  to  found 
her  title  to  the  crown,  and  indeed  the  whole  strain  in  which 

the  war  between  Scotland  and  England,  in  1556  and  1557.  The  lords  of 
the  Congregation  mustered  8000  men  in  September ;  but  only  1000  of  these 
were  trained  to  arms.  Ibid. 

*  Knox,  Historic,  p.  207. 

t  Knox,  Historic,  p.  209.    Forbes,  i.  155,  167. 

J  Beausobre,  Hist.  Reform,  i.  355—377.  Macaulay's  translation.  Mil- 
ner's  History  of  the  Church,  iv.  949 — 9.  This  last  historian,  speaking  of 
Luther's  apology  to  Henry,  says,  that  he  went  "quite  far  enough,  either  for 
the  dignity  of  a  leading  reformer,  or  the  simplicity  of  a  follower  of  Christ." 
Luther  himself,  after  receiving  Henry's  reply,  appears  to  have  been  abun- 
dantly sensible  of  the  ridiculous  situation  in  which  he  had  placed  himself, 
and  with  a  facetiousness  which  seldom  forsook  him,  asked  his  friends,  if  they 
would  now  advise  him  to  write  penitential  epistles  to  the  Archbishop  of 
Mentz,  the  Archduke  Ferdinand,  and  other  princes  whom  he  had  offended. 
Milner,  ut  sup.  p.  956. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  181 

the  letter  is  written,  are  such  as  must  have  aggravated,  instead 
of  e  :tenuating,  his  offence  in  the  opinion  of  that  high-minded 
princess.*  But,  although  his  apology  had  been  more  ample 
and  humble  than  it  was,  it  is  not  probable  that  he  would  have 
succeeded  better  with  Elizabeth  than  Luther  did  with  her 
father.  Christopher  Goodman,  after  his  return  to  England,  was 
obliged,  at  two  several  periods,  to  subscribe  a  recantation  of 
the  opinion  which  he  had  given  against  the  lawfulness  of  fe- 
male government,  nor  could  all  his  condescensions  procure  for 
him  the  favour  of  his  sovereign.!  In  fact,  Elizabeth  was  all 
along  extremely  tender  on  the  subject  of  her  right  to  the  throne ; 
she  never  failed  to  resent  every  attack  that  was  made  upon 
this,  from  whatever  quarter  it  came ;  and,  although  several  his- 
torians have  amused  their  readers  with  accounts  of  her  ambi- 
tion to  be  thought  more  beautiful  and  accomplished  than  the 
Queen  of  Scots,!  I  am  persuaded  that  she  was  always  more 
jealous  of  Mary  as  a  competitor  for  the  crown,  than  as  a  ri- 
val in  persona]  charms. 

It  does  not,  however,  appear,  that  Elizabeth  ever  saw  Knox's 
letter,  and  I  have  little  doubt  that  it  was  suppressed  by  the 
sagacious  secretary. §  Cecil  was  himself  friendly  to  the  mea- 
sure of  assisting  the  Scottish  Congregation,  and  exerted  all  his 
influence  to  bring  over  the  queen  and  her  council  to  his  opin- 
ion. Accordingly,  Knox  received  a  message,  desiring  him  to 
meet  Sir  Henry  Percy  at  Alnwick,  on  the  2d  of  August,  upon 
business  which  required  the  utmost  secrecy  and  despatch ;  and 
Cecil  himself  came  down  to  Stamford  to  hold  an  interview  with 
him.  ||  The  confusion  produced  by  the  advance  of  the  regent's 
army  upon  Edinburgh,  retarded  his  journey ;  but  no  sooner  was 
this  settled,  than  Knox  sailed  from  Pittenweem  to  Holy  Island. 
Finding  that  Percy  was  recalled  from  the  borders,  he  applied 
to  Sir  James  Croft,  the  Governor  of  Berwick.  Croft,  who  was 
not  unapprised  of  the  design  on  which  he  came,  dissuaded  him 
from  proceeding  farther  into  England,  and  undertook  to  des- 

*  Knox,  Historic,  pp.  210—2. 

t  Strype,  Annals,  i.  126.  ii.  95—6.  Life  of  Grindal,  170,  and  Life  of 
Parker,  325 — 6. 

\  See  Sir  James  Melvil's  account  of  his  interview  with  Elizabeth,  Me- 
moirs, pp.  49 — 51,  which  has  been  adopted,  and  detailed  by  Mr.  Hume,  and 
other  historians. 

§  Cecil  was  accustomed  to  keep  back  intelligence  which  he  knew  would 
be  disagreeable  to  his  mistress.  A  curious  instance  of  this  occurs  with  re- 
spect to  the  misfortune  which  happened  to  Cockburn  of  Ormiston,  while 
conveying  a  subsidy  which  she  had  sent  to  the  Congregation.  Sadler,  i.  573. 
We  learn  from  one  of  his  letters,  that  he  did  not  usually  communicate  the 
epistles  of  our  Reformer,  whom  he  knew  to  be  no  favourite  with  Elizabeth. 
Ibid.  p.  535. 

1J  Knox,  Historic,  p.  212. 
16 


182  LIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

patch  his  communications  to  London,  and  to  procure  a  speedy 
return.  Alexander  Whitlaw  of  Greenrig,  who  had  been  ban- 
ished from  Scotland,  having  come  to  London  on  his  way  from 
France,  was  intrusted  by  the  English  court  with  their  answer 
to  the  letters  of  the  Congregation.  Arriving  at  Berwick,  he 
delivered  the  despatches  to  Knox,  who  hastened  with  them  to 
Stirling,  where  a  meeting  of  the  Protestant  lords  was  to  be  held. 
He  prudently  returned  by  sea  to  Fife  ;  for  the  queen  regent  had 
come  to  the  knowledge  of  his  journey  to  England,  and  Whit- 
law,  in  travelling  through  East  Lothian,  being  mistaken  for 
Knox,  was  hotly  pursued,  and  made  his  escape  with  great 
difficulty.*  The  irresolution  or  the  caution  of  Elizabeth's  cab- 
inet had  led  them  to  express  themselves  in  such  general  and 
unsatisfactory  terms,  that  the  lords  of  the  Congregation,  when 
the  letters  were  laid  before  them,  were  both  disappointed  and 
displeased  ;  and  it  was  with  some  difficulty  that  our  Reformer 
obtained  permission  from  them  to  write  again  to  London  in  his 
own  name.  The  representation  which  he  gave  of  the  urgency 
of  the  case,  and  the  danger  of  farther  hesitation  or  delay,  pro- 
duced a  speedy  reply,  desiring  them  to  send  a  confidential 
messenger  to  Berwick,  who  would  receive  a  sum  of  money  to 
assist  them  in  prosecuting  the  war.  About  the  same  time,  Sir 
Ralph  Sadler  was  sent  down  to  Berwick,  to  act  as  an  accredited 
but  secret  agent,  and  the  correspondence  between  the  court  of 
London  and  the  lords  of  the  Congregation  continued  afterwards 
to  be  carried  on  through  him  and  Sir  James  Croft  until  the 
English  auxiliary  army  entered  Scotland.! 

If  we  reflect  upon  the  connection  which  the  religious  and 
civil  liberties  of  the  nation  had  with  the  contest  in  which  the 
Protestants  were  engaged,  and  upon  our  Reformer's  zeal  in 
that  cause,  we  shall  not  be  greatly  surprised  to  find  him  at  this 
time  acting  in  the  character  of  a  politician.  Extraordinary 
cases  cannot  be  measured  by  ordinary  rules.  In  a  great  emer- 
gency, when  all  that  is  valuable  and  dear  to  a  people  is  at 
stake,  it  becomes  the  duty  of  every  individual  to  step  forward, 
and  exert  all  his  talents  for  the  public  good.  Learning  was  at 
this  time  rare  among  the  nobility  ;  and  though  there  were  men 
of  distinguished  abilities  among  the  Protestant  leaders,  few  of 
them  had  been  accustomed  to  transact  public  business.  Ac- 
cordingly, the  management  of  the  correspondence  with  England 

*  Knox,  Historie,  pp.  59,  213. 

}  Knox,  Historie,  pp.  212—214.  The  State  Papers  of  Sir  Ralph  Sadler 
have  been  lately  published  in  2  vols.  4to.  The  first  volume  contains  the 
greater  part  of  the  letters  that  passed  between  Sadler  and  the  agents  of  the 
Congregation.  They  throw  much  light  upon  this  interesting  period  of  our 
national  history,  and  ought  to  be  consulted,  in  addition  to  the  histories  which 
appeared  previous  to  their  publication. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  183 

was  for  a  time  devolved  chiefly  on  Knox  and  Balnaves.  But 
our  Reformer  submitted  to  the  task  merely  from  a  sense  of  duty 
and  regard  to  the  common  cause  ;  and  when  the  younger  Mait- 
land  acceded  to  their  party,  he  expressed  the  greatest  satisfac- 
tion at  the  prospect  of  being  relieved  from  the  burden.* 

It  was  not  without  reason  that  he  longed  for  this  deliverance. 
He  now  felt  that  it  was  as  difficult  to  preserve  integrity  and 
Christian  simplicity  amidst  the  crooked  wiles  of  political  in- 
trigue, as  he  had  formerly  found  it  to  pursue  truth  through  the 
perplexing  mazes  of  scholastic  sophistry.  In  performing  a  task 
foreign  to  his  habits,  and  repugnant  to  his  disposition,  he  met 
with  a  good  deal  of  vexation,  and  several  unpleasant  rubs. 
These  were  owing  partly  to  his  own  impetuosity,  and  partly  to 
the  grudge  entertained  against  him  by  Elizabeth,  but  chiefly  to 
the  particular  line  of  policy  which  the  English  cabinet  had  re- 
solved to  pursue.  They  were  convinced  of  the  danger  of 
allowing  the  Scottish  Protestants  to  be  suppressed;  but  they 
wished  to  confine  themselves  to  pecuniary  aid,  believing  that 
by  such  assistance  the  lords  of  the  Congregation  would  be  able 
to  expel  the  French,  and  bring  the  contest  to  a  successful  issue, 
while,  by  the  secrecy  with  which  it  could  be  conveyed,  an  open 
breach  between  France  and  England  would  be  prevented. 
This  plan,  which  originated  in  the  personal  disinclination  of 
Elizabeth  to  the  Scottish  war  t  rather  than  in  the  judgment  of 
her  wisest  counsellors,  protracted  the  contest,  and  gave  occasion 
to  some  angry  disputes  between  the  English  agents  and  those 
of  the  Congregation.  The  former  were  continually  urging  the 
associated  lords  to  attack  the  forces  of  the  regent,  before  she  re- 
ceived fresh  succours  from  France,  and  blaming  their  slow 
operations ;  they  complained  of  the  want  of  secrecy  in  the  cor- 
respondence with  England;  and  even  insinuated  that  the 
money,  intended  for  the  common  cause,  was  partially  applied 
to  private  purposes.  The  latter  were  irritated  by  this  insinua- 
tion, and  urged  the  necessity  of  military  as  well  as  pecuniary 
assistance.  J 

In  a  letter  to  Sir  James  Croft,  Knox  represented  the  great 
importance  of  their  being  speedily  assisted  with  troops,  without 

*  Keith,  Append.  42.  t  See  Note  KK. 

I  Sadler,  i.  520,  524.  Randolph  mentions  in  one  of  his  letters,  that  both 
Knox  and  Balnaves  were  discontented.  Keith  has  inserted  a  letter  in  which 
Balnaves  complains  of,  and  vindicates  himself  from  the  charges  brought 
against  him.  Sadler  afterwards  endeavoured  to  pacify  them.  Keith, 
Append.  43,  44.  Sadler,  i.  pp.  537,  548.  Notwithstanding  the  complaints 
against  the  Congregation  for  being  too  "  open,"  there  is  some  reason  to 
think  that  Sir  James  Croft's  own  secretary  had  informed  the  queen  regent 
of  the  correspondence  between  England  and  the  Congregation.  Forbes,  i. 
p.  137. 


184  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

which  they  would  be  in  much  hazard  of  miscarrying  in  an  at- 
tack upon  the  fortifications  of  Leith.  The  court  of  England, 
he  said,  ought  not  to  hesitate  at  offending  France,  of  whose 
hostile  intentions  against  them  they  had  the  most  satisfactory 
evidence.  But  "  if  ye  list  to  craft  with  thame,"  continued  he, 
« the  sending  of  a  thousand  or  mo  men  to  us  can  breake  no 
league  nor  point  of  peace  contracted  betwixt  you  and  France  : 
for  it  is  free  for  your  subjects  to  serve  in  warr  anie  prince 
or  nation  for  their  wages ;  and  if  ye  fear  that  such  excuses  will 
not  prevail,  ye  may  declare  thame  rebelles  to  your  real  me  when 
ye  shall  be  assured  that  thei  be  in  our  companye."  No  doubt 
such  things  have  been  often  done  ;  and  such  "  political  casu- 
istry" (as  Keith  not  improperly  styles  it)  is  not  unknown  at 
courts.  But  it  must  be  confessed,  that  the  measure  recommend- 
ed by  Knox  (the  morality  of  which  must  stand  on  the  same 
grounds  with  the  assistance  which  the  English  were  at  that 
time  affording)  was  too  glaring  to  be  concealed  by  the  excuses 
which  he  suggested.  Croft  laid  hold  of  this  opportunity  to 
check  the  impetuosity  of  his  correspondent,  and  wrote  him,  that 
he  wondered  how  he, "  being  a  wise  man,"  would  require  from 
them  such  aid  as  they  could  not  give  "  without  breach  of  treaty, 
and  dishonour ;"  and  that  "  the  world  was  not  so  blind  but  that 
it  could  soon  espy"  the  "  devices"  by  which  he  proposed  "  to 
colour  their  doings."  Knox,  in  his  reply,  apologized  for  his 
"  unreasonable  request ;"  but,  at  the  same  time  reminded  Croft 
of  the  common  practice  of  courts  in  such  matters,  and  the  con- 
duct of  the  French  court  towards  the  English  in  a  recent  in- 
stance.* He  was  not  ignorant,  he  said,  of  the  inconveniences 
which  might  attend  an  open  declaration  in  their  favour,  but 
feared  that  they  would  have  cause  to  "  repent  the  drift  of  time, 
when  the  remedy  would  not  be  so  easy."  t 

This  is  the  only  instance  in  which  I  have  found  our  Refor- 
mer recommending  dissimulation,  which  was  very  foreign  to 
the  openness  of  his  natural  temper,  and  the  blunt  and  rigid  hon- 
esty that  marked  his  general  conduct.  His  own  opinion  was, 
that  the  English  court  ought  from  the  first  to  have  done  what 
they  found  themselves  obliged  to  do  at  last — avow  their  resolu- 
tion to  support  the  Congregation.  Keith  praises  Croft's  "just 

*  "  See  how  Mr.  Knox  still  presses  his  under-hand  management !"  says 
Keith.  Quart:  Did  the  honest  bishop  never  find  any  occasion,  in  the 
course  of  his  history,  to  reprimand  such  management  in  his  own  friends  ?  or, 
did  he  think  that  intrigue  was  criminal,  only  when  it  was  employed  by  Pro- 
testant cabinets  and  ministers! 

t  Keith,  Append.  40—42.  Sadler,  i.  p.  523.  In  fact,  if  a  storm  had  not 
dispersed  and  shattered  the  French  fleet,  which  had  on  board  the  Marquis 
D'Elbeuf,  and  a  large  body  of  troops,  destined  for  the  reinforcement  of  the 
queen  regent,  the  English,  after  so  long  delay,  would  have  found  it  very  diffi- 
cult to  expel  the  French  from  Scotland. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  185 

reprimand  on  Mr  Knox's  double  fac'd  proposition/'  and  Cecil 
says,  that  his  "  audacite  was  well  tamed."  We  must  not,  how- 
ever, imagine,  that  these  statesmen  had  any  scruple  of  con- 
science, or  nice  feeling  of  honour  on  this  point.  For,  on  the  very 
day  on  which  Croft  reprimanded  Knox,  he  wrote  to  Cecil  that 
he  thought  the  queen  ought  openly  to  take  part  with  the  Con- 
gregation. And  in  the  same  letter  in  which  Cecil  speaks  of 
Knox's  audacity,  he  advises  Croft  to  adopt  in  substance  the 
very  measure  which  our  Reformer  had  recommended,  by  send- 
ing five  or  six  officers,  who  should  "  steal  from  thence  with 
appearance  of  displeasure  for  lack  of  interteynment ;"  and  in  a 
subsequent  letter,  he  gives  directions  to  send  three  or  four,  fit 
for  being  captains,  who  should  give  out,  that  they  left  Berwick, 
"  as  men  desyrous  to  be  exercised  in  the  warres,  rather  than  to 
lye  idely  in  that  towne."  * 

Notwithstanding  the  prejudice  which  existed  in  the  English 
court  against  our  Reformer,  t  on  account  of  his  "  audacity"  in 
attacking  female  prerogative,  they  were  too  well  acquainted 
with  his  integrity  and  influence  to  decline  his  services.  Cecil 
kept  up  a  correspondence  with  him ;  and  in  the  directions  sent 
from  London  for  the  management  of  the  subsidy,  it  was  ex- 
pressly provided,  that  he  should  be  one  of  the  council  for 
examining  the  receipts  and  payments,  to  see  that  it  was  applied 
to  "  the  common  action,"  and  not  to  any  private  use.J 

In  the  mean  time,  his  zeal  and  activity,  in  the  cause  of  the 
Congregation,  exposed  him  to  the  deadly  resentment  of  the 
queen  regent  and  the  Papists.  A  reward  was  publicly  offered 
to  any  one  who  should  apprehend  or  kill  him ;  and  not  a  few, 
actuated  by  hatred  or  avarice,  lay  in  wait  to  seize  his  person. 
But  this  did  not  deter  him  from  appearing  in  public,  nor  from 
travelling  through  the  country  in  the  discharge  of  his  duty. 
His  exertions  at  this  period  were  incredibly  great.  By  day  he 
was  employed  in  preaching,  by  night  in  writing  letters  on  pub- 
lic business.  He  was  the  soul  of  the  Congregation;  was 

*  Sadler,  i.  522, 534,  568. 

f  The  lords  of  the  Congregation  having  proposed  to  send  our  Reformer 
to  London  as  one  of  their  commissioners,  Cecil  found  it  necessary  to  dis- 
courage the  proposal.  "  Of  all  others,  Knoxees  name,  if  it  be  not  Good- 
man's, is  most  odious  here ;  and,  therefore,  I  wish  no  mention  of  him 
(coming)  hither."  And  in  another  letter  he  says, — "His  writings  (t.  e. 
Knox's  letters)  doo  no  good  here ;  and,  therefore,  I  doo  rather  suppress  them, 
and  yet  I  meane  not  but  that  ye  should  contynue  in  sending  of  them." 
Sadler  i.  532,  535.  The  editor  of  Sadler  supposes,  without  any  reason,  that 
Knox  and  Goodman  were  disliked  by  the  English  court  on  account  of  their 
Geneva  discipline,  and  republican  tenets.  The  unpardonable  offence  of  which 
both  had  been  guilty  was  different  from  either  of  these ;  they  had  attacked 
"  the  regiment  of  women." 

t  Sadler,  i.  540.     Keith,  Append.  40. 
16*  Y 


186  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

always  found  at  the  post  of  danger  ;  and  by  his  presence,  his 
public  discourses,  and  private  advices,  animated  the  whole 
body,  and  defeated  the  schemes  employed  to  corrupt  or  disunite 
them.* 

The  Congregation  had  lately  received  a  considerable  increase 
of  strength  by  the  accession  of  the  former  regent,  the  Duke  of 
Chastelherault.  His  eldest  son,  the  Earl  of  Arran,  who  com- 
manded the  Scots  guard  in  France,  had  embraced  the  principles 
of  the  Reformation.  Understanding  that  the  French  court, 
which  was  entirely  under  the  direction  of  the  princes  of  Lor- 
rain,  intended  to  throw  him  into  prison,  he  secretly  retired  to 
Geneva,  from  which  he  was  conveyed  to  London  by  the  assis- 
tance of  Elizabeth's  ministers.  In  the  month  of  August  he 
came  to  his  father  at  Hamilton.  The  representations  of  his 
son,  joined  with  those  of  the  English  cabinet,  and  with  his  own 
jealousy  of  the  designs  of  the  queen  regent,  easily  gained  over 
the  vacillating  duke,  who  met  with  the  lords  of  the  Congrega- 
tion, and  subscribed  their  bond  of  confederation.! 

Our  Reformer  was  now  called  to  take  a  share  in  a  very  deli- 
cate and  important  measure.  When  they  first  had  recourse  to 
arms  in  their  own  defence,  the  lords  of  the  Congregation  had 
no  intention  of  making  any  alteration  in  the  government,  or 
of  assuming  the  exercise  of  the  supreme  authority.  +  Even 
after  they  had  adopted  a  more  regular  and  permanent  system  of 
resistance  to  the  measures  of  the  queen  regent,  they  continued 
to  recognise  the  station  which  she  held,  presented  petitions  to  her, 
and  listened  respectfully  to  the  proposals  which  she  made  for 
removing  the  grounds  of  variance.  But  finding  that  she  was 
fully  bent  upon  the  execution  of  her  plan  for  subverting  the 

*  "  In  twenty-four  hours,  I  have  not  four  free  to  natural  rest,  and  easce 
of  this  wicked  carcass.  Remember  my  last  request  for  my  mother,  and  say 
to  Mr.  George  (Sir  George  Bowes,  his  brother-in-law,)  that  I  have  need  of  a 
good  and  an  assured  horse ;  for  great  watch  is  laid  for  my  apprehension,  and 

large  money  promised  till  any  that  shall  kyll  me. And  this  part  of  my 

care  now  poured  in  your  bosom,  I  cease  farther  to  trouble  you,  being  trou- 
bled myself  in  body  and  spirit,  for  the  troubles  that  be  present,  and  appear 
to  grow.  At  mydnicht. 

"  Many  things  I  have  to  writ,  which  now  tym  suffereth  not,  but  after,  if  ye 
mak  haste  with  this  messinger,  ye  shall  undirstand  more  R  ryt 

I  write  with  sleaping  eis."    Knox's  letter  to  Raylton,  23d  October, 

1559.  Keith,  Append.  38.     Sadler,  i.  681,  682. 

This  letter,  written  with  the  Reformer's  own  hand,  is  in  the  British 
Museum.  Cotton  MS.  Calig.  B.  ix.  f.  38.  The  conclusion  of  the  letter, 
which  is  here  printed  in  imitation  ^f  the  original,  is  very  descriptive  of  the 
state  of  the  writer  at  the  time.  It  also  appears  from  this  letter,  that,  amidst 
his  other  employments,  he  had  already  begun,  and  made  considerable  pro- 
gress in  his  History  of  the  Reformation. 

t  Forbes,  i.  117, 144,  163,  166.     Sadler,  i.  404,  417,  447. 
See  Note  LL. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  187 

national  liberties,  and  that  her  official  situation  gave  her  great 
advantages  in  carrying  on  this  design,  they  began  to  deliberate 
upon  the  propriety  of  adopting  a  different  line  of  conduct. 
Their  sovereigns  were  minors,  in  a  foreign  country,  and  under 
the  management  of  persons  to  whose  influence  the  evils  of 
which  they  complained  were  principally  to  be  ascribed.  The 
queen  dowager  held  the  regency  by  the  authority  of  parliament ; 
and  might  she  not  be  deprived  of  it  by  the  same  authority  ? 
In  the  present  state  of  the  country,  it  was  impossible  for  a  free 
and  regular  parliament  to  meet;  but  the  majority  of  the  nation 
had  declared  their  dissatisfaction  with  her  administration;  and 
was  it  not  competent  for  them  to  provide  for  the  public  safety, 
which  was  exposed  to  such  imminent  danger?  These  were 
the  questions  which  formed  the  topic  of  frequent  conversation 
at  this  time. 

After  much  deliberation,  a  numerous  assembly,  consisting 
of  nobles,  barons,  and  representatives  of  boroughs,  met  at 
Edinburgh,  on  the  21st  of  October  1559,  to  bring  this  important 
point  to  a  solemn  issue.  To  this  assembly  Knox  and  Willock 
were  called ;  and  the  question  being  stated  to  them,  they  were 
required  to  deliver  their  opinions  as  to  the  lawfulness  of  the 
proposed  measure.  Willock,  who  then  officiated  as  minister 
of  Edinburgh,  being  first  asked,  declared  it  to  be  his  judgment, 
founded  on  reason  and  Scripture,  that  the  power  of  rulers  was 
limited ;  that  they  might  be  deprived  of  it  upon  valid  grounds ; 
and  that  the  queen  regent  having,  by  fortifying  Leith,  and  in- 
troducing foreign  troops  into  the  country,  evinced  a  fixed  de- 
termination to  oppress  and  enslave  the  kingdom,  might  justly 
be  divested  of  her  authority,  by  the  nobles  and  barons,  as  na- 
tive counsellors  of  the  realm,  whose  petitions  and  remonstran- 
ces she  had  repeatedly  rejected.  Knox  assented  to  the  opinion 
delivered  by  his  brother,  and  added,  that  the  assembly  might, 
with  safe  consciences,  act  upon  it,  provided  they  attended  to 
the  three  following  things: — First,  that  they  did  not  suffer  the 
misconduct  of  the  queen  regent  to  alienate  their  affections  from 
due  allegiance  to  their  sovereigns,  Francis  and  Mary ;  second, 
that  they  were  not  actuated  in  the  measure  by  private  hatred 
or  envy  of  the  queen  dowager,  but  by  regard  to  the  safety  of 
the  commonwealth ;  and,  third,  that  any  sentence  which  they 
might  at  this  time  pronounce,  should  not  preclude  her  re-admis- 
sion to  office,  if  she  afterwards  discovered  sorrow  for  her  con- 
duct, and  a  disposition  to  submit  to  the  advice  of  the  estates 
of  the  nation.  After  this,  the  whole  assembly,  having  several- 
ly delivered  their  opinions,  did,  by  a  solemn  deed,  suspend  the 
queen  dowager  from  her  authority  as  regent  of  the  kingdom, 
until  the  meeting  of  a  free  parliament  ;*  and,  at  the  same  time, 

*  Dr.  Robertson  says,  "It  was  the  work  but  of  one  day  to  examine  and 


188  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

elected  a  council  for  the  management  of  public  affairs  during 
this  interval.*  When  the  council  had  occasion  to  treat  of  mat- 
ters connected  with  religion,  four  of  the  ministers  were  appoint- 
ed to  assist  in  their  deliberations.  These  were  Knox,  Willock, 
Goodman,  and  Alexander  Gordon,  Bishop  of  Galloway,  who 
had  embraced  the  Reformation.! 

It  has  been  alleged  by  some  writers,  that  the  question  respect- 
ing the  suspension  of  the  queen  regent  was  altogether  incompetent 
for  ministers  of  the  gospel  to  determine,  and  that  Knox  and 
Willock, by  the  advice  which  they  gave  on  this  occasion,  exposed 
themselves  unnecessarily  to  odium.J  But  it  is  not  easy  to  see 
how  they  could  have  been  excused  in  refusing  to  deliver  their 
opinion,  when  required  by  those  who  had  submitted  to  their 
ministry,  upon  a  measure  which  involved  a  case  of  conscience,  as 
well  as  a  question  of  law  and  political  right.  The  advice  which 
was  actually  given  and  followed  is  a  matter  of  greater  conse- 
quence, than  the  quarter  from  which  it  came.  As  this  rests 
upon  principles  very  different  from  those  which  produced  resis- 
tance to  princes,  and  limitation  on  their  authority,  under  feudal 
governments,  and  as  our  Reformer  has  been  the  object  of  much 
animadversion  for  inculcating  these  principles,  I  shall  embrace 
the  present,  opportunity  to  offer  a  few  remarks  on  this  interest- 
ing subject. 

Among  the  various  causes  which  affected  the  general  state  of 
society  and  government  in  Europe,  during  the  middle  ages,  the 
influence  of  religion  cannot  be  overlooked.  Debased  by  igno- 
rance, and  fettered  by  superstition,  the  minds  of  men  were  pre- 
pared to  acquiesce  without  examination  in  the  claims  of  authority, 
and  tamely  to  submit  to  every  yoke.  In  whatever  light  we  view 
Popery,  the  genius  of  that  singular  system  of  religion  will  be  found 
to  be  adverse  to  liberty.  The  court  of  Rome,  while  it  aimed 
directly  at  the  establishment  of  a  spiritual  despotism  in  the  hands 
of  ecclesiastics,  contributed  to  rivet  the  chains  of  political  servitude 
upon  the  people.  In  return  for  the  support  which  princes  yielded 
to  its  arrogant  claims,  it  was  content  to  invest  them  with  an 
absolute  authority  over  the  bodies  of  their  subjects.  By  the 
priestly  unction,  performed  at  the  coronation  of  kings  in  the 
name  of  the  holy  see,  a  sacred  character  was  understood  to  be 

resolve  this  nice  problem,  concerning  the  behaviour  of  subjects  towards  a 
ruler  who  abuses  his  power."  But  it  may  be  observed,  that  this  was  the 
formal  determination  of  the  question.  It  had  been  discussed  among  the 
Protestants  frequently  before  this  meeting,  and,  as  early  as  the  beginning  of 
September,  they  were  nearly  unanimous  about  it.  Sadler,  i.  433.  It  should 
also  be  noticed,  that  the  queen  regent  was  only  suspended  from,  not  abso- 
lutely "deprived  of,"  her  office. 

*  Knox,  182— 1H7.  t  Sadler,  i.  510,  511.  \  Spotswood,  p.  137. 

Keith,  p.  104. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  189 

imparted,  which  raised  them  to  a  superiority  over  their  nobility 
which  they  did  not  possess  according  to  feudal  ideas,  rendered 
their  persons  inviolable,  and  their  office  divine.  Although  the 
sovereign  pontiffs  claimed,  and  on  different  occasions  exercised, 
the  power  of  dethroning  kings,  and  of  absolving  subjects  from 
their  allegiance  ;  yet  any  attempt  of  this  kind,  when  it  proceeded 
from  the  people  themselves,  was  denounced  as  a  crime  deserving 
the  severest  punishment  in  this  world,  and  damnation  in  the  next. 
Hence  sprung  the  doctrine  of  the  divine  right  of  kings  to  rule 
independently  of  their  people,  and  of  passive  obedience  and  non- 
resistance  to  their  will ;  under  the  sanction  of  which  they  were 
encouraged  to  sport  with  the  lives  and  happiness  of  their  subjects, 
and  to  indulge  in  the  most  tyrannical  and  wanton  acts  of  oppres- 
sion, without  the  dread  of  resistance,  or  of  being  called  to  an 
account  by  any  power  on  earth.  Even  in  countries  where  the 
people  were  understood  to  enjoy  certain  political  privileges,  trans- 
mitted from  remote  ages,  or  wrested  from  their  princes  on  some 
favourable  occasions,  these  principles  were  generally  prevalent ; 
and,  availing  himself  of  them,  it  was  easy  for  an  ambitious  and 
powerful  monarch  to  violate  the  rights  of  the  people  with  impu- 
nity, and  upon  a  constitution,  the  forms  of  which  were  friendly  to 
popular  liberty,  to  establish  an  administration  completely  arbi- 
trary and  despotic. 

The  contest  between  papal  sovereignty  and  the  authority  of 
general  councils,  which  was  carried  on  during  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury, elicited  some  of  the  essential  principles  of  liberty,  which 
were  afterwards  applied  to  political  government.  The  revival  of 
learning,  by  unfolding  the  principles  of  legislation  and  modes  of 
government  in  the  republics  of  ancient  Greece  and  Rome,  gra- 
dually led  to  more  liberal  notions  on  this  subject.  But  these 
were  confined  to  a  few,  and  had  no  influence  upon  the  general 
state  of  society.  The  spirit  infused  by  philosophy  and  literature 
is  too  feeble  and  contracted  to  produce  a  radical  reform  of  esta- 
blished abuses ;  and  learned  men,  proud  of  their  own  superior 
illumination,  and  satisfied  with  the  liberty  of  indulging  their 
speculations,  have  generally  been  too  indifferent  or  too  timid  to 
attempt  the  improvement  of  the  multitude.  It  is  to  the  religious 
spirit  excited  during  the  sixteenth  century,  which  spread  rapidly 
through  Europe,  and  diffused  itself  among  all  classes  of  men,  that 
we  are  chiefly  indebted  for  the  propagation  of  the  genuine  prin- 
ciples of  rational  liberty,  and  the  consequent  amelioration  of 
government. 

Civil  and  ecclesiastical  tyranny  were  so  closely  combined,  that 
it  was  impossible  for  men  to  emancipate  themselves  from  the 
latter  without  throwing  off  the  former;  and  from  arguments 
which  established  their  religious  rights,  the  transition  was  easy, 
and  almost  unavoidable,  to  disquisitions  about  their  civil  privi- 


190  LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX. 

leges.  In  those  kingdoms  in  which  the  rulers  threw  off  the 
Roman  yoke,  and  introduced  the  Reformation  by  their  authority, 
the  influence  was  more  imperceptible  and  slow ;  and  in  some  of 
them,  as  in  England,  the  power  taken  from  the  ecclesiastical  was 
thrown  into  the  regal  scale,  which  proved  so  far  prejudicial  to 
popular  liberty.  But  where  the  Reformation  was  embraced  by 
the  great  body  of  a  nation,  while  the  ruling  powers  continued  to 
oppose  it,  the  effect  was  visible  and  immediate.  The  interested 
and  obstinate  support  which  rulers  gave  to  the  old  system  of  er- 
ror and  ecclesiastical  tyranny,  and  their  cruel  persecution  of  all 
who  favoured  the  new  opinions,  drove  their  subjects  to  inquire 
into  the  just  limits  of  authority  and  obedience.  Their  judgments 
once  informed  as  to  the  rights  to  which  they  were  entitled,  and 
their  consciences  satisfied  respecting  the  means  which  they  might 
employ  to  acquire  them,  the  immense  importance  of  the  imme- 
diate object  in  view,  their  emancipation  from  religious  bondage, 
and  the  salvation  of  themselves  and  their  posterity,  impelled  them 
to  make  the  attempt  with  an  enthusiasm  and  perseverance  which 
the  mere  love  of  civil  liberty  could  not  have  inspired. 

In  effecting  that  memorable  revolution,  which  terminated  in 
favour  of  religious  and  political  liberty  in  so  many  nations  of 
Europe,  the  public  teachers  of  the  Protestant  doctrine  had  a 
principal  influence.  By  their  instructions  and  exhortations,  they 
roused  the  people  to  consider  their  rights  and  exert  their  power  ; 
they  stimulated  timid  and  wary  politicians ;  they  encouraged  and 
animated  princes,  nobles,  and  confederated  states,  with  their  ar- 
mies, against  the  most  formidable  opposition,  and  under  the  most 
overwhelming  difficulties,  until  their  exertions  were  ultimately 
crowned  with  success.  These  facts  are  now  admitted,  and  this 
honour  has  at  last,  through  the  force  of  truth,  been  conceded  to 
the  religious  leaders  of  the  Protestant  Reformation,  by  philoso- 
phical writers,  who  had  too  long  branded  them  as  ignorant  and 
fanatical.* 

Our  Reformer  had  caught  a  large  portion  of  the  spirit  of  civil 
liberty.  We  have  already  adverted  to  the  circumstance  in  his 
education  which  directed  his  attention,  at  an  early  period,  to 
some  of  its  principles.!  His  subsequent  studies  introduced  him 
to  an  acquaintance  with  the  maxims  and  modes  of  government 
in  the  free  states  of  antiquity ;  and  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose 
that  his  intercourse  with  the  republics  of  Switzerland  and  Geneva 
had  some  influence  on  his  political  creed.  Having  formed  his 
sentiments  independently  of  the  prejudices  arising  from  estab- 
lished laws,  long  usage,  and  commonly  received  opinions,  his 
zeal  and  intrepidity  prompted  him  to  avow  and  propagate  them, 

*  Viller's  Essay  on  the  Spirit  and  Influence  of  the  Reformation  of  Lu- 
ther, Mill's  Translation,  pp.  183, 186,  321, 327.  f  See  above,  pp.  20—21. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  191 

when  others,  less  sanguine  and  resolute,  would  have  been  re- 
strained by  fear,  or  by  despair  of  success.*  Extensive  observa- 
tion had  convinced  him  of  the  glaring  perversion  of  government 
in  the  European  kingdoms  ;  but  his  principles  led  him  to  desire 
their  reform,  not  their  subversion.  His  admiration  of  the  polity 
of  republics,  ancient  or  modern,  was  not  so  great  or  indiscrimi- 
nate as  to  prevent  him  from  separating  the  essential  principles 
of  equity  and  freedom  which  they  contained,  from  others  which 
were  incompatible  with  monarchy.  He  was  perfectly  sensible  of 
the  necessity  of  regular  government  to  the  maintenance  of  justice 
and  order,  and  aware  of  the  danger  of  setting  men  loose  from  its 
salutary  control.  And  he  uniformly  inculcated  a  conscientious 
obedience  to  the  lawful  commands  of  rulers,  and  respect  to  their 
persons  as  well  as  to  their  authority,  even  when  they  were  charge- 
able with  various  mismanagements,  so  long  as  they  did  not  break 
through  all  the  restraints  of  law  and  justice,  and  cease  to  perform 
the  great  and  fundamental  duties  of  their  office. 

But  he  held  that  rulers,  supreme  as  well  as  subordinate,  were 
invested  with  authority  for  the  public  good  ;  that  obedience  was 
not  due  to  them  in  any  thing  contrary  to  the  divine  law,  natural 
or  revealed;  that,  in  every  free  and  well-constituted  government, 
the  law  of  the  land  was  superior  to  the  will  of  the  prince ;  that 
inferior  magistrates  and  subjects  might  restrain  the  supreme 
magistrate  from  particular  illegal  acts,  without  throwing  off  their 
allegiance,  or  being  guilty  of  rebellion ;  that  no  class  of  men  have 
an  original,  inherent,  and  indefeasible  right  to  rule  over  a  people, 
independently  of  their  will  and  consent ;  that  every  nation  is  en- 
titled to  provide  and  require  that  they  shall  be  ruled  by  laws 
which  are  agreeable  to  the  divine  law,  and  calculated  to  promote 
their  welfare  ;  that  there  is  a  mutual  compact,  tacit  and  implied, 
if  not  formal  and  explicit,  between  rulers  and  their  subjects;  and 
if  the  former  shall  flagrantly  violate  this,  employ  that  power  for 
the  destruction  of  the  commonwealth  which  was  committed  to 
them  for  its  preservation  and  benefit,  or,  in  one  word,  if  they 
shall  become  habitual  tyrants  and  notorious  oppressors,  that  the 
people  are  absolved  from  allegiance,  and  have  a  right  to  resist 
them,  formally  to  depose  them  from  their  place,  and  to  elect 
others  in  their  room. 

The  real  power  of  the  Scottish  kings  was,  indeed,  always  li- 
mited, and  there  are  in  our  history,  previous  to  the  era  of  the 
Reformation,  many  instances  of  resistance  to  their  authority. 
But,  though  these  were  pleaded  as  precedents  on  this  occasion, 
it  must  be  confessed  that  we  cannot  trace  them  to  the  principles 

*  "  I  prais  my  God,"  said  he,  "  I  have  not  learned  to  cry  conjuration  and 
treasoun  at  every  thing  that  the  godles  multitude  does  condemn,  neither  yet 
to  fear  the  things  that  they  fear."  Conference  with  Murray  and  JVIaitland. 
Historic,  p.  339. 


192  LIFE   OF  JOHN   KNOX. 

of  genuine  liberty.  They  were  the  effects  of  sudden  resentment 
on  account  of  some  extraordinary  act  of  maladministration,  or 
of  the  ambition  of  some  powerful  baron,  or  of  the  jealousy  with 
which  the  feudal  aristocracy  watched  over  the  privileges  of 
their  own  order.  The  people  who  followed  the  standards  of 
their  chiefs  had  little  interest  in  the  struggle,  and  derived  no 
benefit  from  the  limitations  which  were  imposed  upon  the 
sovereign.  But,  at  this  time,  more  just  and  enlarged  sentiments 
were  diffused  through  the  nation,  and  the  idea  of  a  common- 
wealth, including  the  mass  of  the  people,  as  well  as  the  privi- 
leged orders,  began  to  be  entertained.  Our  Reformer,  whose 
notions  of  hereditary  right,  whether  in  kings  or  nobles,  were 
not  exalted,  studied  to  repress  the  insolence  and  oppression  of 
the  nobility.  He  reminded  them  of  the  original  equality  of 
men,  and  the  ends  for  which  some  were  raised  above  others ; 
and  he  taught  the  people  that  they  had  rights  to  preserve,  as 
well  as  duties  to  perform.  With  respect  to  female  government, 
he  never  moved  any  question  among  his  countrymen,  nor 
attempted  to  gain  proselytes  to  his  opinion.  * 

Such,  in  substance,  were  the  political  sentiments  which  were 
inculcated  by  our  Reformer,  and  which  were  more  than  once 
acted  upon  in  Scotland  during  his  lifetime.  That  in  an  age 
when  the  principles  of  political  liberty  were  only  beginning  to 
be  understood,  such  sentiments  should  have  been  regarded  with 
a  suspicious  eye  by  some  of  the  learned  who  had  not  yet  thrown 
off  common  prejudices,  and  that  they  should  have  exposed 
those  who  maintained  them  to  a  charge  of  treason  from  despoti- 
cal  rulers  and  their  numerous  satellites,  is  far  from  being  matter 
of  wonder.  But  it  must  excite  both  surprise  and  indignation,  to 
find  writers  in  the  present  enlightened  age,  and  under  the  sun- 
shine of  British  liberty  (if  our  sun  is  not  fast  going  down),  ex- 
pressing their  abhorrence  of  these  principles,  and  exhausting 
upon  their  authors  all  the  invective  and  virulence  of  the  former 
anti-monarchomachi,  and  advocates  of  passive  obedience.  They 
are  essentially  the  principles  upon  which  the  free  constitution 
of  Britain  rests  ;  and  the  most  obnoxious  of  them  were  reduced 
to  practice  at  the  memorable  era  of  the  Revolution,  when  the 
necessity  of  employing  them  was  not  more  urgent  or  unques- 
tionable, than  it  was  at  the  suspension  of  the  Queen  Regent  of 
Scotland,  and  the  subsequent  deposition  of  her  daughter. 

I  have  said  essentially  :  for  I  would  not  be  understood 
as  meaning  to  say,  that  every  proposition  advanced  by  Knox, 
on  this  subject,  is  expressed  in  the  most  guarded  and  unexcep- 
tionable manner,  or  that  all  the  cases  in  which  he  was  led  to 
vindicate  forcible  resistance  to  rulers,  were  such  as  rendered  it 

*  The  authorities  for  this  statement  of  Knox's  political  opinions  will  be 
found  in  Note  MM. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  193 

necessary,  and  as  may  be  pleaded  as  precedents  in  modern 
times.  The  political  doctrines  maintained  at  that  period  re- 
ceived a  tincture  from  the  spirit  of  the  age,  and  were  accommo- 
dated to  a  state  of  society  and  government  comparatively  rude 
and  unsettled.  The  checks  which  have  since  been  introduced 
into  the  constitution,  and  the  influence  which  public  opinion, 
expressed  by  the  organ  of  a  free  press,  has  upon  the  conduct  of 
rulers,  are  sufficient,  in  ordinary  cases,  to  restrain  dangerous 
encroachments,  or  to  afford  the  means  of  correcting  them  in  a 
peaceable  way ;  and  have  thus  happily  superseded  the  necess- 
ity of  having  recourse  to  those  desperate  but  decisive  remedies 
which  were  formerly  applied  by  an  oppressed  and  indignant 
people.  But  if  ever  the  time  come  when  these  principles  shall 
be  generally  abjured  or  forgotten,  the  extinction  of  the  boasted 
liberty  of  Britain  will  not  be  far  off. 

There  are  objections  against  our  Reformer's  political  princi- 
ples which  demand  consideration,  from  the  authority  to  which 
they  appeal,  and  the  influence  which  they  may  have  on  pious 
minds.  "  The  doctrine  of  resistance  to  civil  rulers,"  it  is 
alleged,  "  is  repugnant  to  the  express  directions  of  the  New 
Testament,  which  repeatedly  enjoin  Christians  to  be  subject  to 
<  the  powers  that  be,'  and  denounce  damnation  against  such  as 
disobey  or  resist  them  on  any  pretext  whatever.  With  the 
literal  and  strict  import  of  these  precepts  the  example  of  the 
primitive  Christians  agreed ;  for,  even  after  they  became  very 
numerous,  so  as  to  be  capable  of  opposing  the  government 
under  which  they  lived,  they  never  attempted  to  shake  off  the 
authority  of  the  Roman  emperors,  or  to  employ  force  to  protect 
themselves  from  the  tyranny  and  persecutions  to  which  they 
were  exposed.  Besides,  granting  that  it  is  lawful  for  subjects 
to  vindicate  their  civil  rights  and  privileges  by  resisting  arbi- 
trary rulers,  to  have  recourse  to  forcible  measures  for  promoting 
Christianity  is  diametrically  opposite  to  the  genius  of  that  reli- 
gion, which  was  propagated  at  first,  and  is  still  to  be  defended, 
not  by  arms  and  violence,  but  by  teaching  and  suffering." 

These  objections  are  more  specious  than  solid.  The  direc- 
tions and  precepts  on  this  subject,  which  are  contained  in  the 
New  Testament,  must  not  be  stretched  beyond  their  evident 
scope  and  proper  import.  They  do  not  give  greater  power  to 
magistrates  than  they  formerly  possessed,  nor  do  they  supersede 
any  of  the  rights  or  privileges  to  which  subjects  were  entitled 
by  the  common  law  of  nature,  or  by  the  particular  statutes  of 
any  country.  The  New  Testament  does  not  give  directions  to 
communities  respecting  the  original  formation  or  subsequent 
improvement  of  their  civil  constitutions,  nor  prescribe  the 
course  which  ought  to  be  pursued  in  certain  extraordinary 
cases,  when  rulers  abuse  the  power  with  which  they  are  in- 
17  Z 


194  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

vested,  and  convert  their  legitimate  authority  into  an  engine  of 
despotism  and  oppression.*  It  supposes  magistrates  to  be 
acting  within  the  proper  line  of  their  office,  and  discharging  its 
duties  to  the  advantage  of  the  society  over  which  they  are 
placed.  And  it  teaches  Christians,  that  the  liberty  which  Christ 
purchased,  and  to  the  enjoyment  of  which  they  are  called  by 
the  gospel,  does  not  exempt  them  from  subjection  and  obedi- 
ence to  civil  authority,  which  is  a  divine  ordinance  for  the  good 
of  mankind ;  that  they  are  bound  to  obey  existing  rulers, 
although  they  should  be  of  a  different  religion  from  themselves ; 
and  that  Christianity,  so  far  from  setting  them  free  from  obliga- 
tions to  this  or  any  other  relative  duty,  strengthens  these  obli- 
gations, and  requires  them  to  discharge  their  duties  for  con- 
science' sake,  with  fidelity,  cheerfulness,  patience,  long-suffer- 
ing, and  singleness  of  heart.  Viewed  in  this  light,  nothing  can 
be  more  reasonable  in  its  own  nature,  or  more  honourable  to 
the  gospel,  than  the  directions  which  it  gives  on  this  subject ; 
and  we  must  perceive  a  peculiar  propriety  in  the  frequency  and 
earnestness  with  which  they  are  urged,  when  we  consider  the 
danger  in  which  the  primitive  Christians  were  of  supposing 
that  they  were  liberated  from  the  ordinary  restraints  of  the  rest 
of  mankind.  But  if  we  shall  go  beyond  this,  and  assert  that 
the  Scriptures  have  prohibited  resistance  to  rulers  in  every  case, 
and  that  the  great  body  of  a  nation  consisting  of  Christians,  in 
attempting  to  curb  the  fury  of  their  rulers,  or  to  deprive  them 
of  the  power  which  they  have  grossly  abused,  are  guilty  of  that 
crime  against  which  the  apostle  denounces  damnation,  we 
represent  the  beneficent  religion  of  Jesus  as  sanctioning 
despotism,  and  entailing  all  the  evils  of  political  bondage  upon 
mankind ;  and  we  tread  in  the  steps  of  those  enemies  to  Christ- 
ianity, who,  under  the  colour  of  paying  a  compliment  to  its 
pacific,  submissive,  tolerant,  and  self-denying  maxims,  have 
represented  it  as  calculated  to  produce  a  passive,  servile  spirit, 
and  to  extinguish  courage,  patriotism,  the  love  of  civil  liberty, 
the  desire  of  self-preservation,  and  every  kind  of  disposition  to 
repel  injuries,  or  to  obtain  the  redress  of  the  most  intolerable 
grievances. 

*  "Concedit  autem,"  says  Melancthon,  "  evangelium  uti  legibus  politi- 
cis  cum  ratione  congruentibus.  Imo  si  talis  defensio  non  esset  concessa, 
transformaretur  evangelium  in  doctrinam  politicam,  et  stabiliret  infinitam 
tyrannidem."  Comment,  in  Prov.  xxiv.  21,  22.  And  again,  "Non  consti- 
tuit  evangelium  novas  politias,  quare  nee  infinitam  servitutem  prsBcepit."  2. 
Artie.  Symbol.  Nicen.  sub  quaestione,  Utrum  armis  reprimendi  sunt  tyr- 
anni  ?  This  argument  influenced  Luther  to  retract  the  unlimited  con- 
demnation of  resistance  which  he  had  formerly  published,  and  to  approve  of 
the  League  of  Smalcald.  Sleidan,  Comment,  lib.  8.  Dean  Milner  has 
overlooked  this  fact  in  his  statement  of  the  political  principles  of  that  Re- 
former. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  195 

The  example  of  the  primitive  Christians  is  not  binding  upon 
others  any  farther  than  it  is  conformable  to  the  Scriptures  ;  and 
the  circumstances  in  which  they  were  placed  were  totally  differ- 
ent from  those  of  the  Protestants  in  Scotland,  and  in  other 
countries,  at  the  time  of  the  Reformation.  The  fathers  often 
indulge  in  oratorical  exaggerations  when  speaking  of  the  num- 
bers of  the  Christians ;  nor  is  there  any  satisfactory  evidence 
that  they  ever  approached  near  to  a  majority  of  the  Roman 
empire,  during  the  time  that  they  were  exposed  to  persecution. 

«  If  thou  mayest  be  made  free,  use  it  rather,"  says  the  Apos- 
tle ;  a  maxim  which  is  applicable,  by  just  analogy,  to  political 
as  well  as  domestic  freedom.  The  Christian  religion  natively 
tends  to  cherish  and  diffuse  a  spirit  favourable  to  civil  liberty, 
and  this,  in  its  turn,  has  the  most  happy  influence  upon  Christ- 
ianity, which  never  flourished  extensively,  and  for  a  long  peri- 
od, in  any  country  where  despotism  prevailed.  It  must  there- 
fore be  the  duty  of  every  Christian  to  exert  himself  for  the 
acquisition  and  defence  of  this  invaluable  blessing.  Christiani- 
ty ought  not  to  be  propagated  by  force  of  arms ;  but  the  ex- 
ternal liberty  of  professing  it  may  be  vindicated  in  that  way 
both  against  foreign  invaders  and  against  domestic  tyrants. 
If  the  free  exercise  of  their  religion,  or  their  right  to  remove 
religious  abuses,  enter  into  the  grounds  of  the  struggle  which 
a  nation  maintains  against  oppressive  rulers,  the  cause  becomes 
of  vastly  more  importance,  its  justice  is  more  unquestionable, 
and  it  is  still  more  worthy,  not  only  of  their  prayers  and  peti- 
tions, but  of  their  blood  and  treasure,  than  if  it  had  been  main- 
tained solely  for  the  purpose  of  securing  their  fortunes,  or  of 
acquiring  some  mere  worldly  privilege.  And  to  those  whose 
minds  are  not  warped  by  prejudice,  and  who  do  not  labour  un- 
der a  confusion  of  ideas  on  the  subject,  it  must  surely  appear 
paradoxical  to  assert,  that,  while  God  has  granted  to  subjects  a 
right  to  take  the  sword  of  just  defence  for  securing  objects  of 
a  temporary  and  inferior  nature,  he  has  prohibited  them  from 
using  this  remedy,  and  left  them  at  the  mercy  of  every  lawless 
despot,  with  respect  to  a  concern  the  most  important  of  all, 
whether  it  be  viewed  as  relating  to  his  own  honour,  or  to  the 
welfare  of  mankind. 

Those  who  judge  of  the  propriety  of  any  measure  from  the 
success  with  which  it  is  accompanied,  will  be  disposed  to  con- 
demn the  suspension  of  the  queen  regent.  Soon  after  this  step 
was  taken,  the  affairs  of  the  Congregation  began  to  wear  a 
gloomy  aspect.  The  messenger  whom  they  sent  to  Berwick 
to  receive  a  remittance  from  the  English  court  was  intercepted 
on  his  return,  and  rifled  of  the  treasure  ;  their  soldiers  mutinied 
for  want  of  pay ;  they  were  repulsed  in  a  premature  assault 


196  LIFE    OF  JOHN   KNOX. 

upon  the  fortifications  of  Leith,  and  worsted  in  a  skirmish  with 
the  French  troops ;  the  secret  emissaries  of  the  regent  were 
too  successful  among  them;  their  numbers  daily  decreased; 
and  the  remainder,  disunited,  dispirited,  and  dismayed,  came 
to  the  resolution  of  abandoning  Edinburgh  on  the  evening  of 
the  5th  of  November,  and  retreated  with  precipitation  and 
disgrace  to  Stirling. 

Amidst  the  universal  dejection  produced  by  these  disasters, 
the  spirit  of  Knox  remained  unsubdued.  On  the  day  after 
their  arrival  at  Stirling,  he  mounted  the  pulpit,  and  delivered  a 
discourse,  which  had  a  wonderful  effect  in  rekindling  the  zeal 
and  courage  of  the  Congregation.  Their  faces  (he  said)  were 
confounded,  their  enemies  triumphed,  their  hearts  had  quaked 
for  fear,  and  still  remained  oppressed  with  sorrow  and  shame. 
Why  had  God  thus  dejected  them?  The  situation  of  their 
affairs  required  plain  language,  and  he  would  use  it.  In  the 
present  distressed  state  of  their  minds,  they  were  in  danger  of 
attributing  these  misfortunes  to  a  wrong  cause,  and  of  imagin- 
ing that  they  had  offended  in  taking  the  sword  of  self-defence 
into  their  hands ;  just  as  the  tribes  of  Israel  did,  when  twice 
discomfited  in  the  war  which  they  undertook,  by  divine  direc- 
tion, against  their  brethren  the  Benjamites.  Having  divided 
the  Congregation  into  two  classes,  those  who  had  been  embark- 
ed in  this  cause  from  the  beginning,  and  those  who  had  lately 
acceded  to  it,  he  proceeded  to  point  out  what  he  considered  as 
blamable  in  the  conduct  of  each.  The  former  (he  said)  had 
laid  aside  that  humility  and  dependence  upon  Divine  Provi- 
dence which  they  had  discovered  when  their  number  was 
small;  and,  since  they  were  joined  by  the  Hamiltons,  had 
become  elated,  secure,  and  self-confident.  "  But  wherein  had 
my  lord  duke  and  his  friends  offended  ?  I  am  uncertain  if  my 
lord's  grace  has  unfeignedly  repented  of  his  assistance  to  these 
murderers,  unjustly  pursuing  us.  Yea,  I  am  uncertain  if  he 
has  repented  of  that  innocent  blood  of  Christ's  blessed  martyrs, 
which  was  shed  in  his  default.  But  let  it  be  that  so  he  has 
done  (as  I  hear  that  he  has  confessed  his  fault  before  the  lords 
and  brethren  of  the  Congregation) ;  yet  I  am  assured  that 
neither  he,  nor  yet  his  friends,  did  feel  before  this  time  the 
anguish  and  grief  of  heart  which  we  felt,  when  in  their  blind 
fury  they  pursued  us.  And  therefore  God  hath  justly  permit- 
ted both  them  and  us  to  fall  in  this  fearful  confusion  at  once, — 
us,  for  that  we  put  our  trust  and  confidence  in  man,  and  them, 
because  they  should  feel  in  their  own  hearts  how  bitter  was  the 
cup  which  they  made  others  drink  before  them."  After  exhort- 
ing all  to  amendment  of  life,  to  prayers,  and  works  of  charity, 
he  concluded  with  an  animating  address: — "God,"  he  said, 
"  often  suffered  the  wicked  to  triumph  for  a  while,  and  ex- 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  197 

posed  his  chosen  congregation  to  mockery,  dangers,  and  appa- 
rent destruction,  in  order  to  abase  their  self-confidence,  and  in- 
duce them  to  look  to  himself  for  deliverance  and  victory.  If 
they  turned  unfeignedly  to  the  Eternal,  he  no  more  doubted 
that  their  present  distress  would  be  converted  into  joy,  and 
followed  by  success,  than  he  doubted  that  Israel  was  finally 
victorious  over  the  Benjamites,  after  being  twice  repulsed  with 
ignominy.  The  cause  in  which  they  were  engaged  would 
prevail  in  Scotland,  in  spite  of  all  opposition.  It  was  the  eter- 
nal truth  of  the  eternal  God  which  they  maintained ;  it  might 
be  oppressed  for  a  time,  but  would  ultimately  triumph."* 

The  audience,  who  had  entered  the  church  in  deep  despon- 
dency, left  it  with  renovated  courage.  In  the  afternoon  the 
council  met,  and,  after  prayer  by  the  Reformer,  unanimously 
agreed  to  despatch  William  Maitland  of  Lethington  to  London, 
to  supplicate  more  effectual  assistance  from  Elizabeth.  In  the 
mean  time,  as  they  were  unable  to  keep  the  field,  it  was  agreed 
that  they  should  divide,  and  that  the  one-half  of  the  council 
should  remain  at  Glasgow,  and  the  other  at  St.  Andrews. 
Knox  was  appointed  to  attend  the  latter  in  the  double  capacity 
of  preacher  and  secretary.  The  French  having  in  the  begin- 
ning of  the  year  1560,  penetrated  into  Fife,  he  encouraged  that 
small  band,  which,  under  the  Earl  of  Arran  and  the  Prior  of 
St.  Andrews,  bravely  resisted  their  progress,  until  the  appear- 
ance of  the  English  fleet  compelled  the  enemy  to  retreat  with 
precipitation.! 

The  disaster  which  obliged  the  Protestant  army  to  raise  the 
siege  of  Leith,  and  to  evacuate  Edinburgh,  turned  out  eventu- 
ally to  the  advantage  of  their  cause.  It  induced  the  English 
court  to  abandon  the  line  of  cautious  policy  which  they  had 
hitherto  pursued.  Maitland's  embassy  to  London  was  success- 
ful ;  and,  on  the  27th  of  February  1560,  Elizabeth  concluded  a 
formal  treaty  with  the  lords  of  the  Congregation,  by  which  she 
engaged  to  send  an  army  into  Scotland,  to  assist  them  in  expel- 
ling the  French  forces.  Being  informed  of  this  treaty,  the 
queen  regent  resolved  to  disperse  the  troops  which  were  collec- 
ted at  Glasgow  under  the  Duke  of  Chastelherault,  before  the 
English  army  could  arrive.  On  the  7th  of  March,  the  French, 
amounting  to  two  thousand  foot,  and  three  hundred  horse,  issued 
from  Leith,  and  proceeding  by  Linlithgow  and  Kirkintulloch, 
suddenly  appeared  before  Glasgow.  Having  reduced  the 
episcopal  castle,  they  were  preparing  to  advance  to  Hamilton, 


*  Knox  has  preserved  in  his  history  (pp.  194 — 197)  the  principal  topics 
on  which  he  insisted  in  this  sermon. 

t  Knox,  Historic,  pp.  197,  201,  215.     Spotswood,  p.  140.     MS    Historie 
of  the  estate  of  Scotland,  pp.  19—22. 

17* 


198  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

when  they  received  a  message  from  the  queen  regent,  inform- 
ing them  that  the  English  army  had  begun  its  march  into  Scot- 
land ;  upon  which  they  relinquished  their  design,  and  returned 
to  Leith,  carrying  along  with  them  a  number  of  prisoners,  and 
a  considerable  booty.*  In  the  beginning  of  April,  the 
English  army  joined  the  forces  of  the  Congregation.  The 
French  shut  themselves  up  within  the  fortifications  of  Leith, 
which  was  invested  both  by  sea  and  land ;  and  the  queen  re- 
gent, who  had  for  some  time  been  in  a  declining  state  of  health, 
was  received  by  Lord  Erskine  into  the  castle  of  Edinburgh, 
where  she  died  during  the  siege  of  Leith, 

These  proceedings  were  viewed  with  deep  interest  by  the 
court  of  France.  Henry  II.  having  died  in  July  1559,  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Francis  II.  the  husband  of  the  young  Queen  of 
Scots ;  in  consequence  of  which,  the  administration  of  aifairs  fell 
entirely  into  the  hands  of  the  Duke  of  Guise  and  the  Cardinal 
of  Lorrain.  They  employed  every  art  of  political  intrigue  to 
prevent  the  Queen  of  England  from  giving  assistance  to  the 
Scottish  Congregation,  and  to  prevail  on  her  to  desert  them, 
after  she  had  undertaken  their  protection.  Nor  were  they  al- 
together unsuccessful  in  their  attempts.  Elizabeth,  partly  from 
extreme  caution  and  parsimony,  and  partly  from  the  influence 
of  some  of  her  counsellors,  was  induced  to  listen  to  their  plausi- 
ble proposals  ;  she  delayed  the  march  of  her  army  into  Scotland, 
and  after  the  siege  of  Leith  was  commenced,  suspended  the 
military  operations,  and  engaged  in  premature  negotiations  for 
peace.  This  last  step  justly  alarmed  the  Congregation;  and 
while  they  neglected  no  means  to  persuade  the  English  court 
to  perform  the  stipulations  of  the  late  treaty,  they  prepared  for 
the  worst,  by  renewing  their  covenant  among  themselves. 

Elizabeth  at  last  listened  to  the  advice  of  her  ablest  minis- 
ters, and  resolved  to  prosecute  the  war  with  vigour.  No 
sooner  did  she  evince  this  determination  than  the  French  court 
yielded  to  all  her  demands  The  armament  which  they  had 
lately  fitted  out  at  great  expense  for  Scotland,  had  been  dis- 
persed by  a  storm ;  the  Frith  of  Forth  was  blocked  up  by  an  Eng- 
lish fleet ;  and  a  confederacy  had  been  formed  among  a  number 
of  the  nobility  in  France,  to  remove  the  princes  of  Lorrain  from 
the  administration  of  public  affairs,  and  to  free  the  Protestants 
in  that  kingdom  from  the  severe  persecutions  to  which  they 
had  hitherto  been  exposed.!  Influenced  by  these  circumstan- 

*  A  particular  account  of  this  expedition,  overlooked  in  our  common  his- 
tories, is  given  in  MS.  Historic  of  the  Estate  of  Scotland  from  1559  to  1566, 
pp.  25 — 7.  Lesley  (p.  519)  refers  to  it  obscurely.  Spots  wood  (p.  140)  and 
Keith  (p.  110)  have  confounded  it  with  a  different  expedition,  which  was 
undertaken  in  November  preceding. 

f  Those  who  wish  to  see  a  particular  account  of  the  negotiations  between 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  199 

ces,  the  French  cabinet  sent  plenipotentiaries  to  Edinburgh, 
who  concluded  a  treaty  with  England,  by  which  the  Scottish 
differences  were  also  adjusted.  By  this  treaty  it  was  provided, 
that  the  French  troops  should  immediately  be  removed  from 
Scotland ;  that  an  amnesty  should  be  granted  to  all  who  had 
been  engaged  in  the  late  resistance  to  the  queen  regent ;  that  the 
principal  grievances  of  which  they  complained  in  the  civil  ad- 
ministration should  be  redressed  ;  that  a  free  parliament  should 
be  held  to  settle  the  other  affairs  of  the  kingdom ;  and  that, 
during  the  absence  of  their  sovereigns,  the  government  should 
be  administered  by  a  council,  to  be  chosen  partly  by  Francis 
and  Mary,  and  partly  by  the  estates  of  the  nation.  The  treaty 
was  signed  on  the  7th  of  July.  On  the  1 6th,  the  French  army 
embarked  at  Leith,  and  the  English  troops  began  their  march 
into  their  own  country ;  and  on  the  1 9th,  the  Congregation  as- 
sembled in  St  Giles's  Church,  to  return  solemn  thanks  to  God 
for  the  restoration  of  peace,  and  the  success  which  had  crown- 
ed their  exertions.*  In  this  manner  terminated  the  civil  war 
which  attended  the  Scottish  Reformation,  after  it  had  continued 
for  twelve  months,  with  less  rancour  and  bloodshed  than  have 
distinguished  any  other  contest  of  a  similar  kind. 

During  the  continuance  of  the  war,  the  Protestant  preachers 
had  been  assiduous  in  disseminating  knowledge  through  all 
parts  of  the  kingdom,  and  their  success  was  equal  to  their  dili- 
gence. They  had  received  a  considerable  accession  to  their 
number  from  the  ranks  of  their  opponents.  While  we  vene- 
rate those  men  who  enlisted  under  the  banners  of  truth  when 
her  friends  were  few,  and  who  boldly  took  the  field  in  her  de- 
fence when  the  victory  was  yet  dubious  and  distant,  and  while 
we  cheerfully  award  to  them  the  highest  meed  of  honour, — let 
us  not  load  with  heavy  censure,  or  even  deprive  of  all  praise, 
such  as,  less  enlightened,  or  less  courageous,  were  tardy  in  ap- 
pearing for  the  cause.  He  who  "  knew  what  is  in  man,"  has 
taught  us  not  to  reject  such  disciples,  in  the  dawn  of  light,  and 
in  perilous  times.  Nicodemus,  who  at  first  "  came  to  Jesus  by 
night,"  and  Joseph  of  Arimathea,  who  was  his  disciple,  "  but 
secretly,  for  fear  of  the  Jews,"  afterwards  avouched  their  faith 
in  him,  and  obtained  the  honour  of  embalming  and  interring 
his  body,  when  all  his  early  followers  had  forsaken  him  and 
fled.  Several  of  the  Scottish  clergy,  who  were  favourable  to 
the  Protestant  doctrine,  had  contrived  to  retain  their  places  in 

France  and  England,  and  of  the  motives  which  influenced  both  courts 
in  their  conduct  towards  Scotland,  may  consult  the  letters  published  by  For- 
bes and  Haynes,  particularly  those  written  from  November  1559  to 
July  1560. 

*  Buchanani  Oper.  i.  313.  Knox,  229—234.  Spotswood,  pp.  147—9. 
Keith,  pp.  130—145. 


200  LIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

the  Church,  by  concealing  their  sentiments,  or  by  securing  the 
favour  of  some  powerful  patron.  Of  this  class  were  John  Win- 
ram,  subprior  of  the  abbey  of  St  Andrews,  Adam  Herriot, 
a  friar  of  that  abbey,  John  Spottiswood,  parson  of  Calder,  and 
John  Carswell,  rector  of  Kilmartine.  In  the  gradual  diffusion 
of  knowledge  through  the  nation,  the  minds  of  many  who  were 
attending  the  schools  had  been  also  enlightened ;  among  whom 
were  David  Lindsay,  Andrew  Hay,  Robert  Montgomery, 
Patrick  Adamson,  and  Robert  and  Archibald  Hamilton.  Dur- 
ing the  year  1559,  these  men  came  forward  as  auxiliaries  to 
the  first  Protestant  preachers ;  and  so  successful  were  they  in 
instructing  the  people,  that  the  French  would  have  found  it  ex- 
tremely difficult  to  support  the  ancient  superstition,  though  they 
had  proved  victorious  in  the  military  contest. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  exertions  of  the  Popish  clergy  had 
been  feeble  in  the  extreme.  Too  corrupt  to  think  of  reforming 
their  manners,  too  illiterate  to  be  capable  of  defending  their 
errors,  they  placed  their  forlorn  hope  on  the  success  of  the 
French  arms,  and  looked  forward  to  the  issue  of  the  war  as  in- 
volving the  establishment  or  the  ruin  of  their  religion.  The 
Bishop  of  Amiens,  who  came  to  Scotland  in  the  double  capac- 
ity of  ambassador  from  the  French  court  and  papal  legate,  was 
accompanied  by  three  doctors  of  the  Sorbonne,  who  gave  out 
that  they  would  confound  the  reformed  ministers,  and  bring 
back  the  people  whom  they  had  misled,  to  the  bosom  of  the 
Church,  by  the  force  of  argument  and  persuasion.  Lesley 
boasts  of  the  success  which  attended  their  exertions ;  but  there 
is  good  reason  for  thinking,  that  these  foreign  divines  confined 
themselves  to  the  easier  task  of  instructing  the  Scottish  clergy 
to  perform  the  religious  service  with  greater  solemnity,  and  to 
purify  the  churches,  in  a  canonical  manner,  from  the  pollution 
which  they  had  contracted  by  the  profane  worship  of  heretics.  * 
One  effort,  however,  was  made  by  the  Popish  clergy  to  support 
their  sinking  cause,  which,  if  it  had  succeeded,  would  have 
done  more  to  retrieve  their  reputation  than  all  the  arguments  of 
the  Sorbonnists ;  and,  as  this  was  the  last  attempt  of  the  kind 
that  ever  was  made  in  Scotland,  the  reader  may  be  gratified 
with  the  following  account  of  it : — 

In  the  neighbourhood  of  Musselburgh  was  a  chapel  dedica- 
ted to  our  Lady  of  Loretto,  the  sanctity  of  which  was  increased 
from  its  having  been  the  favourite  abode  of  the  celebrated 
Thomas  the  Hermit.  To  this  sacred  place  the  inhabitants  of 
Scotland,  from  time  immemorial,  had  repaired  in  pilgrimage,  to 
present  their  offerings  to  the  Virgin,  and  to  experience  the 

*  Lesley,  pp.  516—7.  Spotswood,  133—4.  Keith,  102.  Sadler  says,  that 
the  Bishop  of  Amiens  came  to  "  curse,  and  also  to  dispute  with  the 
Protestants,  and  to  reconcile  them,  if  it  wolbe."  State  Papers,  i.  470. 


.LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX.  201 

efficacy  of  her  prayers,  and  the  healing  virtue  of  the  wonder- 
working "  Hermit  of  Lareit."  *  In  the  course  of  the  year  1559 
public  notice  was  given  by  the  friars,  that  they  intended  to  put 
the  truth  of  their  religion  to  the  proof,  by  performing  a  miracle 
at  this  chapel  upon  a  young  man  who  had  been  born  blind. 
On  the  day  appointed,  a  vast  concourse  of  spectators  assembled 
from  all  parts  of  Lothian.  The  young  man,  accompanied  with 
a  solemn  procession  of  monks,  was  conducted  to  a  scaffold 
erected  on  the  outside  of  the  chapel,  and  was  exhibited  to  the 
multitude.  Many  of  them  knew  him  to  be  the  blind  man 
whom  they  had  often  seen  begging,  and  whose  necessities  they 
had  relieved;  all  looked  on  him,  and  pronounced  him  stone 
blind.  The  friars  then  proceeded  to  their  devotions  with  great 
fervency,  invoking  the  assistance  of  the  Virgin,  at  whose  shrine 
they  stood,  and  that  of  all  the  saints  whom  they  honoured  ;  and 
after  some  time  spent  in  prayers  and  religious  ceremonies,  the 
blind  man  opened  his  eyes,  to  the  astonishment  of  the  specta- 
tors. Having  returned  thanks  to  the  friars  and  their  saintly 
patrons  for  this  wonderful  cure,  he  was  allowed  to  go  down 
from  the  scaffold  to  gratify  the  curiosity  of  the  people,  and  to 
receive  their  alms. 

It  happened  that  there  was  among  the  crowd  a  gentleman 
of  Fife,  Robert  Colville  of  Cleish,t  who,  from  his  romantic  bra- 
very, was  usually  called  Squire  Meldrum,  in  allusion  to  a  per- 
son of  that  name  who  had  been  celebrated  by  Sir  David  Lind- 
say. He  was  of  Protestant  principles,  but  his  wife  was  a  Ro- 
man Catholic,  and,  being  pregnant  at  this  time,  had  sent  a  ser- 
vant with  a  present  to  the  chapel  of  Loretto,  to  procure  the 
assistance  of  the  Virgin  in  her  labour.  The  squire  was  too 
gallant  to  hurt  his  lady's  feelings  by  prohibiting  the  present 
from  being  sent  off,  but  he  resolved  to  prevent  the  superstitious 
offering,  and  with  that  view  had  come  to  Musselburgh.  He 
witnessed  the  miracle  of  curing  the  blind  man  with  the  distrust 
natural  to  a  Protestant,  and  determined,  if  possible,  to  detect  the 
imposition  before  he  left  the  place.  Wherefore,  having  sought 
out  the  young  man  from  the  crowd,  he  put  a  piece  of  money 
into  his  hand,  and  persuaded  him  to  accompany  him  to  his 
lodgings  in  Edinburgh.  Taking  him  into  a  private  room,  and 
locking  the  door,  he  told  him  plainly  that  he  was  convinced  he 
had  engaged  in  a  wicked  conspiracy  with  the  friars  to  impose  on 
the  credulity  of  the  people,  and  at  last  drew  from  him  the  secret 

*  The  Earl  of  Glencairn's  satirical  poem  against  the  friars  is  written  in 
the  form  of  an  epistle  from  this  hermit.  Knox,  Historic,  p.  25. 

f  He  was  the  ancestor  of  Lord  Colville  of  Ochiltree  (Douglas's  Peerage, 
p.  147),  and  was  killed  at  the  siege  of  Leith,  on  the  7th  of  May  15tiO. 
Knox,  Historic,  p.  227. 

A2 


OOC  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

of  the  story.  When  a  boy,  he  had  been  employed  to  tend  die 
cattle  belonging  to  the  nuns  of  Sciennes,  in  the  vicinity  of  Edin- 
burgh, and  had  attracted  their  attention  by  a  peculiar  faculty 
which  he  had  of  turning  up  the  white  of  his  eyes,  and  of  keep 
ing  them  in  this  position,  so  as  to  appear  quite  blind.  Certain 
friars  in  the  city,  having  come  to  the  knowledge  of  this  fact,  con- 
ceived the  design  of  making  it  subservient  to  their  purposes  ; 
and  having  prevailed  on  the  sisters  of  Sciennes  to  part  with  the 
poor  boy,  lodged  him  in  one  of  their  cells.  By  daily  practice  he 
became  an  adept  in  the  art  of  counterfeiting  blindness;  ana 
after  he  had  remained  so  long  in  concealment  as  not  to  be  re- 
cognised by  his  former  acquaintance,  he  was  sent  forth  to  beg 
as  a  blind  pauper  ;  the  friars  having  previously  bound  him,  by 
a  solemn  vow,  not  to  reveal  the  secret  To  confirm  his  narra- 
tive, he  «  played  his  pavie"  before  the  squire,  by  «  flypping  up 
the  lid  of  his  eyes,  and  casting  up  the  white/'  so  as  to  appear 
as  blind  as  he  did  on  the  scaffold  at  Loretto.  The  gentleman 
laid  before  him  the  iniquity  of  his  conduct,  and  told  him  that 
he  must  next  day  repeat  the  whole  story  publicly  at  the  cross  of 
Edinburgh  ;  and,  as  this  would  expose  him  to  the  vengeance 
of  the  friars,  he  engaged  to  become  his  protector,  and  to  retain 
him  as  a  servant  in  his  house.  The  young  man  complied  with 
his  directions,  and  Cteish,  with  his  drawn  sword  in  his  hand, 
having  stood  by  him  till  he  had  finished  his  confession,  placed 
him  on  the  same  horse  with  himself,  and  carried  him  off  to 
Fife.  The  detection  of  this  imposture  was  quickly  published 
through  the  country,  and  covered  the  friars  with  confusion. 
My  author  does  not  say  whether  it  cured  Lady  Cleish  of  her 
superstition,  but  I  shall  afterwards  have  occasion  to  notice  its 
influence  in  opening  the  eyes  of  one  who  became  a  distinguish- 
ed promoter  of  the  Reformation.* 

The  treaty  which  put  an  end  to  the  civil  war  in  Scotland, 
made  no  particular  settlement  respecting  the  religious  differ- 
ences^ but  it  was  on  that  very  account,  the  more  fatal  to  Popery. 
The  Protestants  were  left  in  the  possession  of  authority  ;  and 
they  were  now  by  far  the  most  powerful  party  in  the  nation, 


*RoVsMS.  Historic  of  the  Kirk,  p.  356,  transcribed  in  im  An  ac- 
count of  tills  pretended  miracle  and  its  detection,  probably  taken  from  the 
above  Ma,  wffl  be  found  in  the  Weekly  Magazine  for  June  1772. 

t  The  English  ambassadors,  in  a  letter  to  Elizabeth,  say:—  "Two  things 
have  bene  tow  hott  (too  hot)  for  the  French  too  meddle  withal  ;  and  there- 
fore  they  be  passed,  and  left  as  they  found  them.  The  first  is  the  matter  of 
religion,  which  is  here  as  freely,  and  rattier  more  earnestly  (as  I,  the  secre- 
tary, thynk,)  received  than  in  England  :  a  hard  thyng  now  to  alter  as  it  is 
planted."  Haynes,  p.  352.  Dr.  Wotton,  dean  of  Windsor,  and  secretary 
Cecil,  are  the  subscribers  of  this  letter  ;  but  as  it  would  have  been  rather  too 
much  lor  the  dean  to  say  that  religion  was  "more  earnestly  received**  in 
Scotland  than  in  England,  the  secretary  alone  vouches  for  that  fact 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  203 

both  as  to  rank  and  numbers.  With  the  exception  of  those 
places  which  had  been  occupied  by  the  queen  regent  and  her 
foreign  auxiliaries,  the  Roman  Catholic  worship  was  almost 
universally  deserted  throughout  the  kingdom,  and  no  provision 
was  made  in  the  treaty  for  its  restoration.  The  firm  hold  which 
it  once  had  on  the  opinions  and  affections  of  the  people  was 
completely  loosened ;  it  was  supported  by  force  alone ;  and  the 
moment  that  the  French  troops  embarked,  that  fabric  which  had 
stood  for  ages  in  Scotland  fell  to  the  ground.  Its  feeble  and 
dismayed  priests  ceased  of  their  own  accord  from  the  celebra- 
tion of  its  rites ;  and  the  reformed  service  was  peaceably  set 
up,  wherever  ministers  could  be  found  to  perform  it.  The  par- 
liament, when  it  entered  upon  the  consideration  of  the  state  of 
religion,  as  one  of  the  points  undecided  by  the  commissioners, 
which  had  been  left  to  them,*  had  little  else  to  do  but  to  sanc- 
tion what  the  nation  had  previously  done,  by  legally  abolish- 
ing the  Popish,  and  establishing  the  Protestant  religion. 

When  the  circumstances  in  which  they  were  assembled,  and 
the  affairs  on  which  they  were  called  to  deliberate,  are  taken  in- 
to consideration,  this  must  be  regarded  as  the  most  important 
meeting  of  the  estates  of  the  kingdom  that  had  ever  been  held 
in  Scotland.  It  engrossed  the  attention  of  the  nation,  and  the 
eyes  of  Europe  were  fixed  on  its  proceedings.  The  parliament 
met  on  the  10th  of  July,  but,  agreeably  to  the  terms  of  the  trea- 
ty, it  was  prorogued,  without  entering  on  business,  until  the  first 
day  of  August.  Although  a  great  concourse  of  people  resorted 
to  Edinburgh  on  that  occasion,  yet  no  tumult  or  disturbance  of 
the  public  peace  occurred.  Many  of  the  lords  spiritual  and 
temporal,  who  were  attached  to  Popery,  absented  themselves ; 
but  the  chief  patrons  of  the  old  religion,  as  the  Archbishop  of 
St.  Andrews,  and  the  Bishops  of  Dumblane  and  Dunkeld,  coun- 
tenanced the  assembly  by  their  presence,  and  were  allowed  to 
act  with  freedom  as  lords  of  parliament.  There  is  one  fact  in 
its  constitution  and  proceedings  which  strikingly  illustrates  the 
influence  of  the  Reformation  upon  political  liberty.  In  the 
reign  of  James  I.  the  lesser  barons  had  been  exempted  from 
personal  attendance  on  parliament,  and  permitted  to  elect  re- 
presentatives in  their  different  shires.  But  a  privilege  which,  in 
modern  times,  is  so  eagerly  coveted,  was  then  so  little  prized, 
that,  except  in  a  few  instances  no  representatives  from  the  shires 
had  appeared  in  parliament,  t  and  the  lesser  barons  had  almost 

*  By  one  of  the  articles  of  the  treaty,  the  parliament,  after  agreeing  upon 
such  things  as  they  thought  necessary  for  the  reformation  of  religion,  were 
to  send  deputies  into  France  to  represent  them  to  their  Majesties.  Knox, 
Historic,  p.  234.  Spotswood,  p.  149. 

f  Robertson's  History  of  Scotland,  p.  i.   Keith,  pp.  147 — 8. 


204  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

forfeited  their  right  by  neglecting  to  exercise  it.  At  this  time, 
however,  they  assembled  at  Edinburgh,  and  agreed  upon  a  pe- 
tition to  the  parliament,  claiming  to  be  restored  to  their  ancient 
privilege.  The  petition  was  granted,  and,  in  consequence  of 
this,  about  a  hundred  gentlemen  took  their  seats.* 

The  business  of  religion  was  introduced  by  a  petition  pre- 
sented by  a  number  of  Protestants  of  different  ranks,  in  which, 
after  rehearsing  their  former  endeavours  to  procure  the  removal 
of  the  corruptions  which  had  affected  the  Church,  they  reques- 
ted parliament  to  use  the  power  which  Providence  had  now  put 
into  their  hands  for  effecting  this  great  and  urgent  work.  They 
craved  three  things  in  general, — that  the  antichristian  doctrine 
maintained  in  the  Popish  Church  should  be  discarded;  that 
means  should  be  used  to  restore  purity  of  worship,  and  primi- 
tive discipline  ;  and  that  the  ecclesiastical  revenues,  which  had 
been  engrossed  by  a  corrupt  and  indolent  hierarchy,  should  be 
applied  to  the  support  of  a  pious  and  active  ministry,  to  the 
promotion  of  learning,  and  to  the  relief  of  the  poor.  They  de- 
clared, that  they  were  ready  to  substantiate  the  justice  of  all 
their  demands,  and,  in  particular,  to  prove,  that  those  who  ar- 
rogated to  themselves  the  name  of  clergy  were  destitute  of  all 
right  to  be  accounted  ministers  of  religion ;  and  that,  from  the 
tyranny  which  they  had  exercised,  and  their  vassalage  to  the 
court  of  Rome,  they  could  not  be  safely  tolerated,  and  far  less 
intrusted  with  power,  in  a  reformed  commonwealth,  t 

In  answer  to  the  first  demand,  the  parliament  required  the 
reformed  ministers  to  lay  before  them  a  summary  of  doctrine 
which  they  could  prove  to  be  consonant  with  the  Scriptures, 
and  which  they  desired  to  have  established.  The  ministers 
were  not  unprepared  for  this  task ;  and,  in  the  course  of  four 
days,  they  presented  a  Confession  of  Faith,  as  the  product 
of  their  joint  labours,  and  an  expression  of  their  unanimous 
judgment.  It  agreed  with  the  confessions  which  had  been 
published  by  other  reformed  churches.  Professing  belief  in  the 
common  articles  of  Christianity  respecting  the  divine  nature,  the 
trinity,  the  creation  of  the  world,  the  origin  of  evil,  and  the  per- 
son of  the  Saviour,  which  were  retained  by  the  Church  of 
Rome,  in  opposition  to  the  errors  broached  by  ancient  heretics, 
it  condemned  not  only  the  idolatrous  and  superstitious  tenets 
of  that  Church,  but  also  its  gross  depravation  of  the  doctrine  of 
Scripture  respecting  the  state  of  fallen  man,  and  the  method  of 

*  Act.  Parl.  Scot.  ii.  525—6.  Keith,  146—7.  Robertson,  i.  Append.  No. 
iv.  In  the  list  of  members  in  this  parliament,  the  names  of  the  lesser  barons, 
or  gentlemen  of  the  shires,  are  inserted  after  those  of  the  commissioners  of 
boroughs ;  the  roll  having  been  made  up  previous  to  the  admission  of  the 
former. 

t  Knox,  Historic,  pp.  237—8. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  205 

his  recovery.  It  declared,  that  by  "  original  sin  was  the  image 
of  God  defacit  in  man,  and  he  and  his  posteritie  of  nature  be- 
come enemies  to  God,  slaifis  to  Sathan,  and  sernandis  of  sin ;" 
that  "  all  our  saluatioun  springs  fra  the  eternall  and  immutabill 
decree  of  God,  wha  of  meir  grace  electit  us  in  Christ  Jesus,  his 
Sone,  before  the  foundatione  of  the  warld  was  laid ;"  that  it  be- 
hoves us  "  to  apprehend  Christ  Jesus,  with  his  justice  and  satis- 
factioun,  wha  is  the  end  and  accomplischement  of  the  law,  by 
whome  we  are  set  at  this  libertie,  that  the  curse  and  maledic- 
tioun  of  God  fall  not  upon  us ;"  that  "  as  God  the  Father  creatit 
us  whan  we  war  not,  and  his  Sone  our  Lord  Jesus  redemit  us 
whan  we  were  enemies  to  him,  sa  alswa  the  Haly  Gaist  dois 
sanctifie  and  regenerat  us,  without  all  respect  of  ony  merite  pro- 
ceeding fra  us,  be  it  befoir,  or  be  it  efter  our  regeneration, — to 
speik  this  ane  thing  yit  in  mair  plaine  wordis,  as  we  willinglie 
spoyle  ourselfis  of  all  honour  and  gloir  of  our  awin  creatioun 
and  redemptioun,  sa  do  we  alswa  of  our  regeneratioun  and 
sanctificatioun,  for  of  our  selfis  we  ar  not  sufficient  to  think  ane 
gude  thocht,  bot  he  wha  hes  begun  the  work  in  us  is  onlie  he 
that  continewis  us  in  the  same,  to  the  praise  and  glorie  of  his 
undeservit  grace ;"  and,  in  fine,  it  declared,  that  although  good 
works  proceed  "  not  from  our  fre-wil,  but  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord 
Jesus,"  and  although  those  that  boast  of  the  merit  of  their  own 
works,  "  boist  themselfis  of  that  whilk  is  nocht,"  yet  "  blas- 
phemie  it  is  to  say,  that  Christ  abydis  in  the  hartis  of  sic  as  in 
whome  thair  is  no  spirite  of  sanctificatioun ;  and  all  wirkers  of 
iniquitie  have  nouther  trew  faith,  nouther  ony  portioun  of  the 
Spirite  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  sa  lang  as  obstinatlie  they  continew 
in  thair  wickitnes."* 

The  Confession  was  read  first  before  the  lords  of  Articles, 
and  afterwards  before  the  whole  parliament.  The  Protestant 
ministers  attended  in  the  house  to  defend  it,  if  attacked,  and  to 
give  satisfaction  to  the  members  respecting  any  point  which 
might  appear  dubious.  Those  who  had  objections  to  it  were 
formally  required  to  state  them.  And  the  farther  consideration 
of  it  was  adjourned  to  a  subsequent  day,  that  none  might  pre- 
tend that  an  undue  advantage  had  been  taken  of  him,  or  that 
a  matter  of  such  importance  had  been  concluded  precipitately. 
On  the  1 7th  of  August,  the  Parliament  resumed  the  subject, 
and,  previous  to  the  vote,  the  Confession  was  again  read,  arti- 
cle by  article,  t  The  Earl  of  Athole,  and  Lords  Somerville  and 
Borthwick,  were  the  only  persons  of  the  temporal  estate  who 

*  Act.  Parl.  Scot.  ii.  526—534.  Knox,  Historie,  pp.  240—253.  Dun- 
lop's  Confessions,  ii.  21 — 98. 

f  In  Knox's  Historie,  "  the  17th  day  of  July"  is  printed,  by  mistake, 
instead  of  the  17th  of  August.    Act.  Parl.  Scot.  ii.  534. 
18 


206  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

voted  in  the  negative,  assigning  this  as  their  reason,  "  We  will 
beleve  as  our  forefatheris  belevit."  *  « The  bischopis  spak 
nothing."  t  After  the  vote  establishing  the  Confession  of 
Faith,  the  Earl  Marischal  rose,  and  declared,  that  the  silence  of 
the  clergy  had  confirmed  him  in  his  belief  of  the  Protestant 
doctrine  ;  and  he  protested,  that  if  any  of  the  ecclesiastical  estate 
should  afterwards  oppose  the  doctrine  which  had  just  been  re- 
ceived, they  should  be  entitled  to  no  credit ;  seeing,  after  full 
knowledge  of  it,  and  ample  time  for  deliberation,  they  had 
allowed  it  to  pass  without  the  smallest  opposition  or  contradic- 
tion. J  On  the  24th  of  August,  the  parliament  abolished  the 
papal  jurisdiction,  prohibited,  under  certain  penalties,  the  cele- 
bration of  mass,  and  rescinded  all  the  laws  formerly  made  in 
support  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  and  against  the  re- 
formed faith.  § 

Thus  did  the  reformed  religion  advance  in  Scotland,  from 
small  beginnings,  and  amidst  great  opposition,  until  it  attained 
a  parliamentary  establishment.  Besides  the  influence  of  Hea- 
ven secretly  accompanying  the  labours  of  the  preachers  and 
confessors  of  the  truth,  the  serious  and  inquisitive  reader  will 
trace  the  wise  arrangements  of  Providence  in  that  concatenation 
of  events  which  contributed  to  its  rise,  preservation,  and  in- 
crease,— by  overruling  the  caprice,  the  ambition,  the  avarice, 
and  the  interested  policy  of  princes  and  cabinets,  many  of  whom 
had  nothing  less  in  view  than  to  favour  that  cause  which  they 
were  so  instrumental  in  promoting. 

The  breach  of  Henry  VIII.  of  England  with  the  Roman  see, 
awakened  the  attention  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  northern  part 
of  the  island  to  a  controversy  which  had  formerly  been  carried 
on  at  too  great  a  distance  to  interest  them,  and  led  not  a  few  to 
desire  a  reformation  more  improved  than  the  model  which  that 
monarch  had  held  out  to  them.  The  premature  death  of  James 
V.  of  Scotland  saved  the  Protestants  from  destruction.  During 
the  short  period  in  which  they  received  the  countenance  of  ci- 
vil authority,  at  the  commencement  of  Arran's  administration, 
the  seeds  of  the  reformed  doctrine  were  so  widely  spread,  and 
took  such  deep  root,  as  to  be  able  to  resist  the  violent  mea- 
sures which  the  regent,  after  his  recantation,  employed  to  extir- 
pate them.  Those  who  were  driven  from  the  country  by  per- 

*  Knox,  Historie,  p.  253. 

f  Keith  is  at  a  great  loss  to  account  for,  and  excuse  the  silence  of 
the  Popish  clergy ;  (to  whom  he  is  uniformly  partial ;)  and  he  found  himself 
obliged  to  retract  one  apology  which  he  had  made  for  them,  namely,  that 
they  were  deterred  from  speaking  by  the  threatenings  of  their  opponents. 
History,  pp.  149,  150,  comp.  488,  note  (a) 

|  Knox,  Historie,  p,  253. 

$  Act  Parl.  Scot.  ii.  534—5.    Knox,  Historie,  pp.  254—5. 


LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX.  207 

sedition  found  an  asylum  in  England,  under  the  decidedly  Pro- 
testant government  of  Edward  VI.  After  his  death,  the  alli- 
ance of  England  with  Spain,  and  of  Scotland  with  France,  the 
two  great  contending  powers  on  the  continent,  prevented  that 
concert  between  the  two  courts  which  might  have  proved  fatal 
to  the  Protestant  religion  in  Britain.  While  the  cruelties  of  the 
English  queen  drove  Protestant  preachers  into  Scotland,  the 
political  schemes  of  the  queen  regent  induced  her  to  favour 
them,  and  to  connive  at  the  propagation  of  their  opinions.  At 
the  critical  moment  when  the  latter  had  accomplished  her 
favourite  designs,  and  was  preparing  to  crush  the  Reformation, 
Elizabeth  ascended  the  throne  of  England,  and  was  induced,  by 
political  no  less  than  religious  considerations,  to  support  the 
Scottish  reformers.  The  French  court  was  no  less  bent  on  sup- 
pressing them,  and,  having  lately  concluded  peace  with  Spain, 
was  left  at  liberty  to  direct  its  undivided  attention  to  the 
accomplishment  of  that  object;  but  at  this  critical  moment, 
those  intestine  dissensions,  which  continued  so  long  to  desolate 
France,  broke  out,  and  forced  its  ministers  to  accede  to  that 
treaty,  which  put  an  end  to  French  influence,  and  the  papal  re- 
ligion, in  Scotland. 


208  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 


PERIOD  VII. 


FROM  AUGUST  1560,  WHEN  KNOX  WAS  SETTLED  AS  MINISTER  OF 
EDINBURGH,  AT  THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  REFORMATION,  TO 
DECEMBER  1563,  WHEN  HE  WAS  ACQUITTED  FROM  A  CHARGE  OF 
TREASON. 

IN  appointing  the  Protestant  ministers  to  particular  stations, 
a  measure  which  engaged  the  attention  of  the  privy  council 
immediately  after  the  conclusion  of  the  civil  war,  the  tempor- 
ary arrangements  that  had  been  formerly  made  were  in  general 
confirmed,  and  our  Reformer  resumed  his  charge  as  minister  of 
Edinburgh.*  For  several  months  he  had  officiated  as  minister 
of  St., Andrews;!  but  in  the  end  of  April  1560,  he  left  that 
place,  and  returned  to  the  capital,:}:  where  he  preached  during 
the  siege  of  Leith,  and  the  negotiations  which  issued  in  a 
peace. 

Although  the  parliament  had  abolished  the  papal  jurisdiction 
and  worship,  and  ratified  the  Protestant  doctrine,  'as  laid  down 
in  the  Confession  of  Faith,  the  Reformed  Church  was  not  yet 
completely  organized  in  Scotland.  Hitherto  the  Book  of  Com- 
mon Order,  used  by  the  English  Church  at  Geneva,  had  been 
generally  followed  as  the  rule  of  public  worship  and  discipline. 
But  this  having  been  compiled  for  a  single  congregation,  and 
for  one  that  consisted  chiefly  of  men  of  education,  was  found 
inadequate  for  the  use  of  an  extensive  Church,  composed  of  a 
multitude  of  confederate  congregations.  Our  reformers  were 
anxious  to  provide  the  means  of  religious  instruction  to  the 
whole  people  in  the  kingdom ;  but  they  were  very  far  from  ap- 
proving of  the  promiscuous  admission  of  persons  of  all  descrip- 
tions to  the  peculiar  privileges  of  the  Church  of  Christ.  From 
the  beginning,  they  were  sensible  of  the  great  importance  of 
ecclesiastical  discipline,  to  the  prosperity  of  religion,  the  main- 


*  Knox,  Historie,  p.  236. 

f  "  Ult.  Mart.  1560.  Margaret  Aidnam  askit  God  and  the  congregatioun 
forgiveness  of  the  adultery  committed  be  her  wt  William  Rantoun,  publiclie 
in  the  paroche  kirke  of  this  town :  John  Knox  beand  at  that  tyme  minister." 
Records  of  the  kirk  Session  of  St.  Andrews. 

|  Records  of  Town-council  of  Edinburgh,  May  8.  1560. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  209 

tenance  of  order,  and  the  preservation  of  sound  doctrine  and 
morals.  In  the  petition  presented  to  parliament  in  August,  the 
establishment  of  this  was  specially  requested.*  And  Knox, 
who  had  observed  the  great  advantages  which  attended  the  ob- 
servance of  a  strict  discipline  at  Geneva,  and  the  manifold  evils 
which  resulted  from  the  want  of  it  in  England,  insisted  very 
particularly  on  this  topic,  in  the  discourses  which  he  delivered 
from  the  book  of  Haggai  during  the  sitting  of  parliament.t 
The  difficulties  which  the  reformed  ministers  had  to  surmount, 
before  they  could  accomplish  this  important  object,  began  to 
present  themselves  at  this  early  stage  of  their  progress.  When 
it  is  considered,  that  Calvin  was  subjected  to  a  sentence  of  ban- 
ishment from  the  senate  of  Geneva,  and  exposed  to  a  popular 
tumult  before  he  could  prevail  on  the  citizens  to  submit  to  ec- 
clesiastical discipline^  we  need  not  be  surprised  at  the  opposition 
which  our  reformers  met  with  in  their  endeavours  to  introduce 
it  into  Scotland.  Knox's  warm  exhortations  on  this  head  were 
at  first  disregarded ;  he  had  the  mortification  to  find  his  plan 
of  Church  polity  derided  as  a  "  devout  imagination,"  by  some 
of  the  professors  of  the  reformed  doctrine,§ — and  the  parlia- 
ment dissolved  without  coming  to  any  decision  on  this  impor- 
tant point. 

As  the  ministers,  however,  continued  to  urge  the  subject,  and 
the  reasonableness  of  their  demands  could  not  be  denied,  the 
privy  council,  soon  after  the  dissolution  of  the  parliament,  gave 
a  commission  to  Knox,  and  four  other  ministers,  who  had  former- 
ly been  employed  along  with  him  in  composing  the  Confession, 
to  draw  up  a  plan  of  ecclesiastical  government.  ||  They  imme- 
diately set  about  this  task,  with  a  diligence  and  care  propor- 

*  Knox,  Historie,  p.  238.  t  Ibid.  p.  237 

I  Beza,  Vita  Calvini.  Melch.  Adami  Vitse  Exter.  Theolog.  pp.  70,  88. 
Persons  unfriendly  to  the  government  of  the  reformed  churches,  have  re- 
presented the  opposition  made  to  Calvin  and  his  brethren,  as  arising  from 
their  attempts  to  have  their  discipline  established  by  human  laws,  and  sup- 
ported by  civil  penalties.  This  is  an  unfair  representation  of  the  case. 
"  Neque  enim  consentaneum  est,"  says  Calvin,  "  ut  qui  monitionibus  nostris 
obtemperare  voluerint,  eos  ad  magistratum  deferamus."  Institut.  Christ. 
Relig.  p.  434.  Ludg.  Batav.  1654.  The  dispute  between  him  and  his  op- 
ponents turned  on  this  question,  Are  ministers  obliged  to  administer  the  sac- 
raments to  those  whom  they  judge  unworthy  ]  Or,  (which  amounts  to  the 
same  thing,)  Are  the  decisions  of  the  church  court  in  such  matters  to  be 
reviewed  and  reversed  by  the  civil  court  1  Melch.  Adam,  ut  supra.  And 
this  will  be  found  to  have  been  the  true  state  of  the  question  in  Scotland,  in 
the  greater  part  of  the  dissensions  between  the  Court  and  the  Church,  after 
the  establishment  of  the  Reformation. 

§  Knox,  Historie,  pp.  237,  256. 

||  The  names  of  the  ministers  who  composed  the  Confession  of  Faith,  and 
the  Book  of  Discipline,  were  John  Winram,  John  Spotswood,  John  Douglas, 
John  Row,  and  John  Knox.     Ibid.  p.  256 
18*  B2 


210  LIFE    OF  JOHN   KNOX. 

tioned  to  their  convictions  of  its  importance.  They  "  took  not 
their  example/'  says  Row,  "  from  any  kirk  in  the  world,  no, 
not  from  Geneva ;  but  drew  their  plan  from  the  Sacred  Scrip- 
tures." Having  arranged  the  subject  under  different  heads, 
they  divided  these  among  them  ;  and,  after  they  had  finished 
their  several  parts,  they  met  together  and  examined  them  with 
great  attention,  spending  much  time  in  reading  and  meditation 
on  the  subject,  and  in  earnest  prayers  for  divine  direction. 
When  they  had  drawn  up  the  whole  in  form,  they  laid  it  before 
the  General  Assembly,  by  whom  it  was  approved,  after  they 
had  caused  some  of  its  articles  to  be  abridged.*  It  was  also 
submitted  to  the  privy  council;  but,  although  many  of  the 
members  highly  approved  of  the  plan,  it  was  warmly  opposed 
by  others.  This  opposition  did  not  arise  from  any  difference 
of  sentiment  between  them  and  the  ministers  respecting  eccles- 
iastical government,  but  partly  from  aversion  to  the  strict  dis- 
cipline which  it  appointed  to  be  exercised  against  vice,  and  part- 
ly from  reluctance  to  comply  with  its  requisition  for  the  appro- 
priation of  the  revenues  of  the  Popish  Church  to  the  support 
of  the  new  religious  and  literary  establishments.  Though  not 
formally  ratified  by  the  council,  it  was,  however,  subscribed  by 
the  greater  part  of  the  members  ;t  and  as  the  sources  of  preju- 
dice against  it  were  well  known,  it  was  submitted  to  by  the  na- 
tion, and  carried  into  effect  in  most  of  its  ecclesiastical  regula- 
tions.:}: It  is  known  in  history  by  the  name  of  the  Book  of 
Policy,  or  First  Book  of  Discipline. 

Considering  the  activity  of  Knox  in  constructing  and  recom- 
mending this  platform,  and  the  importance  of  the  subject  in 
itself,  it  cannot  be  foreign  to  our  object  to  take  a  view  of  the 
form  and  order  of  the  Protestant  Church  of  Scotland,  as  delin- 


*  Row,  MS.  Historie  of  the  Kirk,  pp.  12,  16,  17.  It  is  probable  that  the 
meeting  of  Assembly  by  which  the  Book  of  Discipline  was  approved,  was 
that  which  Knox  calls  a  Convention,  held  on  the  5th  of  January  1561.  His- 
torie, pp.  261,  295.  The  first  General  Assembly  appointed  a  meeting  to  be 
held  at  that  time.  Buik  of  the  Universall  Kirk,  p.  3.  MS.  in  Advocates' 
Library.  But  there  is  no  account  of  its  proceedings  in  that  or  in  any  other 
register  which  I  have  had  access  to  see.  In  the  copy  of  the  First  Book  of 
Discipline,  published  (by  Calderwood,  I  believe)  in  1621,  pp.  23,  70 :  and  in 
Dunlop's  Confessions,  vol.  ii.  pp.  517, 605,  it  is  said  that  the  order  for  com- 
piling it  was  given  on  the  29th  of  April  1560,  and  that  it  was  finished  by 
them  on  the  20th  of  May  following.  But,  as  the  civil  war  was  not  then  con- 
cluded, I  have  followed  the  account  given  by  Knox,  who  says,  that  it  was 
undertaken  subsequently  to  the  meeting  of  parliament  in  August  that  year. 
Historie,  p.  256. 

t  In  Dunlop's  Collect,  of  Confessions,  ii.  436,  the  approbation  of  it  is  styled 
"an  act  of  secret  council,  25th  January  1560,"  i.  e.  1561. 

|  Knox,  Historie,  pp.  256,  257,295,  296.  Keith,  496,  497.  Dunlop,  ii. 
606—608. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX.  211 

eated  in  the  Book  of  Discipline,  and  in  other  authentic  docu- 
ments of  that  period. 

The  ordinary  and  permanent  office-bearers  of  the  Church 
were  of  four  kinds :  the  minister,  or  pastor,  to  whom  the  preach- 
ing of  the  gospel  and  administration  of  the  sacraments  belong- 
ed ;  the  doctor,  or  teacher,  whose  province  it  was  to  interpret 
Scripture  and  confute  errors  (including  those  who  taught  theol- 
ogy in  schools  and  universities ;)  the  ruling  elder  who  assisted 
the  minister  in  exercising  ecclesiastical  discipline  and  govern- 
ment ;  and  the  deacon,  who  had  the  special  oversight  of  the 
revenues  of  the  church  and  the  poor.  But,  besides  these,  it 
was  found  necessary  at  this  time  to  employ  some  persons  in 
extraordinary  and  temporary  charges.  As  there  was  not  a  suf- 
ficient number  of  ministers  to  supply  the  different  parts  of  the 
country,  that  the  people  might  not  be  left  altogether  destitute 
of  public  worship  and  instruction,  certain  pious  persons,  who 
had  received  a  common  education,  were  appointed  to  read  the 
Scriptures  and  the  common  prayers.  These  were  called  readers. 
In  large  parishes,  persons  of  this  description  were  also  employ- 
ed to  relieve  the  ministers  from  a  part  of  the  public  service. 
If  they  advanced  in  knowledge,  they  were  encouraged  to  add 
a  few  plain  exhortations  to  the  reading  of  the  Scriptures.  In 
this  case  they  were  called  exhorters  ;  but  they  were  examined 
and  admitted  before  entering  upon  this  employment. 

The  same  cause  gave  rise  to  another  temporary  expedient. 
Instead  of  fixing  all  the  ministers  in  particular  charges,  it  was 
judged  proper,  after  supplying  the  principal  towns,  to  assign  to 
the  rest  the  superintendence  of  a  large  district,  over  which  they 
were  appointed  regularly  to  travel,  for  the  purpose  of  preaching, 
of  planting  churches,  and  inspecting  the  conduct  of  ministers, 
exhorters,  and  readers.  These  were  called  superintendents. 
The  number  originally  proposed  was  ten ;  but,  owing  to  the 
scarcity  of  proper  persons,  or  rather  to  the  want  of  necessary 
funds,  there  were  never  more  than  five  appointed.*  The  defi- 
ciency was  supplied  by  commissioners,  or  visitors,  appointed 
from  time  to  time  by  the  General  Assembly. 

None  was  allowed  to  preach,  or  to  administer  the  sacraments, 
till  he  was  regularly  called  to  this  employment.  Persons  were 

*  The  General  Assembly  had,  at  different  times,  under  their  consideration, 
the  appointment  of  superintendents  for  Jedburgh,  Dumfries,  Aberdeen,  and 
Banff,  but  came  to  no  conclusion.  Those  actually  appointed  were,  John 
Erskine  of  Dun,  for  Angus ;  John  Winram,  for  Fife ;  John  Spotswood,  for 
Lothian;  John  Willock,  for  Glasgow;  and  John  Carswell,  for  Argyle. 
Keith's  Hist.  pp.  511, 512,  518 — 9.  Carswell  is  not  mentioned  among  the 
superintendents  in  a  curious  document  recently  printed  :  but  it  contains  no 
list  of  the  Ministers  in  Argyle.  Register  of  Ministers,  Exhorters,  and  Rea- 
ders, and  of  their  Stipends,  after  the  period  of  the  Reformation,  pp.  1,  2.  Ed- 
inburgh, 1830. 


212  LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX. 

invested  with  the  pastoral  office  in  the  way  of  being  freely 
elected  by  the  people,*  examined  by  the  ministers,  and  public- 
ly admitted  in  the  presence  of  the  congregation.  On  the  day 
of  admission,  the  minister  who  presided,  after  preaching  a  ser- 
mon suited  to  the  occasion,  put  a  number  of  questions  to  the 
candidate,  to  satisfy  the  Church  as  to  his  soundness  in  the  faith, 
his  willingness  to  undertake  the  charge,  the  purity  of  his 
motives,  and  his  resolution  to  discharge  the  duties  of  the  office 
with  diligence  and  fidelity.  Satisfactory  answers  having  been 
given  to  these  questions,  and  the  people  having  signified  their 
adherence  to  their  former  choice,  the  person  was  admitted  and 
set  apart  by  prayer,  without  the  imposition  of  hands  ;  t  and  the 
service  was  concluded  with  an  exhortation,  the  singing  of  a 
psalm,  and  the  pronouncing  of  the  blessing.  Superintendents 
were  admitted  in  the  same  way  as  other  ministers.:}:  The 
affairs  of  each  congregation  were  managed  by  the  minister, 
elders,  and  deacons,  who  constituted  the  kirk-session,  which 
met  regularly  once  a-week,  and  oftener  if  business  required. 
There  was  a  meeting,  called  the  weekly  exercise,  or  prophesy- 
ing, held  in  every  considerable  town,  consisting  of  the  ministers, 
exhorters,  and  learned  men  in  the  vicinity,  for  expounding  the 
Scriptures.  This  was  afterwards  converted  into  the  presbytery, 
or  classical  assembly.  The  superintendent  met  with  the  minis- 
ters, and  delegated  elders  of  his  district  twice  a-year  in  the  pro- 
vincial synod,  which  took  cognizance  of  ecclesiastical  affairs 
within  its  bounds.  And  the  General  Assembly,  which  was 
composed  of  ministers  and  elders  commissioned  from  the  differ- 
ent parts  of  the  kingdom,  met  twice,  sometimes  thrice,  in  a  year, 
and  attended  to  the  interests  of  the  national  Church. 

Public  worship  was  conducted  according  to  the  Book  of  Com- 
mon Order,  with  a  few  variations  adapted  to  the  state  of  Scot- 
land. On  Sabbath-days,  the  people  assembled  twice  for  public 
worship ;  and  to  promote  the  instruction  of  the  ignorant,  cate- 
chising was  substituted  for  preaching  in  the  afternoon.  In 
towns,  a  sermon  was  regularly  preached  on  one  day  of  the 
week  besides  Sabbath ;  and  on  almost  every  day,  the  people  had 
an  opportunity  of  hearing  public  prayers  and  the  reading  of  the 
Scriptures.  Baptism  was  never  dispensed  unless  it  was 
accompanied  with  preaching  or  catechising.  The  Lord's  Sup- 
per was  administered  four  times  a-year  in  towns,  and  there 
were  ordinarily  two  "  ministrations,"  one  at  an  early  hour  of 
the  morning,  and  another  later  in  the  day.  The  sign  of  the 

*Dunlop's  Confessions,  ii.  524,  526,  545,  577,  638,  639. 
t  Dunlop,  ii.  526.     Imposition  of  hands  was  afterwards  appointed  to  be 
used  by  the  Second  Book  of  Discipline.  Ibid.  768 — 9. 
t  Knox,  Historie,  pp.  263—266. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  213 

cross  in  baptizing,  and  kneeling  at  the  Lord's  table,  were  con- 
demned and  laid  aside  ;  and  anniversary  holidays  were  wholly 
abolished.  *  We  shall  afterwards  have  occasion  to  advert  to 
the  discipline  under  which  offenders  were  brought. 

The  compilers  of  the  First  Book  of  Discipline  paid  particular 
attention  to  the  state  of  education.  They  required  that  a 
school  should  be  erected  in  every  parish,  for  the  instruction  of 
youth  in  the  principles  of  religion,  grammar,  and  the  Latin 
tongue.  They  proposed  that  a  college  should  be  erected  in  every 
"  notable  town,"  in  which  logic  and  rhetoric  should  be  taught, 
along  with  the  learned  languages.  They  seem  to  have  had  it 
in  their  eye  to  revive  the  system  adopted  by  some  of  the  an- 
cient republics,  in  which  the  youth  were  considered  as  the  pro- 
perty of  the  public  rather  than  of  their  parents,  by  obliging  the 
nobility  and  gentry  to  educate  their  children,  and  by  providing, 
at  the  public  expense,  for  the  education  of  the  children  of  the 
poor  who  discovered  talents  for  learning.  Their  regulations  for 
the  three  national  universities  discover  an  enlightened  regard  to 
the  interests  of  literature,  and  may  suggest  hints  which  deserve 
attention  in  the  present  age.  t  If  these  were  not  reduced 
to  practice,  the  blame  cannot  be  imputed  to  the  reformed  minis- 
ters, but  to  the  nobility  and  gentry,  whose  avarice  defeated  the 
execution  of  their  plans. 

To  carry  these  important  measures  into  effect,  permanent 
funds  were  requisite  ;  and  for  these  it  was  natural  to  look  to  the 
patrimony  of  the  Church.  The  hierarchy  had  been  abolished, 
and  the  Popish  clergy  excluded  from  all  religious  services,  by 
the  alterations  which  the  Parliament  had  introduced;  and, 
whatever  provision  it  was  proper  to  allot  for  the  dismissed  in- 
cumbents during  life,  it  was  unreasonable  that  they  should  con- 
tinue to  enjoy  those  emoluments  which  were  attached  to  offices 
for  which  they  had  been  found  totally  unfit.  No  successors 
could  be  appointed  to  them ;  and  there  was  not  any  individual, 
or  class  of  men  in  the  nation,  who  could  justly  claim  a  title  to 
the  rents  of  their  benefices.  The  compilers  of  the  Book  of 
Discipline,  therefore,  proposed  that  the  patrimony  of  the  Church 
should  be  appropriated,  in  the  first  instance,  to  the  support  of 
the  new  ecclesiastical  establishment.  Under  this  head  they  in- 
cluded the  ministry,  the  schools,  and  the  poor.  For  the  minis- 
ters they  required  that  such  "  honest  provision"  should  be 
made,  as  would  give  "  neither  occasion  of  solicitude,  neither  yet 
of  insolencie  and  wantonnesse."  In  ordinary  cases,  they 
thought  that  forty  bolls  of  meal,  and  twenty-six  bolls  of  malt, 
with  a  reasonable  sum  of  money,  to  purchase  other  necessary 

*  For  an  illustration  of  some  of  these  facts,  see  Note  NN. 
f  First  Book  of  Discipline,  chap.  vii.    Dunlop,  ii.  547 — 561. 


214  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

articles  of  provision  for  his  family,  was  an  adequate  stipend  for 
a  minister.  To  enable  superintendents  to  defray  the  extraordi- 
nary expenses  of  travelling  in  the  discharge  of  their  duty,  six 
chalders  of  bear,  nine  chalders  of  meal,  three  chalders  of  oats, 
and  six  hundred  merks  in  money,  were  thought  necessary  as  an 
annual  stipend.  The  salaries  of  professors  were  fixed  from  one 
to  two  hundred  pounds ;  and  the  mode  of  supporting  the  poor 
was  left  undetermined,  until  means  should  be  used  to  suppress 
"  stubborne  and  idle  beggars,"  and  to  ascertain  the  number  of 
the  really  necessitous  in  each  parish.  The  stipends  of  ministers 
were  to  be  collected  by  the  deacons  from  the  tithes  ;  but  all 
illegal  exactions  were  to  be  previously  abolished,  and  measures 
taken  to  relieve  the  labourers  of  the  ground  from  the  oppressive 
manner  in  which  the  tithes  had  been  gathered  by  the  clergy,  or 
by  those  to  whom  they  had  farmed  them.  The  revenues  of 
bishoprics,  and  of  cathedral  and  collegiate  churches,  with  the 
rents  arising  from  the  endowments  of  monasteries  and  other  re- 
ligious foundations,  were  to  be  divided,  and  appropriated  to  the 
support  of  the  universities,  or  of  the  churches  within  their 
bounds. 

Nothing  could  be  more  unpalatable  than  doctrine  of  this  kind 
to  a  considerable  number  of  the  Protestant  nobility  and  gentry. 
They  had  for  some  time  fixed  a  covetous  eye  on  the  rich  reve- 
nues of  the  Popish  clergy.  Some  of  them  had  seized  upon 
church-lands,  or  retained  the  tithes  in  their  own  hands.  Others 
had  taken  long  leases  of  them  from  the  clergy  for  small  sums 
of  money,  and  were  anxious  to  have  these  private  bargains 
legalized.  Hence  their  aversion  to  have  the  Book  of  Discipline 
ratified ;  *  hence  the  poverty  and  the  complaints  of  the  minis- 
ters, and  the  languishing  state  of  the  universities.  The  Swiss 
Reformer,  by  his  eloquence  and  his  firmness,  enabled  his  coun- 
trymen to  gain  a  conquest  over  their  avarice,  which  was  more 
honourable  to  them  than  any  of  their  other  victories,  when  he 
prevailed  on  them  to  appropriate  the  whole  revenues  of  the  Po- 
pish establishment  to  the  support  of  the  Protestant  Church  and 
seminaries  of  literature,  t  But  it  was  not  so  easy  a  matter  to 

*  Knox  mentions  Lord  Erskine  (afterwards  Earl  of  Mar)  as  one  of  the 
chief  noblemen  who  refused  to  subscribe  the  Discipline,  and  assigns  two  rea- 
sons for  his  refusal :  first,  "  he  has  a  very  Jesabell  to  his  wife  ;"  and,  second, 
"  if  the  pure,  the  scullis,  and  the  ministry  of  the  kirk,  had  thair  awin,  his 
kitcheing  wald  want  twa  partes  and  mair  of  that  quhilk  he  now  unjustly 
possesses."  Historic,  p.  256.  My  Lady  Mar's  passion  for  money  was  well 
known  at  that  time,  and  is  referred  to  in  Lord  Thirlstane's  "  Admonitioun  to 
my  Lord  of  Mar  Regent,"  published  in  Ancient  Scottish  Poems  from  Mait- 
land  MS.  p.  164.  Lond.  1786  :— 

"  Nor,  to  content  thy  marrow's  covatice, 
Put  not  thyself  in  perrell  for  to  pereis." 

t  Hess,  Life  of  Zuingle,  pp.  201—207.    Gerdes.  i.  309. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  215 

manage  the  turbulent  and  powerful  barons  of  Scotland,  as  it 
was  to  sway  the  minds  of  the  burgomasters  of  Zurich.  When 
we  consider,  however,  the  extent  of  the  establishments  propos- 
ed by  our  reformers,  including  the  support  of  the  ministry,  of 
parochial  schools,  of  city  colleges,  and  of  national  universities, 
we  cannot  regard  the  demand  which  they  made  on  the  funds 
devoted  to  the  Church  as  extravagant  or  unreasonable.  They 
shewed  themselves  disinterested  by  the  moderate  share  which 
they  asked  for  themselves ;  and  the  least  that  we  can  say  of 
their  plan  is,  that  it  was  worthy  of  a  more  enlightened  and  lib- 
eral age,  in  which  it  might  have  met  with  rulers  more  capable 
of  appreciating  its  utility,  and  better  disposed  to  carry  it  into 
execution.  * 

It  is  peculiarly  pleasing  to  observe  the  restoration  of  religion 
and  of  letters  going  hand  in  hand,  in  our  native  country. 
Everywhere,  indeed,  the  Reformation  had  the  most  powerful 
influence,  direct  and  remote,  on  the  general  promotion  of  litera- 
ture. It  aroused  the  human  mind  from  the  lethargy  in  which 
it  had  slumbered  for  ages,  released  it  from  the  fetters  of  implicit 
faith  and  blind  obedience  to  human  authority,  and  stimulated  it 
to  the  exertion  of  its  powers  in  the  search  of  truth.  It  induced 
the  learned  to  study  with  care  the  original  languages  in  which 
the  sacred  books  were  written ;  and  it  diffused  knowledge 
among  the  illiterate,  by  laying  open  the  Scriptures,  and  calling 
upon  all  to  examine  them  for  themselves.  The  unintelligible 
jargon  which  had  long  infested  the  schools  began  to  be  discard- 
ed. Controversies  were  now  decided  by  appeals  to  Scripture 
and  to  common  sense ;  and  the  disputes  which  were  eagerly 
maintained  led  to  the  improvement  of  the  art  of  reasoning,  and 
a  more  rational  method  of  communicating  knowledge.  Super- 
stition and  credulity  being  undermined,  the  spirit  of  inquiry  was 
soon  directed  to  the  discovery  of  the  true  laws  of  nature,  as 
well  as  the  genuine  doctrines  of  revelation. 

In  the  south  of  Europe,  the  revival  of  letters  preceded  the 
reformation  of  religion,  and  materially  facilitated  its  progress. 
In  the  north,  this  order  was  reversed ;  and  Scotland,  in  par- 
ticular, must  date  the  origin  of  her  literary  acquirements  from 
the  first  introduction  of  the  Protestant  opinions.  As  the  one 
gained  ground,  the  other  was  brought  forward.  We  have  al- 
ready seen  that  the  Greek  language  began  to  be  studied  almost 
as  soon  as  the  light  of  Reformation  dawned  upon  this  country  ; 
and  I  have  now  to  state,  that  the  first  school  for  teaching  the 
Hebrew  language  in  Scotland  was  opened  immediately  after 
the  establishment  of  the  Protestant  Church.  Hebrew  was  one 
of  the  branches  of  education  appointed  by  the  Book  of  Disci 

*  See  Note  OO. 


216  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

pline  to  be  taught  in  the  reformed  seminaries,  and  Providence 
had  furnished  a  person  who  was  well  qualified  for  that  task, 
which  those  who  filled  the  chairs  in  our  universities  were 
totally  unfit  to  undertake. 

The  person  to  whom  I  refer  was  John  Row.  After  finishing 
his  education  at  St  Andrews,  and  practising  for  some  time  as  an 
advocate  before  the  consistorial  court  there,  he  left  the  country 
about  the  year  1550,  with  the  view  of  prosecuting  his  studies  to 
greater  advantage  on  the  Continent.  Within  a  short  time  he 
received  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws  from  two  Italian  uni- 
versities. He  did  not,  however,  confine  himself  to  one  branch 
of  study ;  but,  improving  the  opportunity  which  he  enjoyed, 
made  himself  master  of  the  Greek  and  Hebrew  languages. 
His  reputation  as  a  lawyer  being  high,  the  Scottish  clergy  em- 
ployed him  as  agent  to  manage  some  of  their  causes  before  the 
court  of  Rome.  This  introduced  him  to  the  friendship  of  Guido 
Ascanio  Sforza,  Cardinal  of  Sancta  Flora,  and  to  the  acquaint- 
ance of  two  sovereign  pontiffs,  Julius  III.  and  Paul  IV.  Had 
he  remained  in  Italy,  it  is  highly  probable  that  he  would  soon 
have  attained  to  honourable  preferment  in  the  Church;  but 
having  lost  his  health,  he  determined,  in  1558,  to  return  to  his 
native  country.  The  reigning  pope  had  heard,  with  deep  con- 
cern, of  the  progress  which  the  new  opinions  were  making  in 
Scotland,  and,  as  he  had  great  confidence  in  Row's  talents,  ap- 
pointed him  his  nuncio,  with  instructions  to  use  his  utmost  ex- 
ertions to  oppose  them.  When  he  came  home,  he  endeavoured 
for  some  time  to  discharge  his  commission ;  but  despairing  of 
success,  and  foreseeing  the  confusions  in  which  the  country  was 
about  to  be  involved,  he  resolved  on  returning  to  Italy.  From 
this  resolution  he  was  diverted  by  the  prior  of  St.  Andrews, 
who  admired  his  learning,  and  conceived  good  hopes  of  his 
conversion,  from  the  candour  which  he  displayed  in  the  man- 
agement of  religious  controversy.  His  constancy  was  soon 
after  shaken  by  the  discovery  of  the  imposture  which  the 
clergy  attempted  to  practise  at  Musselburgh;  *  and,  having  held 
several  conferences  with  Knox,  he  became  a  complete  convert 
to  the  Protestant  faith.  Upon  the  establishment  of  the  Refor- 
mation, he  was  admitted  minister  of  Perth,  and,  at  the  recom- 
mendation of  his  brethren,  began  to  give  lessons  in  the  He- 
brew language  to  young  men  who  were  placed  under  his 
tuition,  t 

The  interests  of  literature  in  Scotland  were  not  a  little  pro- 
moted at  this  time  by  the  return  of  Buchanan  to  his  native 
country.  That  accomplished  scholar,  since  his  flight  in  1538, 

*  See  above,  p.  201. 

f  Row's  MS.  Historie,  ut  sup.  pp.  308,  356,  372.    See  also  Note  PP. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  217 

had  visited  the  most  celebrated  seminaries  on  the  Continent, 
greatly  improved  his  stock  of  learning,  and  given  ample  proof 
of  those  talents  which,  in  the  opinion  of  posterity  as  well  as  of 
his  contemporaries,  have  placed  him  indisputably  at  the  head 
of  modern  Latin  poets.  The  reception  which  he  obtained  from 
his  countrymen  evinced  that  they  were  not  incapable  of  esti- 
mating his  merits ;  and  the  satisfaction  with  which  he  spent  the 
remainder  of  his  life  among  them,  after  he  had  enjoyed  the 
society  of  the  most  learned  men  in  Europe,  is  a  sufficient  proof 
that  they  had  already  made  no  inconsiderable  advances  in  the 
acquisition  of  polite  literature.* 

We  are  apt  to  form  false  and  exaggerated  notions  of  the 
rudeness  of  our  ancestors.  Scotland  was,  indeed,  at  that  period, 
as  she  is  still  at  the  present  day,  behind  many  of  the  southern 
countries  in  the  cultivation  of  some  of  the  fine  arts,  and  she  was 
a  stranger  to  that  refinement  of  manners  which  has  oftener  been 
a  concealment  to  vice  than  an  ornament  to  virtue.  But  that 
her  inhabitants  were  "  men  unacquainted  with  the  pleasures  of 
conversation,  ignorant  of  arts  and  civility,  and  corrupted  beyond 
their  usual  rusticity  by  a  dismal  fanaticism,  which  rendered 
them  incapable  of  all  humanity  or  improvement,"  t  is  an  asser- 
tion which  argues  either  inexcusable  ignorance  or  deplorable 
prejudice.  Will  this  character  apply  to  such  men  as  Buchanan, 
Knox,  Row,  Willock,  Balnaves,  Erskine,  Maitland,  Glencairn, 
and  James  Stewart,  not  to  name  many  others ;  men  who  ex- 
celled in  their  respective  ranks  and  professions,  who  had  received 
a  liberal  education,  travelled  into  foreign  countries,  conversed 
with  the  best  company,  and,  in  addition  to  their  acquaintance 
with  ancient  learning,  could  speak  the  most  polite  languages  of 
modern  Europe  ?  Perhaps  some  of  our  literati,  who  entertain 
such  a  diminutive  idea  of  the  taste  and  learning  of  those  times, 
might  have  been  taken  by  surprise,  had  they  been  set  down  at 
the  table  of  one  of  our  Scottish  reformers,  surrounded  by  a  circle 
of  his  children  and  pupils,  where  the  conversation  was  all  car- 
ried on  in  French,  and  the  chapter  of  the  Bible,  at  family  wor- 
ship, was  read  by  the  boys  in  French,  Latin,  Greek,  and  Hebrew. 
Perhaps  they  might  have  blushed,  if  the  book  had  been  put  into 
their  hands,  and  they  had  been  required  to  perform  a  part  of 
the  exercises.  Such,  however,  was  the  common  practice  in  the 
house  of  John  Row.J  Nor  was  the  improvement  of  our  native 
tongue  neglected  at  that  time.  David  Ferguson,  minister  of 
Dunfermline,  was  celebrated  for  his  attention  to  this  branch  of 
composition.  He  had  not  enjoyed  the  advantage  of  a  univcr- 

*  See  Note  QQ. 

f  Hume,  History  of  England,  vol.  v.  chap.  38,  p.  51.     Lond.  1807. 

J  Row's  MS.  p.  372. 

19  C2 


218  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

sity  education,  but,  possessing  a  good  taste  and  lively  fancy, 
was  very  successful  in  refining  and  enriching  the  Scottish  lan- 
guage, by  his  discourses  and  writings.* 

The  first  meeting  of  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Church  of 
Scotland  was  held  at  Edinburgh  on  the  20th  of  December  1560. 
It  consisted  of  forty  members,  only  six  of  whom  were  ministers.! 
Knox  was  one  of  these  ;  and  he  continued  to  sit  in  most  of  the 
meetings  of  that  judicatory  until  the  time  of  his  death.  Its 
deliberations  were  conducted  at  first  with  great  simplicity  and 
unanimity.  It  is  a  singular  circumstance  that  there  were  seven 
different  meetings  of  Assembly  without  a  moderator  or  presi- 
dent. But  as  the  number  of  members  increased,  and  business 
became  more  complicated,  a  moderator  was  appointed  to  be 
chosen  at  every  meeting ;  and  he  was  invested  with  authority 
to  maintain  order.  The  first  person  who  occupied  that  place 
was  John  Willock,  superintendent  of  Glasgow  and  the  West. 
Regulations  were  also  enacted  concerning  the  constituent  mem- 
bers of  the  court,  the  causes  which  ought  to  come  before  them, 
and  the  mode  of  procedure.^ 

In  the  close  of  this  year,  our  Reformer  suffered  a  heavy 
domestic  loss,  by  the  death  of  his  valuable  wife,  who,  after 
sharing  the  hardships  of  exile  along  with  her  husband,  was 
removed  from  him  just  when  he  had  obtained  a  comfortable 
settlement  for  his  family. §  He  was  left  with  the  charge  of  two 
young  children,  in  addition  to  his  other  cares.  His  mother-in- 
law  was  still  with  him ;  but  though  he  took  pleasure  in  her 
religious  conversation,  the  dejection  of  mind  to  which  she  was 
subject,  and  which  all  his  efforts  could  never  completely  cure, 
rather  increased  than  lightened  his  burden.  ||  His  acute  feel- 
ings were  severely  wounded  by  this  stroke  ;  but  he  endeavoured 
to  moderate  his  grief  by  the  consolations  which  he  administered 
to  others,  and  by  application  to  public  duty.  He  had  the  satis- 
faction of  receiving,  on  this  occasion,  a  letter  from  his  much 
respected  friend  Calvin,  in  which  expressions  of  great  esteem 
for  his  deceased  partner  were  mingled  with  condolence  for  his 
loss.1 

*  See  Note  RR. 

f  Bulk  of  the  Universal  Kirk,  p.  2.  MS.  Adv.  Lib.    Keith,  498. 

\  See  Note  SS.  §  Knox's  Historic,  p.  260. 

||  Preface  to  a  Letter,  added  to  An  Answer  to  a  Letter  of  a  Jesuit,  named 
Tyrie,  be  Johne  Knox. — Sanctandrois — Anno  Do.  1572. 

IT  Calvini  Epistolae,  p.  150.  Oper.  torn.  ix.  "  Viduitas  tua  mihi,  ut  debet, 
tristis  et  acerba  est.  Uxorem  nactus  eras  cui  non  reperiuntur  passim 
similes,"  &c.  In  a  letter  to  Christopher  Goodman,  written  at  the  same  time, 
Calvin  says,  "  Fratrem  nostrum  Knoxum,  etsi  non  parum  doleo  suavissima 
uxore  fuisse  privatum,  guadeo  tamen  ejus  morte  non  ita  fuisse  afflictum,  quin 
strenue  operam  suam  Christo  et  ecclesice  impendat."  Ibid.  Calvin  had  lost 
his  own  wife  in  1549.  Epistolae  et  Responsa,  p.  212 — 3,  225,  Hanov.  1597. 


LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX.  219 

I  may  take  this  opportunity  of  mentioning,  that  Knox,  with 
the  consent  of  his  brethren,  consulted  the  Genevan  reformer 
upon  several  difficult  questions  which  occurred  respecting  the 
settlement  of  the  Scottish  Reformation,  and  that  a  number  of 
letters  passed  between  them  on  this  subject.* 

Anxieties  on  a  public  account  were  felt  by  Knox  along  with 
domestic  distress.  The  Reformation  had  hitherto  advanced 
with  a  success  equal  to  his  most  sanguine  expectations ;  and, 
at  this  time,  no  opposition  was  publicly  made  to  the  new  estab- 
lishment. But  matters  were  still  in  a  very  critical  state.  There 
were  a  party  in  the  nation,  by  no  means  inconsiderable  in  num- 
bers and  power,  who  remained  addicted  to  Popery ;  and,  though 
they  had  given  way  to  the  torrent,  they  anxiously  waited  for 
an  opportunity  to  embroil  the  country  in  another  civil  war,  for 
the  restoration  of  the  ancient  religion.  Queen  Mary,  and  her 
husband,  the  King  of  France,  had  refused  to  ratify  the  late 
treaty  and  dismissed  the  deputy  sent  by  the  parliament,  with 
marks  of  the  highest  displeasure  at  the  innovations  which  they 
had  presumed  to  introduce.  A  new  army  was  preparing  in 
France  for  the  invasion  of  Scotland  against  the  spring ;  emis- 
saries were  sent,  in  the  mean  time,  to  encourage  and  unite  the 
Roman  Catholics  ;  and  it  was  doubtful  if  the  Queen  of  England 
would  subject  herself  to  new  expense  and  odium,  by  protecting 
them  from  a  second  attack.t 

The  danger  was  not  unperceived  by  our  Reformer,  who 
laboured  to  impress  the  minds  of  his  countrymen  with  its  mag- 
nitude, and  to  excite  them  speedily  to  complete  the  settlement 
of  religion  throughout  the  kingdom,  which,  he  was  persuaded, 
would  prove  the  principal  bulwark  against  the  assaults  of  their 
adversaries.  His  admonitions  were  now  listened  to  with  atten- 
tion by  many  who  had  formerly  treated  them  with  indifference.  + 
The  threatened  storm,  however,  blew  over,  in  consequence  of 
the  death  of  the  French  king ;  but  this  necessarily  led  to  a  mea- 
sure which  involved  the  Scottish  Protestants  in  a  new  struggle, 
and  exposed  the  Reformed  Church  to  dangers  less  obvious  and 
striking,  but,  on  that  account,  not  less  to  be  dreaded,  than  open 
violence  and  hostility.  This  was  an  invitation  given  by  the 
Protestant  nobility  to  their  young  queen,  who,  on  the  19th  of 
August,  1561,  arrived  in  Scotland,  and  assumed  the  reins  of 
government  into  her  own  hands. 

The  education  which  Mary  had  received  in  France,  what- 
ever embellishments  it  added  to  her  beauty,  was  the  very  worst 
which  can  be  conceived  for  fitting  her  to  rule  her  native  country 

*  See  Note  TT. 

f  Knox,  257,  258.  Buchanan,  i.  326,  327.  Spotswood,  150,  151.  Keith 
154,  157.  |  Knox,  260. 


220  LIFE   OF  JOHN   KNOX. 

in  the  present  juncture.  Of  a  temper  naturally  violent,  the  de- 
votion which  she  had  been  accustomed  to  see  paid  to  her  per- 
sonal charms,  rendered  her  extremely  impatient  of  contradic- 
tion.* Habituated  to  the  splendour  and  gallantry  of  the  most 
luxurious  and  dissolute  court  in  Europe,  she  could  not  submit 
to  those  restraints  which  the  severer  manners  of  her  subjects 
imposed ;  and  while  they  took  offence  at  the  freedom  of  her 
behaviour,  she  could  not  conceal  the  antipathy  and  disgust 
which  she  felt  at  theirs.t  Full  of  high  notions  of  royal  pre- 
rogative, she  regarded  the  late  proceedings  in  Scotland  as  a 
course  of  rebellion  against  her  legitimate  authority.  Nursed 
from  her  infancy  in  a  blind  attachment  to  the  Roman  Catholic 
faith,  every  means  had  been  employed,  before  she  left  France, 
to  strengthen  this  prejudice,  and  to  inspire  her  with  aversion 
to  the  religion  which  had  been  embraced  by  her  people.  She 
was  taught  that  it  would  be  the  great  glory  of  her  reign  to 
reduce  her  kingdom  to  the  obedience  of  the  Roman  see,  and  to 
co-operate  with  the  Popish  princes  on  the  Continent  in  extir- 
hating  heresy.  If  she  forsook  the  religion  in  which  she  had 
been  educated,  she  would  forfeit  their  powerful  friendship  ;  if 
she  persevered  in  it,  she  might  depend  upon  their  assistance  to 
enable  her  to  chastise  her  rebellious  subjects,  and  to  prosecute 
her  claims  to  the  English  crown  against  a  heretical  usurper. 

With  these  fixed  prepossessions,  Mary  came  into  Scotland  ; 
and  she  adhered  to  them  with  singular  pertinacity  to  the  end 
of  her  life.  To  examine  the  subjects  of  controversy  between 
the  Papists  and  Protestants,  with  the  view  of  ascertaining  on 
which  side  the  truth,  lay — to  hear  the  reformed  preachers,  or 
permit  them  to  lay  before  her  the  grounds  of  their  faith,  even 
in  the  presence  of  the  clergy  whom  she  had  brought  along  with 
her — to  do  any  thing,  in  short,  which  might  lead  to  a  doubt  in 
her  mind  respecting  the  religion  in  which  she  had  been  brought 
up — were  compliances  against  which  she  had  formed  an  unal- 
terable determination.  As  the  Protestants  were  in  possession 
of  power,  it  was  necessary  for  her  to  temporize  ;  but  she  resolved 
to  withhold  her  ratification  of  the  late  proceedings,  and  to  em- 
brace the  first  favourable  opportunity  to  overturn  them,  and 
re-establish  the  ancient  system.^ 

*  Mr.  Hume's  letter,  printed  in  the  Life  of  Dr.  Robertson ;  History  of 
Scotland,  vol.  i.  25.  Lond.  1809.  Anderson's  Collections,  vol.  iv.  part  i. 
pp.  71,  72,  74,  79. 

t  "  How  sone  that  ever  her  French  fillokes,  fidlars,  and  utheris  of  that 
band,  gat  the  hous  alone,  thair  maycht  be  sene  skipping  not  veray  comelie 
for  honest  women.  Her  comime  talk  was  in  secrete,  that  sche  saw  nothing 
in  Scotland  but  gravity,  quhilk  repugned  altogidder  to  her  nature,  for  sche 
was  brocht  up  in  joyeusetie."  Knox,  Historic,  p.  294. 

t  See  Note  UU. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  221 

The  reception  which  she  met  with  on  landing  in  Scotland 
was  flattering ;  but  an  occurrence  that  took  place  soon  after, 
damped  the  joy  which  had  been  expressed,  and  prognosticated 
future  jealousies  and  confusion.  The  deputies  sent  to  France 
with  the  invitation  from  the  nobles,  could  not  promise  her  more 
than  the  private  exercise  of  her  religion ;  bat  her  uncles,  by 
whom  she  was  accompanied,  wishing  to  take  advantage  of  the 
spirit  of  loyalty  which  had  been  displayed  since  their  arrival, 
insisted  that  she  should  cause  the  Roman  Catholic  rites  to  be 
performed  with  all  publicity.  Influenced  by  their  opinion,  and 
willing  to  give  her  subjects  an  early  proof  of  her  firm  determi- 
nation to  adhere  to  the  ancient  faith,  Mary  directed  prepara- 
tions to  be  made  for  the  celebration  of  a  solemn  mass  in  the 
chapel  of  Holyroodhouse,  on  the  first  Sabbath  after  her  arrival. 
This  service  had  not  been  performed  in  Scotland  since  the  con- 
clusion of  the  civil  war,  and  was  prohibited  by  an  act  of  the 
late  parliament.  So  great  was  the  horror  with  which  the  Pro- 
testants viewed  its  restoration,  and  the  alarm  which  they  felt 
at  finding  it  countenanced  by  their  queen,  that  the  first  rumour 
of  the  design  excited  expressions  of  strong  discontent,  which 
would  have  burst  into  an  open  tumult,  had  not  some  of  the 
leading  men  among  the  Protestants  interfered,  and  exerted  their 
authority  in  repressing  the  zeal  of  the  multitude.  From  regard 
to  public  tranquillity,  and  reluctance  to  offend  the  queen  at  her 
first  return  to  her  native  kingdom,  Knox  used  his  influence  in 
private  conversation  to  allay  the  fervour  of  the  more  zealous 
reformers,  who  were  ready  to  prevent  the  service  by  force. 
But  he  was  not  less  alarmed  at  the  precedent  than  his  brethren 
were  ;  and,  having  exposed  the  evils  of  idolatry  on  the  follow- 
ing Sabbath,  he  concluded  his  sermon  by  saying,  that  "  one 
mass  was  more  fearfull  unto  him,  than  if  ten  thousand  armed 
enemies  were  landed  in  ony  parte  of  the  realme,  of  purpose  to 
suppress  the  whole  religioun."  * 

At  this  day,  we  are  apt  to  be  struck  with  surprise  at  the  con- 
duct of  our  ancestors,  to  treat  their  fears  as  visionary,  or  at  least 
as  highly  exaggerated,  and  summarily  to  pronounce  them 
guilty  of  the  same  intolerance  of  which  they  complained  in  their 
adversaries.  Persecution  for  conscience'  sake  is  so  odious,  and 
the  least  approach  to  it  is  so  dangerous,  that  we  deem  it  impos- 
sible to  express  too  great  detestation  of  any  measure  which 
tends  to  countenance  or  seems  to  encourage  it.  But  let  us  be 
just  as  well  as  liberal.  A  little  reflection  upon  the  circum- 
stances in  which  our  reforming  fathers  were  placed  may  serve 
to  abate  our  astonishment,  and  to  qualify  our  censures.  They 
were  actuated  by  a  strong  abhorrence  of  Popish  idolatry,  a 

*  Knox,  Historic,  pp.  284 — 287. 


222  LIFE    OF  JOHN   KNOX. 

feeling  which  is  fully  justified  by  the  spirit  and  precepts  of 
Christianity ;  and  the  prospect  of  the  land  being  again  denied 
by  the  revival  of  its  impure  rites  produced  on  their  minds  a 
sensation,  with  which,  from  our  ignorance  and  lukewarmness, 
as  much  as  our  ideas  of  religious  liberty,  we  are  incapable  of 
sympathizing.  But  they  were  also  influenced  by  a  proper 
regard  to  their  own  preservation ;  and  the  fears  which  they 
entertained  were  not  fanciful,  nor  the  precautions  which  they 
adopted  unnecessary. 

The  warmest  friends  of  toleration  and  liberty  of  conscience 
(some  of  whom  will  not  readily  be  charged  with  Protestant 
prejudices)  have  granted,  that  persecution  of  the  most  san- 
guinary kind  was  inseparable  from  the  system  and  spirit  of 
Popery  which  was  at  that  time  dominant  in  Europe  ;  and  they 
cannot  deny  the  inference,  that  the  profession  and  propagation 
of  it  were,  on  this  account,  justly  subjected  to  penal  restraints, 
as  far,  at  least,  as  was  requisite  to  prevent  it  from  obtaining  the 
ascendency,  and  from  reacting  the  bloody  scenes  which  it  had 
already  exhibited.*  The  Protestants  of  Scotland  had  these 
scenes  before  their  eyes,  and  fresh  in  their  recollection ;  and 
infatuated  and  criminal  indeed  would  they  have  been,  if,  listen- 
ing to  the  siren  song  of  toleration,  by  which  their  adversaries, 
with  no  less  impudence  than  artifice,  now  attempted  to  lull  them 
asleep,  they  had  suffered  themselves  to  be  thrown  off  their 
guard,  and  neglected  to  provide  against  the  most  distant  ap- 
proaches of  the  danger  by  which  they  were  threatened.  Could 
.hey  be  ignorant  of  the  perfidious,  barbarous,  and  unrelenting 
cruelty  with  which  Protestants  were  treated  in  every  Roman 
Catholic  kingdom  ?  In  France,  where  so  many  of  their  breth- 
ren had  been  put  to  death,  under  the  influence  of  the  house  of 
Guise ;  in  the  Netherlands,  where  such  multitudes  had  been 
tortured,  beheaded,  hanged,  drowned,  or  buried  alive  ;  in  Eng- 
land, where  the  flames  of  persecution  were  but  lately  extin- 
guished ;  and  in  Spain  and  Italy,  where  they  still  continued  to 
blaze  ?  Could  they  have  forgotten  what  had  taken  place  in 
their  own  country,  or  the  perils  from  which  they  had  themselves 
so  recently  and  so  narrowly  escaped  ?  "  God  forbid !"  exclaim- 
ed the  lords  of  the  privy  council,  in  the  presence  of  Queen 
Mary,  at  a  time  when  they  were  not  disposed  to  offend  her, — 
"  God  forbid !  that  the  lives  of  the  faithful  stood  in  the  power  of 
the  Papists;  for  just  experience  has  taught  us  what  cruelty  is 
in  their  hearts."  t 

Nor  was  this  an  event  so  incredible,  or  so  unlikely  to  happen, 
as  many  seem  to  imagine.  The  rage  for  conquest,  on  the  Con- 
tinent, was  now  converted  into  a  rage  for  proselytism;  and 

*  See  Note  XX.  1  Knox,  Historic,  p.  341. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  223 

steps  had  already  been  taken  towards  forming  that  league 
among  the  Popish  princes,  which  had  for  its  object  the  univer- 
sal extermination  of  Protestants.  The  Scottish  queen  was  pas- 
sionately addicted  to  the  intoxicating  cup  of  which  so  many  of 
"  the  kings  of  the  earth  had  drunk. "  There  were  numbers  in 
the  nation  who  were  similarly  disposed.  The  liberty  taken  by 
the  queen  would  soon  be  demanded  for  all  who  declared  them- 
selves Catholics.  Many  of  those  who  had  hitherto  ranged  un- 
der the  Protestant  standard  were  lukewarm  in  the  cause ;  the 
zeal  of  others  had  already  suffered  a  sensible  abatement  since 
the  arrival  of  their  sovereign:*  and  it  was  to  be  feared,  that  the 
favours  of  the  court,  and  the  blandishments  of  an  artful  and  ac- 
complished princess,  would  make  proselytes  of  some,  and  lull 
others  into  security,  while  designs  were  carried  on  pregnant 
with  ruin  to  the  religion  and  liberties  of  the  nation.  In  one 
word,  the  public  toleration  of  the  Popish  worship  was  only  a 
step  to  its  re-establishment,  and  this  would  be  the  signal  for 
kindling  afresh  the  fires  of  persecution.  It  was  in  this  manner 
that  some  of  the  wisest  men  in  the  kingdom  reasoned  at  that 
time  ;t  and,  had  it  not  been  for  the  uncommon  spirit  which  then 
existed  among  the  reformers,  there  is  every  reason  to  think  that 
their  predictions  would  have  been  realized. 

To  those  who  accuse  the  Scottish  Protestants  of  displaying 
the  same  spirit  of  intolerance  by  which  the  Roman  Catholics 
were  distinguished,  I  would  recommend  the  following  statement 
of  a  French  author,  who  had  formed  a  more  just  notion  of  these 
transactions  than  many  of  our  own  writers : — "Mary,"  says 
he,  "  was  brought  up  in  France,  accustomed  to  see  Protestants 
burnt  to  death,  and  instructed  in  the  maxims  of  her  uncles,  the 
Guises,  who  maintained  that  it  was  necessary  to  exterminate, 
without  mercy,  the  pretended  reformed.  With  these  disposi- 
tions, she  arrived  in  Scotland,  which  was  wholly  reformed,  with 
the  exception  of  a  few  lords.  The  kingdom  received  her,  ac- 
knowledged her  as  their  queen,  and  obeyed  her  in  all  things 
according  to  the  laws  of  the  country.  I  maintain,  that,  in  the 
state  of  men's  spirits  at  that  time,  if  a  Huguenot  queen  had 
come  to  take  possession  of  a  Roman  Catholic  kingdom,  with 
the  slender  retinue  with  which  Mary  went  to  Scotland,  the  first 
thing  they  would  have  done  would  have  been  to  arrest  her ; 
and  if  she  had  persevered  in  her  religion,  they  would  have  pro- 

*  Knox,  Historic,  pp.  282,  283,  285,  287. 

f  Several  of  the  above  considerations,  along  with  others,  are  forcibly  sta- 
ted in  a  letter  of  Maitland  to  Cecil,  written  a  short  time  before  Queen  Mary's 
arrival  in  Scotland.  Keith,  App.  92 — 95.  That  sagacious,  but  supple  po- 
litician, was  among  the  first  to  verify  some  of  his  own  predictions.  That 
such  fears  were  very  general  in  the  nation  appears  also  from  a  letter  of  Ran- 
dolph. Robertson,  Append.  No.  5. 


224  LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX. 

cured  her  degradation  by  the  pope,  thrown  her  into  the  Inquisi- 
tion, and  burnt  her  as  a  heretic.  There  is  not  an  honest  man 
who  can  deny  this."* 

After  all,  it  is  surely  unnecessary  to  apologize  for  the  restric- 
tions which  our  ancestors  were  desirous  of  imposing  on  Queen 
Mary,  to  those  who  approve  of  the  present  constitution  of  Bri- 
tain, according  to  which  every  Papist  is  excluded  from  succee- 
ding to  the  throne,  and  the  reigning  monarch,  by  setting  up  mass 
in  his  chapel,  would  virtually  forfeit  his  crown.  Is  Popery 
more  dangerous  now  than  it  was  two  hundred  and  fifty  years 
ago? 

Besides  his  fears  for  the  common  cause,  Knox  had,  at  this 
time,  grounds  of  apprehension  as  to  his  personal  safety.  The 
queen  was  peculiarly  incensed  against  him  on  account  of  the 
active  part  which  he  had  taken  in  the  late  revolution ;  the  Po- 
pish clergy  who  left  the  kingdom  had  represented  him  as  the 
ringleader  of  her  factious  subjects ;  and  she  had  publicly  declar- 
ed, before  she  left  France,  that  she  was  determined  he  should  be 
punished.  His  book  against  female  government  was  most  pro- 
bably the  ostensible  charge  on  which  he  was  to  be  prosecuted ; 
and,  accordingly,  we  find  him  making  application,  through  the 
English  resident  at  Edinburgh,  to  secure  the  favour  of  Elizabeth ; 
reasonably  suspecting  that  she  might  be  induced  to  abet  the  pro- 
ceedings against  him  on  this  ground.t  But  whatever  perils  he 
apprehended,  from  the  personal  presence  of  the  queen,  either  to 
the  public  or  to  himself,  he  used  not  the  smallest  influence  to 
prevent  her  being  invited  home.  On  the  contrary,  he  concurred 
with  his  brethren  in  this  measure,  and  also  in  using  means  to  de- 
feat a  scheme  which  the  Duke  of  Chastelherault,  under  the  di- 

*  Histoire  du  Calvinisme  et  celle  du  Papisme  mises  en  Parellele ;  ou  Apol- 
ogie  pour  les  Reformateurs,  pour  la  Reformation,  et  pour  les  Reformez,  tome 
i.  334.  A  Rotterdam,  1683,  4to.  The  affirmation  of  this  writer  is  complete- 
ly supported  by  the  well  known  history  of  Henry  IV.  of  France  (not  to  men- 
tion other  instances),  whose  recantation  of  Calvinism,  although  it  smoothed 
his  way  to  the  throne,  could  not  efface  the  indelible  stigma  of  his  former 
heresy,  secure  the  affections  of  his  Roman  Catholic  subjects,  or  avert  from 
his  breast  the  consecrated  poniard  of  the  assassin. 

f  Randolph  to  Cecil,  9th  Aug.  1561,  apud  Robertson's  Scotland,  Appendix, 
No.  5,  and  Keith,  p.  190.  A  letter  of  Maitland  to  Cecil,  of  the  same  date 
with  the  above,  seems  to  refer  to  the  same  design ;  and  I  shall  take  the  op- 
portunity of  correcting  (what  appears  to  me)  an  error  in  the  transcription  of 
this  letter.  "I  wish  to  God,"  says  Maitland,  "the  first  warre  may  be 
planely  intended  against  them  by  Knox,  for  so  shold  it  be  manifest  that  the 
suppressing  of  religion  was  ment;  but  I  fear  more  she  will  proceed  tharunto 
by  indirect  means.  And  nothing  for  us  so  dangerouse  as  temporising." 
Haynes,  p.  367.  This  seems  altogether  unintelligble ;  but  if  the  words 
which  I  have  printed  in  Italics  be  transposed,  and  read  thus,  "  by  them  against 
Knox,  "they  will  make  sense,  and  correspond  with  the  strain  of  the  letter, 
and  with  the  fact  mentioned  by  Randolph,  in  his  letter  to  Cecil  written  on 
the  same  day.  Maitland  expresses  his  fears  that  Mary  would  have  recourse 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  225 

rection  of  the  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews,  had  formed  to  ex- 
clude her  from  the  government.*  But  when  the  Prior  of  St.  An- 
drews was  sent  to  France  with  the  invitation,  he  urged  that  her 
desisting  from  the  celebration  of  mass  should  be  one  of  the 
conditions  of  her  return  ;  and  when  he  found  him  and  the  rest 
of  the  council  disposed  to  grant  her  this  liberty  within  her  own 
chapel,  he  predicted  that  "her  liberty  would  be  their  thral- 
dom.3 't 

In  the  beginning  of  September,!  only  a  few  days  after  her 
arrival  in  Scotland,  the  queen  sent  for  Knox  to  the  palace,  and 
held  a  long  conversation  with  him,  in  the  presence  of  her  bro- 
ther, the  Prior  of  St.  Andrews.  Whether  she  did  this  of  her 
own  accord,  or  at  the  suggestion  of  some  of  her  counsellors,  is 
uncertain ;  but  she  seems  to  have  expected  to  awe  him  into  sub- 
mission by  her  authority,  if  not  to  confound  him  by  her  argu- 
ments. The  bold  freedom  with  which  he  replied  to  all  her 
charges,  and  vindicated  his  own  conduct,  convinced  her  that  the 
one  expectation  was  not  more  vain  than  the  other ;  and  the  im- 
pression which  she  wished  to  make  on  him  was  left  on  her  own 
mind. 

She  accused  him  of  raising  her  subjects  against  her  mother 
and  herself;  of  writing  a  book  against  her  just  authority,  which, 
she  said,  she  would  cause  the  most  learned  in  Europe  to  refute  ; 
of  being  the  cause  of  sedition  and  bloodshed,  when  he  was  in. 
England ;  and  of  accomplishing  his  purposes  by  magical  arts. 

To  these  heavy  charges  Knox  replied,  that,  if  to  teach  the 
truth  of  God  in  sincerity,  to  rebuke  idolatry,  and  exhort  a  peo- 
ple to  worship  God  according  to  his  word,  were  to  excite  sub- 
jects to  rise  against  their  princes,  then  he  stood  convicted  of  that 
crime ;  for  it  had  pleased  God  to  employ  him,  among  many 
others,  to  disclose  unto  that  realm  the  vanity  of  the  papistical 
religion,  with  the  deceit,  pride,  and  tyranny  of  the  Roman  anti- 
christ. But  if  the  true  knowledge  of  God  and  his  right  wor- 
ship were  the  most  powerful  inducements  to  subjects  cordially 
to  obey  their  princes  (as  they  certainly  were,)  then  was  he  inno- 
cent. Her  grace,  he  was  persuaded,  had  at  present  as  unfeign- 
ed obedience  from  the  Protestants  of  Scotland,  as  ever  her  father, 
or  any  of  her  ancestors,  had  from  those  called  bishops.  With 
respect  to  what  had  been  reported  to  her  majesty  concerning 
the  fruits  of  his  preaching  in  England,  he  was  glad  that  his  ene- 
mies laid  nothing  to  his  charge  but  what  the  world  knew  to  be 
false.  If  they  could  prove,  that,  in  any  of  the  places  where  he 

to  crafty  measures  for  undermining  their  cause,  instead  of  persevering  in 
the  design  which  she  had  avowed  of  prosecuting  Knox. 
*  Knox,  Historic,  p.  269.  t  Ibid.  p.  262 

Keith.  188. 


226  LIFE   OF  JOHN   KNOX. 

had  resided,  there  was  either  sedition  or  mutiny,  he  would  confess 
himself  to  be  a  malefactor.  But  so  far  from  this  being  the  case, 
he  was  not  ashamed  to  say,  that  in  Berwick,  where  bloodshed 
had  formerly  been  common  among  the  military,  God  so  blessed 
his  weak  labours,  that  there  was  as  great  quietness,  during  the 
time  he  resided  in  that  town,  as  there  was  at  present  in  Edin- 
burgh. The  slander  of  practising  magic  (an  art  which  he  had 
always  condemned),  he  could  more  easily  bear,  when  he  recol- 
lected that  his  master,  Jesus  Christ,  had  been  defamed  as  one  in 
league  with  Beelzebub.  As  to  the  book  which  seemed  to  have 
offended  her  majesty  so  highly,  he  owned  that  he  wrote  it,  and 
he  was  willing  that  all  the  learned  should  judge  of  it.  He  un- 
derstood that  an  Englishman  had  written  against  it,  but  he  had 
not  read  his  work.  If  that  author  had  sufficiently  confuted  his 
arguments,  and  established  the  contrary  opinion,  he  would  con- 
fess his  error ;  but  to  that  hour  he  continued  to  think  himself 
able  to  maintain  the  propositions  affirmed  in  that  book  against 
any  ten  in  Europe. 

"  You  think, then,  I  have  no  just  authority?"  said  the  queen. 
"  Please  your  majesty,"  replied  he,  "  learned  men  in  all  ages 
have  had  their  judgments  free,  and  most  commonly  disagreeing 
from  the  common  judgment  of  the  world ;  such  also  have  they 
published  both  with  pen  and  tongue ;  notwithstanding,  they 
themselves  have  lived  in  the  common  society  with  others,  and 
have  borne  patiently  with  the  errors  and  imperfections  which 
they  could  not  amend.  Plato,  the  philosopher,  wrote  his  book 
on  the  commonwealth,  in  which  he  condemned  many  things 
that  then  were  maintained  in  the  world,  and  required  many 
things  to  have  been  reformed;  and  yet,  notwithstanding,  he 
lived  under  such  policies  as  then  were  universally  received,  with- 
out farther  troubling  of  any  state.  Even  so,  madam,  am  I  con- 
tent to  do,  in  uprightness  of  heart,  and  with  a  testimony  of  a 
good  conscience."  He  added,  that  his  sentiments  on  that  sub- 
ject should  be  confined  to  his  own  breast ;  and  that,  if  she  re- 
frained from  persecution,  her  authority  would  not  be  hurt,  either 
by  him  or  his  book,  "  which  was  written  most  especially  against 
that  wicked  Jesabel  of  England." 

"But  ye  speak  of  women  in  general,"  said  the  queen. 
"  Most  true  it  is,  madam :  yet  it  appeareth  to  me,  that  wisdom 
should  persuade  your  grace  never  to  raise  trouble  for  that  which 
to  this  day  has  not  troubled  your  majesty,  neither  in  person  nor 
in  authority :  for  of  late  years  many  things  which  before  were 
held  stable  have  been  called  in  doubt ;  yea,  they  have  been 
plainly  impugned.  But  yet,  madam,  I  am  assured  that  neither 
Protestant  nor  Papist  shall  be  able  to  prove  that  any  such  ques- 
tion was  at  any  time  moved  either  in  public  or  in  secret.  Now, 
madam,  if  I  had  intended  to  have  troubled  your  estate,  because 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  227 

ye  are  a  woman,  I  would  have  chosen  a  time  more  convenient 
for  that  purpose  than  I  can  do  now,  when  your  presence  is  with- 
in the  realm." 

Changing  the  subject,  she  charged  him  with  having  taught 
the  people  to  receive  a  religion  different  from  that  which  was 
allowed  by  their  princes ;  and  she  asked  if  this  was  not  contra- 
ry to  the  divine  command,  that  subjects  should  obey  their  rulers. 
He  replied,  that  true  religion  derived  its  origin  and  authority 
not  from  princes  but  from  God ;  that  princes  were  often  most 
ignorant  on  this  point ;  and  that  subjects  were  not  bound  to 
frame  their  religious  sentiments  and  practice  according  to  the 
arbitrary  will  of  their  rulers,  else  the  Hebrews  ought  to  have 
conformed  to  the  religion  of  Pharaoh,  Daniel  and  his  associates 
to  that  of  Nebuchadnezzar  and  Darius,  and  the  primitive 
Christians  to  that  of  the  Roman  emperors.  "  Yea,"  replied  the 
queen,  qualifying  her  assertion ;  "  but  none  of  these  men  raised 
the  sword  against  their  princes."  "  Yet  you  cannot  deny,"  said 
he,  "  that  they  resisted ;  for  those  who  obey  not  the  command- 
ment given  them  do  in  some  sort  resist." — "  But  they  resisted 
not  with  the  sword,"  rejoined  the  queen,  pressing  home  the  ar- 
gument. "  God,  madam,  had  not  given  unto  them  the  power 
and  the  means." — "  Think  you,"  said  the  queen, "  that  subjects, 
having  the  power,  may  resist  their  princes  ?" — "  If  princes  ex- 
ceed their  bounds,  madam,  no  doubt  they  may  be  resisted,  even 
by  power.  For  no  greater  honour,  or  greater  obedience  is  to  be 
given  to  kings  and  princes,  than  God  has  commanded  to  be  given 
to  father  and  mother.  But  the  father  may  be  struck  with  a  fren- 
zy, in  which  he  would  slay  his  children.  Now,  madam,  if  the 
children  arise,  join  together,  apprehend  the  father, take  the  sword 
from  him,  bind  his  hands,  and  keep  him  in  prison,  till  the  frenzy 
be  over,  think  you,  madam,  that  the  children  do  any  wrong? 
Even  so,  madam,  is  it  with  princes  that  would  murder  the 
children  of  God  that  are  subject  unto  them.  Their  blind  zeal 
is  nothing  but  a  mad  frenzy ;  therefore,  to  take  the  sword  from 
them,  to  bind  their  hands,  and  to  cast  them  into  prison,  till  they 
be  brought  to  a  more  sober  mind,  is  no  disobedience  against 
princes,  but  just  obedience,  because  it  agreeth  with  the  will  of 
God." 

Mary,  who  had  hitherto  maintained  her  courage  in  reasoning, 
was  completely  overpowered  by  this  bold  answer ;  her  counte- 
nance changed,  and  she  remained  in  a  silent  stupor.  Her  bro- 
ther spoke  to  her,  and  inquired  the  cause  of  her  uneasiness ; 
but  she  made  no  reply.  Recovering  herself,  at  length,  she  said, 
"  Well,  then,  I  perceive  that  my  subjects  shall  obey  you  and 
not  me,  and  will  do  what  they  please  and  not  what  I  command  ; 
and  so  must  I  be  subject  to  them,  and  not  they  to  me." — "  God 
forbid !"  replied  the  Reformer, "  that  ever  I  take  upon  me  to 


228  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

command  any  to  obey  me,  or  to  set  subjects  at  liberty  to  do 
whatever  pleases  them.  But  my  travail  is,  that  both  princes 
and  subjects  may  obey  God.  And  think  not,  madam,  that 
wrong  is  done  you  when  you  are  required  to  be  subject  unto 
God  ;  for  it  is  he  who  subjects  people  under  princes,  and  causes 
obedience  to  be  given  unto  them.  He  craves  of  kings  that  they 
be  as  foster-fathers  to  his  Church,  and  commands  queens  to  be 
nurses  to  his  people.  And  this  subjection,  madam,  unto  God 
and  his  Church,  is  the  greatest  dignity  that  flesh  can  get  upon 
the  face  of  the  earth ;  for  it  shall  raise  them  to  everlasting 
glory." 

"  But  you  are  not  the  Church  that  I  will  nourish,"  said  the 
queen ;  "  I  will  defend  the  Church  of  Rome  ;  for  it  is,  I  think, 
the  true  Church  of  God." — "  Your  will,  madam,  is  no  reason, 
neither  doth  your  thought  make  the  Roman  harlot  to  be  the 
true  and  immaculate  spouse  of  Jesus  Christ.  Wonder  not, 
madam,  that  I  call  Rome  an  harlot,  for  that  Church  is  altogether 
polluted  with  all  kinds  of  spiritual  fornication,  both  in  doctrine 
and  manners."  He  added,  that  he  was  ready  to  prove  that  the 
Roman  Church  had  declined  farther  from  the  purity  of  religion 
taught  by  the  apostles,  than  the  Jewish  Church  had  degenerated 
from  the  ordinances  which  God  gave  them  by  Moses  and  Aaron, 
at  the  time  when  they  denied  and  crucified  the  Son  of  God. 
"  My  conscience  is  not  so,"  said  the  queen. — "  Conscience,  ma- 
dam, requires  knowledge,  and  I  fear  that  right  knowledge  you 
have  none." — " But  I  have  both  heard  and  read." — "  So, 
madam,  did  the  Jews,  who  crucified  Christ  Jesus,  read  the  law 
and  the  prophets,  and  heard  the  same  interpreted  after  their 
manner.  Have  you  heard  any  teach  but  such  as  the  pope  and 
cardinals  have  allowed  ?  and  you  may  be  assured,  that  such 
will  speak  nothing  to  offend  their  own  estate." 

"  You  interpret  the  Scriptures  in  one  way,"  said  the  queen 
evasively,  "  and  they  in  another ;  whom  shall  I  believe,  and 
who  shall  be  judge  ?" — "  You  shall  believe  God,  who  plainly 
speaketh  in  his  word,"  replied  the  Reformer  ; "  and  farther  than 
the  word  teacheth  you,  you  shall  believe  neither  the  one  nor 
the  other.  The  word  of  God  is  plain  in.  itself;  and  if  there  ap- 
pear any  obscurity  in  one  place,  the  Holy  Ghost,  who  is  never 
contrary  to  himself,  explains  the  same  more  clearly  in  other 
places,  so  that  there  can  remain  no  doubt,  but  unto  such  as  are 
obstinately  ignorant."  As  an  example,  he  selected  one  of  the 
articles  in  controversy  between  the  Church  of  Rome  and  the 
Protestants,  and  was  proceeding  to  shew,  that  the  Popish  doc- 
trine of  the  sacrifice  of  the  mass  was  destitute  of  all  foundation 
in  Scripture,  but  the  queen,  who  was  determined  to  avoid  all 
discussion  of  the  articles  of  her  creed,  interrupted  him,  by  say- 
ing, that  she  was  unable  to  contend  with  him  in  argument,  but 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  229 

if  she  had  those  present  whom  she  had  heard,  they  would 
answer  him.  "Madam,"  replied  the  Reformer,  fervently, 
"  would  to  God  that  the  learnedest  Papist  in  Europe,  and  he 
whom  you  would  best  believe,  were  present  with  your  grace  to 
sustain  the  argument,  and  that  you  would  wait  patiently  to  hear 
the  matter  reasoned  to  the  end  !  For  then,  I  doubt  not,  madam, 
but  you  would  hear  the  vanity  of  the  papistical  religion,  and 
how  little  ground  it  hath  in  the  word  of  God." — "  Well,"  said 
she,  "  you  may  perchance  get  that  sooner  than  you  believe." — 
"  Assuredly,  if  ever  I  get  that  in  my  life,  I  get  it  sooner  than  I 
believe ;  for  the  ignorant  Papist  cannot  patiently  reason,  and 
the  learned  and  crafty  Papist  will  never  come,  in  your  audi- 
ence, madam,  to  have  the  ground  of  their  religion  searched  out. 
When  you  shall  let  me  see  the  contrary,  I  shall  grant  myself 
to  have  been  deceived  in  that  point." 

The  hour  of  dinner  afforded  an  occasion  for  breaking  off  this 
singular  conversation.  At  taking  leave  of  her  majesty  the  Re- 
former said,  "  I  pray  God,  madam,  that  you  may  be  as  blessed 
within  the  commonwealth  of  Scotland,  as  ever  Deborah  was  in 
the  commonwealth  of  Israel."* 

I  have  been  the  more  minute  in  the  narrative  of  this  curious 
conference,  because  it  affords  the  most  satisfactory  refutation  of 
the  charge,  that  Knox  treated  Mary  with  rudeness  and  disre- 
spect. For  the  same  reason  I  shall  lay  before  the  reader  a 
circumstantial  account  of  the  subsequent  interviews  between 
them,  from  which  we  shall  perceive  that,  though  the  Reformer 
addressed  her  with  a  plainness  to  which  crowned  heads  are  sel- 
dom accustomed,  he  never  lost  sight  of  that  respect  which  was 
due  to  the  person  of  his  sovereign,  nor  of  that  decorum  which 
became  his  own  character. 

The  interview  between  the  queen  and  the  Reformer  excited 
great  speculation,  and  different  conjectures  were  formed  as  to 
its  probable  consequences.  The  Catholics,  whose  hopes  now 
depended  solely  on  the  queen,  were  alarmed,  lest  Knox's  rhe- 
toric should  have  shaken  her  constancy.  The  Protestants 
cherished  the  expectation  that  she  would  be  induced  to  attend 
the  Protestant  sermons,  and  that  her  religious  prejudices  would 
gradually  abate.t  Knox  indulged  no  such  flattering  expecta- 
tions. He  had  made  it  his  study,  during  the  late  conference,  to 
discover  the  real  character  of  the  queen ;  and  when  some  of  his 
confidential  friends  asked  his  opinion  of  her,  he  told  them  that 
he  was  very  much  mistaken  if  she  was  not  proud,  crafty,  obsti- 
nately wedded  to  the  Popish  Church,  and  averse  to  all  means 
of  instruction.^  Writing  to  Cecil,  he  says,  "  The  queen  neyther 

*  Knox,  Historic,  pp.  287—292.  f  Ibid.  p.  292. 

I  Knox,  Historic,  p.  292.    Keith,  197, 
20 


230  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

is,  neyther  shal  be  of  our  opinion  ;  and,  in  very  deed,  her  whole 
proceedings  do  declair  that  the  cardinalle's  lessons  are  so  deaplie 
printed  in  her  heart,  that  the  substance  and  the  qualitie  are 
like  to  perishe  together.  I  wold  be  glad  to  be  deceaved,  but  I 
fear  I  shal  not.  In  communication  with  her,  I  espyed  such 
craft  as  I  have  not  found  in  such  aige.  Since,  hath  the  court 
been  dead  to  me  and  I  to  it."* 

He  resolved,  therefore,  vigilantly  to  watch  her  proceedings, 
and  to  give  timely  warning  of  any  danger  which  might  result 
from  them  to  the  reformed  interest ;  and  the  more  that  he  per- 
ceived the  zeal  of  the  Protestant  nobles  to  cool,  and  their  jeal- 
ousy to  be  laid  asleep  by  the  winning  arts  of  the  queen,  the 
more  frequently  and  loudly  did  he  sound  the  alarm.  Vehement 
and  harsn  as  his  expressions  often  were — violent,  seditious,  and 
insufferable,  as  his  sermons  and  prayers  have  been  pronounced 
to  be, — I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying,  that,  as  the  public  peace 
was  never  disturbed  by  them,  so  they  were  useful  to  the  public 
safety,  and  a  principal  means  of  warding  off  for  a  time  those 
confusions  in  which  the  country  was  afterwards  involved,  and 
which  brought  on  the  ultimate  ruin  of  the  infatuated  queen. 
His  uncourtly  and  rough  manner  was  not,  indeed,  calculated  to 
gain  upon  her  mind  (nor  is  there  any  reason  to  think  that  an 
opposite  manner  would  have  had  this  effect),  and  his  admoni- 
tions often  irritated  her;  but  they  obliged  her  to  act  with 
greater  reserve  and  moderation ;  and  they  operated,  to  an  in- 
describable degree,  in  arousing  and  keeping  awake  the  zeal  and 
the  fears  of  the  nation,  which,  at  that  period,  were  the  two 
great  safeguards  of  the  Protestant  religion  in  Scotland.  We 
may  form  an  idea  of  the  effect  produced  by  his  pulpit  orations, 
from  the  account  of  the  English  ambassador,  who  was  one  of 
his  constant  hearers.  "Where  your  honour,"  says  he,  in  a 
letter  to  Cecil,  "exhorteth  us  to  stoutness,  I  assure  you  the 
voice  of  one  man  is  able,  in  an  hour,  to  put  more  life  in 
us,  than  six  hundred  trumpets  continually  blustering  in  our 
ears."t 

The   Reformer  was  not  ignorant  that  some  of  his  friends 


*  Letter,  Knox  to  Cecil,  7th  October  1561.  Haynes,  State  Papers,— 
p.  372. 

f  Randolph's  Letter,  in  Keith,  188.  In  this  letter,  the  ambassador  states 
some  circumstances  as  to  the  first  interview  between  the  queen  and  the  Re- 
former, which  are  not  mentioned  in  Knox's  History.  He  "  knocked  so 
hastily  upon  her  heart,  that  he  made  her  to  weep,  as  well  you  know  there  be 
some  of  that  sex  that  will  do  that  as  well  for  anger  as  for  grief;  though  in 
this  the  Lord  James  will  disagree  with  me.  He  concluded  so  in  the  end 
with  her,  that  he  hath  liberty  to  speak  his  conscience,  [and]  to  give  unto 
her  such  reverence  as  becometh  the  ministers  of  God  unto  the  superior 
powers." 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  231 

thought  him  too  severe  in  his  language,  nor  was  he  always 
disposed  to  vindicate  the  expressions  which  he  employed. 
Still,  however,  he  was  persuaded  that  the  times  required  the 
utmost  plainness  ;  and  he  was  afraid  that  snares  lurked  under 
the  smoothness  which  was  recommended  and  practised  by 
courtiers.  Cecil  having  given  him  an  advice  on  this  head  in 
one  of  his  letters,  Knox  replied, — "  Men  deliting  to  swym  be- 
twix  two  waters  have  often  compleaned  upon  my  severitie.  I 
do  fear  that  that  which  men  terme  lenitie  and  dulceness,  do 
bring  upon  themselves  and  others  more  fearful  destruction,  than 
yit  hath  ensewed  the  vehemency  of  any  preacher  within  this 
realme."* 

That  abatement  of  zeal  which  he  had  dreaded  from  "the 
holy  water  of  the  court,"  soon  began  to  appear  among  the  Pro- 
testant leaders.  The  general  assemblies  of  the  Church  were  a 
great  eye-sore  to  the  queen,  who  was  very  desirous  to  have 
them  put  down.  At  the  first  General  Assembly  held  after  her 
arrival,  the  courtiers,  through  her  influence,  absented  them- 
selves, and  when  challenged  for  this,  began  to  dispute  the  pro- 
priety of  such  conventions  without  her  majesty's  pleasure.  On 
this  point  there  was  sharp  reasoning  between  Knox  and  Mait- 
land,  who  was  now  made  secretary  of  state.  "  Take  from  us 
the  liberty  of  assemblies,  and  take  from  us  the  gospel,"  said  the 
Reformer.  "  If  the  liberty  of  the  Church  must  depend  upon 
her  allowance  or  disallowance,  we  shall  want  not  only  assem- 
blies, but  also  the  preaching  of  the  gospel."  It  was  proposed 
that  the  Book  of  Discipline  should  be  ratified  by  the  queen ; 
but  this  was  keenly  opposed  by  the  secretary.  "  How  many 
of  those  that  subscribed  that  book  will  be  subject  to  it  ?"  said 
he  scoffingly.  "  All  the  godly,"  it  was  answered.  "  Will  the 
duke  ?"  said  he.  "  If  he  will  not,"  replied  Lord  Ochiltree,  " I 
wish  that  his  name  were  scraped,  not  only  out  of  that  book,  but 
also  out  of  our  number  and  company ;  for  to  what  end  shall 
men  subscribe,  and  never  mean  to  keep  word  of  that  which 
they  promise  ?"  Maitland  said,  that  many  subscribed  it,  in  fide 
parentum,  implicitly.  Knox  replied,  that  the  scoff  was  as  un- 
true as  it  was  unbecoming ;  for  the  book  was  publicly  read, 
and  its  different  heads  discussed,  for  a  number  of  days,  and  no 
man  was  required  to  subscribe  what  he  did  not  understand. 
«  Stand  content,"  said  one  of  the  courtiers ;  "  that  book  will  not 
be  obtained." — "And  let  God  require  the  injury  which  the 
commonwealth  shall  sustain,  at  the  hands  of  those  who  hinder 
it,"  replied  the  Reformer.! 

*  Haynes,  372.  An  epistolary  correspondence  was  at  this  time  maintain- 
ed between  secretary  Cecil  and  our  Reformer.  Keith,  191,  192,  194. 
Robertson,  Append.  No.  5. 

t  Knox,  Historic,  pp.  295—6. 


232  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

He  was  still  more  indignant  at  their  management  in  settling 
the  provision  for  the  ministers  of  the  Church.  Hitherto  they 
had  lived  chiefly  on  the  benevolence  of  their  hearers,  and  many 
of  them  had  scarcely  the  means  of  subsistence ;  but  repeated 
complaints  having  obliged  the  privy  council  to  take  up  the 
affair,  they  came  at  last  to  a  determination,  that  the  ecclesiasti- 
cal revenues  should  be  divided  into  three  parts ;  that  two  of  these 
should  be  given  to  the  ejected  Popish  clergy ;  and  that  the 
third  part  should  be  divided  between  the  court  and  the  Protes- 
tant ministry  !  *  The  persons  appointed  to  "  modify  the  sti- 
pends,"! were  disposed  to  gratify  the  queen,  and  her  demands 
were  readily  answered,  while  the  sums  allotted  to  the  ministers 
were  as  ill  paid  as  they  were  paltry  and  inadequate.  "  Weall !" 
exclaimed  Knox,  when  he  heard  of  this  disgraceful  arrange- 
ment, "  if  the  end  of  this  ordour,  pretendit  to  be  takin  for  sus- 
tentatioun  of  the  ministers,  be  happie,  my  judgment  failes  me. 
I  sie  twa  pairtis  freely  gevin  to  the  devill,  and  the  third  mon  be 
devyded  betwix  God  and  the  devill.  Who  wald  have  thocht, 
that  when  Joseph  reulled  in  Egypt,  his  brethren  sould  have 
travellit  for  victualles,  and  have  returned  with  emptie  sackes 
unto  thair  families  ?  0  happie  servands  of  the  devill,  and  mis- 
erabill  servants  of  Jesus  Christ,  if  efter  this  lyf  thair  wer  not 
hell  and  heavin  !"  J  At  a  conference  held  on  this  subject,  Mait- 
land  complained  of  the  ingratitude  of  the  ministers,  who  did 
not  acknowledge  the  queen's  liberality  to  them.  "  Assuredly," 
replied  Knox  with  a  derisive  smile,  "  such  as  receive  any  thing 
of  the  queen  are  unthankfull,  if  they  acknowledge  it  not ;  but 
whether  the  ministers  be  of  that  rank  or  not,  I  greatly  doubt. 
Has  the  queen  better  title  to  that  which  she  usurps,  be  it  in 

*  Keith,  App.  175—179.    Knox,  296—300. 

f  The  privy  council  appointed  certain  persons  to  fix  the  sums  which  were 
to  be  appropriated  to  the  court  and  to  the  ministry,  and  also  the  particular 
salaries  which  were  to  be  allotted  to  individual  ministers,  according  to  the 
circumstances  in  which  they  were  placed.  The  officers  appointed  for  this 
purpose  composed  a  board  or  court,  under  the  privy  council,  and  was  called 
the  court  of  modification. 

I  "  So  busie,"  says  he,  "  and  circumspect  wer  the  modificators  (because  it 
was  a  new  office,  the  terme  must  also  be  new),  that  the  ministers  should  not 
be  over-wantoun,  that  an  hundred  merks  was  sufficient  to  an  single  man, 
being  a  commone  minister :  thre  hundreth  merks  was  the  hiest  apoynted  to 
any,  except  the  superintendents  and  a  few  utheris."  Historie,  SOI.  "  Mr 
Knox  is  not  at  all  here  diminishing  the  sum,"  says  Keith ;  "  for  the  original 
books  of  assignation  to  the  ministers,  which  now  ly  before  me,  ascertain  the 
truth  of  what  he  says,"  p.  508.  Wishart  of  Pittarrow,  who  was  comptroller 
of  the  modification,  pinched  the  ministers  so  much  that  it  became  a  proverb, 
— "  The  gude  laird  of  Petarro  was  an  ernest  professour  of  Christ,  hot  the 
mekill  devill  receave  the  comptroller."  Sir  John  Wishart  of  Pittarrow, 
was  appointed  comptroller  on  the  1st  of  March  1561.  Reg.  Sigil.  Seer. 
lib.  xxi.  5. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  233 

giving  to  others,  or  in  taking  to  herself,  than  such  as  crucified 
Christ  had  to  divide  his  garments  among  them  ?  Let  the 
Papists  who  have  the  two  parts,  some  that  have  their  thirds 
free,  and  some  that  have  gotten  abbacies  and  feu-lands,  thank 
the  queen ;  the  poor  preachers  will  not  yet  flatter  for  feeding 
their  bellies.  To  your  dumb  dogs,  formerly  ten  thousand  was 
not  enough ;  but  to  the  servants  of  Christ,  that  painfully  preach 
his  evangell,  a  thousand  pound  !  how  can  that  be  sustained  ?" 
— "  These  words,"  he  himself  tells  us,  "  were  judged  proud 
and  intolerable,  and  engendered  no  small  displeasure  to  the 
speaker."* 

Knox  gave  vent  to  his  feelings  on  this  subject  the  more 
freely,  as  his  complaints  could  not  be  imputed  to  personal  mo- 
tives ;  for  his  own  stipend,  though  moderate,  was  liberal  when 
compared  with  those  of  the  most  of  his  brethren.  From  the 
time  of  his  last  return  to  Scotland,  until  the  conclusion  of  the 
war,  he  had  been  indebted  to  the  liberality  of  individuals  for 
the  support  of  his  family.  After  that  period,  he  lodged  in  the 
house  of  David  Forrest,  a  burgess  of  Edinburgh,  from  which 
he  removed  to  the  lodging  which  had  belonged  to  Durie,  abbot 
of  Dunfermline.  As  soon  as  he  began  to  preach  statedly  in 
the  city,  the  town  council  assigned  him  an  annual  stipend  of 
two  hundred  pounds,  which  he  was  entitled  to  receive  quarter- 
ly ;  and  they  also  paid  his  house-rent  and  his  board,  during  the 
time  that  he  had  resided  with  Forrest.  Subsequent  to  the 
settlement  made  by  the  privy  council,  it  would  seem  that  he 
received,  at  least,  a  part  of  his  income  from  the  common  fund 
allotted  to  the  ministers  of  the  Church  ;  but  the  good  town  had 
still  an  opportunity  of  testifying  their  generosity,  by  supplying 
the  deficiencies  of  the  legal  allowance.  Indeed,  the  uniform 
attention  of  the  town  council  to  his  external  support  and 
accommodation,  was  honourable  to  them,  and  deserves  to  be 
recorded  to  their  commendation.! 

In  the  beginning  of  the  year  1562,  he  went  to  Angus  to  pre- 
side in  the  election  and  admission  of  John  Erskine  of  Dun,  as 
superintendent  of  Angus  and  Mearns.  That  respectable  baron 
was  one  of  those  whom  the  first  General  Assembly  declared 
"  apt  and  able  to  minister  ;"J  and  having  already  contributed 
in  different  ways  to  the  advancement  of  the  Reformation,  he 
now  devoted  himself  to  the  service  of  the  Church,  in  a  labo- 
rious employment,  at  a  time  when  she  stood  eminently  in  need 
of  the  assistance  of  all  the  learned  and  pious.  Knox  had  for- 

*  Knox  Historie,  pp.  201—2. 

t  See  Extracts  from  the  Records  of  the  Town  Council  in  Note  YY. 

J  Keith,  p.  498. 

20  *  E2 


234  LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX. 

merly  presided  at  the  installation  of  John  Spotswood  as  super- 
intendent of  Lothian.* 

The  influence  of  our  Reformer  appears  from  his  being  employ- 
ed on  different  occasions  to  act  as  umpire  and  mediator  in  dis- 
putes of  a  civil  nature  among  the  Protestants.  He  was  frequent- 
ly requested  to  intercede  with  the  town  council  in  behalf  of 
such  of  the  inhabitants  as  had  subjected  themselves  to  punish- 
ment by  their  disorderly  conduct.!  Soon  after  his  return  to 
Scotland,  he  had  composed  a  domestic  variance  between  the 
Earl  and  Countess  of  Argyle.J  In  the  year  1561,  he  had  been 
employed  as  arbitrator  in  a  difference  between  Archibald,  Earl 
of  Angus,  and  his  brothers. §  And  he  was  now  urged  by  the 
Earl  of  Both  well  to  assist  in  removing  a  deadly  feud  which  sub- 
sisted between  him  and  the  Earl  of  Arran.  He  was  averse  to 
interfere  in  this  business,  which  had  already  baffled  the  author- 
ity of  the  privy  council  ;||  but  at  the  desire  of  friends,  he  yielded, 
and,  after  considerable  pains,  had  the  satisfaction  of  bringing  the 
parties  to  an  amicable  interview,  at  which  they  mutually  pro- 
mised to  bury  their  former  differences.  But  all  the  fair  hopes 
which  he  had  formed  from  this  reconciliation  were  speedily  blas- 
ted. For,  in  the  course  of  a  few  days,  Arran  came  to  him  in 
great  agitation,  with  the  information  that  Bothwell  had  endeav- 
oured to  engage  him  in  a  conspiracy,  to  seize  upon  the  person 
of  the  queen,  and  to  kill  the  Prior  of  St.  Andrews,  Maitland, 
and  the  rest  of  her  counsellors.  Knox  does  not  seem  to  have 
given  much  credit  to  this  information ;  he  even  endeavoured  to 
prevent  Arran  from  making  it  public ;  in  this,  however,  he  did 
not  succeed,  and  both  noblemen  were  imprisoned.  It  soon  after 
became  evident  that  Arran  was  lunatic,  but  the  fears  of  the 
courtiers  shew  that  they  did  not  altogether  disbelieve  his  accusa- 
tion, and  that  they  suspected  that  Bothwell  had  formed  a  design, 
of  which  his  future  conduct  proved  him  not  incapable.lT 

In  the  month  of  May,  Knox  had  another  interview  with  the 
queen,  on  the  following  occasion.  The  family  of  Guise  were 
making  the  most  vigorous  efforts  to  regain  that  ascendency  in 
the  French  councils,  of  which  they  had  been  deprived  since  the 
death  of  Francis  II. ;  and,  as  zeal  for  the  Catholic  religion  was 
the  cloak  under  which  they  concealed  their  ambitious  designs, 
they  began  by  stirring  up  persecution  against  the  Protestants. 

*  The  form  observed  on  that  occasion,  which  was  followed  in  the  admission 
or  ordination  of  all  the  superintendents  and  other  ministers,  is  inserted  at 
length  in  Knox's  Historic,  pp.  263 — 266 ;  and  in  Dunlop's  Confessions,  ii. 
627—636. 

f  Knox,  Historic,  p.  270.  {  Ibid.  pp.  328—9. 

$  See  Note  ZZ.  ||  Keith,  215 

IT  Knox,  Historic,  305—308,  and  letter  to  Locke,  6th  May  1562,  in  Cald, 
MS.  i.  755,  756.  Spotswood,  184. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  235 

The  massacre  of  Vassy,  in  the  beginning  of  March,  was  a  pre- 
lude to  this,  in  which  the  Duke  of  Guise  and  Cardinal  of  Lor- 
rain  attacked,  with  an  armed  force,  a  congregation  peaceably  as- 
sembled for  worship,  killed  a  number  of  them,  and  wounded 
and  mutilated  others,  not  excepting  women  and  children.*  In- 
telligence of  the  success  which  attended  the  measures  of  her 
uncles  was  brought  to  Queen  Mary,  who  immediately  after  gave 
a  splendid  ball  to  her  foreign  servants,  at  which  the  dancing  was 
prolonged  to  a  late  hour. 

Knox  was  advertised  of  the  festivities  in  the  palace,  and  had 
no  doubt  that  they  were  occasioned  by  the  accounts  which  the 
queen  had  received  from  France.  He  always  felt  a  lively  inter- 
est in  the  concerns  of  the  French  Protestants,  with  many  of 
whom  he  was  intimately  acquainted ;  and  he  entertained  a  very 
bad  opinion  of  the  princes  of  Lorrain.  In  his  sermon  on  the 
following  Sabbath,  after  discoursing  of  the  dignity  of  magis- 
trates, and  the  obedience  which  was  due  to  them,  he  proceeded  to 
lament  the  abuse  which  the  greater  part  of  rulers  made  of  their 
power,  and  introduced  some  severe  strictures  upon  the  vices  to 
which  they  were  commonly  addicted,  their  oppression,  igno- 
rance, hatred  of  virtue,  attachment  to  bad  company  and  fondness 
for  foolish  pleasures.  Glancing  at  the  amusements  which  were 
common  in  the  palace,  he  said  that  princes  were  more  exercised 
in  dancing  and  music  than  in  reading  or  hearing  the  word  of 
God,  and  delighted  more  in  fiddlers  and  flatterers  than  in  the 
company  of  wise  and  grave  men,  who  were  capable  of  giving 
them  wholesome  counsel.  As  to  dancing,  he  said,  that,  although 
he  did  not  find  it  praised  in  Scripture,  and  profane  writers  had 
termed  it  a  gesture  more  becoming  mad  than  sober  men,  yet  he 
would  not  utterly  condemn  it,  provided  those  who  practised  it 
did  not  neglect  the  duties  of  their  station,  and  did  not  dance, 
like  the  Philistines,  from  joy  at  the  misfortunes  of  God's  people. 
If  they  were  guilty  of  such  conduct,  their  mirth  would  soon  be 
converted  into  sorrow.  Information  of  this  discourse  was  quick- 
ly conveyed  to  the  queen,  with  many  exaggerations ;  and  the 
preacher  was  next  day  ordered  to  attend  at  the  palace.  Being 
conveyed  into  the  royal  chamber,  where  the  queen  sat  with  her 
maids  of  honour  and  principal  counsellors,  he  was  accused  of 
having  spoken  of  her  majesty  irreverently,  and  in  a  manner 
calculated  to  bring  her  under  the  contempt  and  hatred  of  her 
subjects. 

After  the  queen  had  made  a  long  speech  on  that  theme,  he 
was  allowed  to  state  his  defence.  He  told  her  majesty,  thai  she 
had  been  treated  as  persons  usually  were  who  refused  to  attend 
the  preaching  of  the  word  of  God ;  she  had  been  deceived  by 

*  Histoire  des  Martyrs,  fol.  558,  559.    Anno  1597. 


236  LIFEOFJOHNKNOX. 

the  false  reports  of  flatterers.  For,  if  she  had  heard  the  calum- 
niated discourse,  he  did  not  believe  she  could  have  been  offended 
with  any  thing  that  he  had  said.  She  would  now,  therefore, 
be  pleased  to  hear  him  repeat,  as  exactly  as  he  could,  what  he 
had  preached  yesterday.  Mary  was  obliged  for  once  to  listen 
to  a  Protestant  sermon.  Having  finished  the  recapitulation  of 
his  discourse,  he  said,  « If  any  man,  madam,  will  say  that  I 
spake  more,  let  him  presently  accuse  me  ;  for  I  think  I  have  not 
only  touched  the  sum,  but  the  very  words  as  I  spake  them." 
Several  of  the  company,  who  had  heard  the  sermon,  attested 
that  he  had  given  a  fair  and  accurate  account  of  it.  After 
turning  round  to  the  informers,  who  were  dumb,  the  queen  told 
him,  that  his  words,  though  sharp  enough  as  related  by  himself, 
had  been  reported  to  her  in  a  different  way.  She  added,  that 
she  knew  that  her  uncles  and  he  were  of  a  different  religion, 
and  therefore  did  not  blame  him  for  having  no  good  opinion  of 
them ;  but  if  he  heard  any  thing  about  her  conduct  which  dis- 
pleased him,  he  ought  to  come  to  herself  privately,  and  she 
would  willingly  listen  to  his  admonitions.  Knox  easily  saw 
through  this  proposal;  and,  from  what  he  already  knew  of 
Mary's  character,  was  convinced  that  she  had  no  inclination  to 
receive  his  private  instructions,  but  wished  merely  to  induce 
him  to  refrain  in  his  sermons  from  every  thing  that  might  be  dis- 
pleasing to  the  court.  He  replied,  that  he  was  willing  to  do  any 
thing  for  her  majesty's  contentment,  which  was  consistent  with 
his  office ;  if  her  grace  chose  to  attend  the  public  sermons,  she 
would  have  an  opportunity  of  knowing  what  pleased  or  dis- 
pleased him  in  her  and  in  others ;  or  if  she  chose  to  appoint  a 
time  when  she  would  hear  the  substance  of  the  doctrine  which 
he  preached  in  public,  he  would  most  gladly  wait  upon  her 
grace's  pleasure,  time,  and  place  ;  but  to  come  and  wait  at  her 
chamber-door,  and  then  to  have  liberty  only  to  whisper  in  her 
ear  what  people  thought  and  said  of  her,  that  would  neither  his 
conscience  nor  his  office  permit  him  to  do.  "  For,"  added  he,  in 
a  strain  which  he  sometimes  used  even  on  serious  occasions, 
"  albeit,  at  your  grace's  commandment,  I  am  heir  now,  yit  can 
I  not  tell  what  uther  men  shall  judge  of  me,  that,  at  this  time  of 
day,  am  absent  from  my  buke,  and  waitting  upon  the  court." 
— "  Ye  will  not  alwayes  be  at  your  buke,"  said  the  queen,  pet- 
tishly/and  turned  her  back.  As  he  left  the  room  "with  a 
reasonable  merry  countenance,"  he  overheard  one  of  the  Popish 
attendants  saying,  "  He  is  not  afraid  !" — "  Why  should  the 
plesing  face  of  a  gentilwoman  afray  me  ?"  said  he,  regarding 
them  with  a  sarcastic  scowl ;  "  I  have  luiked  in  the  faces  of 
mony  angry  men,  and  yit  have  not  bene  affrayed  above  meas- 
our."* 

*  Knox,  Historic,  308—311. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  237 

There  was  at  that  time  but  one  place  of  worship  in  the  city 
of  Edinburgh.*  The  number  of  inhabitants  was,  indeed,  small, 
when  compared  with  its  present  population ;  but  they  still  must 
have  formed  a  very  large  congregation.  St.  Giles's  church,  the 
place  then  used  for  worship,  was  capacious ;  for  we  learn  that, 
on  some  occasions,  three  thousand  persons  assembled  in  it  to 
hear  sermon.t  In  this  church,  Knox  had,  since  1560,  performed 
all  the  parts  of  ministerial  duty,  without  any  other  assistant 
than  John  Cairns,  who  acted  as  reader,  ij:  He  preached  twice 
every  Sabbath,  and  thrice  on  other  days  of  the  week.§  He 
met  regularly  once  every  week  with  his  kirk-session  for  discip- 
line, ||  and  with  the  assembly  of  the  neighbourhood  for  the  exer- 
cise on  the  Scriptures.  He  attended,  besides,  the  meetings  of 
the  provincial  Synod  and  General  Assembly;  and  at  almost 
every  meeting  of  the  latter,  he  received  an  appointment  to  visit 
and  preach  in  some  distant  part  of  the  country.  These  labours 
must  have  been  oppressive  to  a  constitution  which  was  already 
much  impaired ;  especially  as  he  did  not  indulge  in  extempo- 
raneous effusions,  but  devoted  a  part  of  every  day  to  study. 
His  parish  was  sensible  of  this;  and,  in  April  1562,  the  town 
council  came  to  a  unanimous  resolution  to  solicit  the  minister  of 
Canongate  to  undertake  the  half  of  the  charge.  The  ensuing 
General  Assembly  approved  of  the  council's  proposal,  and  ap- 
pointed the  translation  to  take  place.lF  It  was  not,  however, 
accomplished  before  June  1563,  owing,  as  it  would  seem,  to  the 
difficulty  of  obtaining  an  additional  stipend.** 

The  person  who  was  appointed  colleague  to  our  Reformer 
was  John  Craig.  A  short  account  of  this  distinguished  minister 
cannot  be  altogether  foreign  to  the  history  of  one  with  whom 
he  was  so  strictly  associated,  and  it  will  present  incidents  which 
are  curious  in  themselves,  and  illustrative  of  the  singular  man- 
lier in  which  many  of  the  promoters  of  the  Reformation  were 
fitted  by  Providence  for  engaging  in  that  great  undertaking. 
He  was  bom  in  1512,  and  soon  after  lost  his  father  in  the  bat- 
tle of  Flodden,  which  proved  fatal  to  so  many  families  in  Scot- 
land. After  finishing  his  education  at  the  university  of  St. 
Andrews,  he  went  to  England,  and  became  tutor  to  the  family 
of  Lord  Dacres  ;  but  war  having  broken  out  between  England 
and  Scotland,  he  returned  to  his  native  country,  and  entered 

.*  St.  Cuthberts,  or  the  West  Church,  was  at  that  time  (as  it  is  at  present) 
a  distinct  parish,  of  which  William  Harlow  was  minister.  There  was  also  a 
minister  in  Canongate  or  Holyroodhouse. 

t  Cald.  MS.  ii.  157. 

t  Records  of  Town  Council,  26th  October  1561      $  Ibid.  10th  April  1562. 

(I  The  number  of  elders  in  the  session  of  Edinburgh  was  twelve,  and  of 
deacons  sixteen.  Dunlop's  Confessions,  ii.  638. 

If  Calderwood,  apud  Keith,  514.  **  See  Note  AAA. 


238  LIFE    OF  JOHN   KNOX. 

into  the  order  of  Dominican  friars.  The  Scottish  clergy  were 
at  that  time  eager  in  making  inquisition  for  Lutherans ;  and 
owing  to  the  circumstance  of  his  having  been  in  England,  or  to 
his  having  dropped  some  expressions  respecting  religion  which 
were  deemed  too  free,  Craig  fell  under  the  suspicion  of  heresy, 
and  was  thrown  into  prison.  The  accusation  was  found  to  be 
groundless,  and  he  was  set  at  liberty.  But  although  still  at- 
tached to  the  Roman  Catholic  religion,  the  ignorance  and  bigo- 
try of  the  clergy  gave  him  such  a  disgust  at  his  native  country, 
that  he  left  it  in  1537,  and,  after  remaining  a  short  time  in 
England,  went  to  France,  and  from  that  to  Italy.  At  the 
recommendation  of  the  celebrated  Cardinal  Pole,  he  was  ad- 
mitted among  the  Dominicans  in  the  city  of  Bologna,  and  was 
soon  raised  to  an  honourable  employment  in  that  body.  In  the 
library  of  the  Inquisition,  which  was  attached  to  the  monastery, 
he  found  a  copy  of  Calvin's  Institutes.  Being  fond  of  books, 
he  determined  to  read  that  work ;  and  the  consequence  was, 
that  he  became  a  thorough  convert  to  the  reformed  opinions. 
In  the  warmth  of  his  first  impressions,  he  could  not  refrain  from 
imparting  his  change  of  sentiments  to  his  associates,  and  must 
soon  have  fallen  a  sacrifice  to  the  vigilant  guardians  of  the 
faith,  had  not  the  friendship  of  a  father  in  the  monastery  saved 
him.  The  old  man,  who  was  a  native  of  Scotland,  represented 
the  danger  to  which  he  exposed  himself  by  avowing  such  tenets 
in  that  place,  and  advised  him,  if  he  was  fixed  in  his  views,  to 
retire  immediately  to  some  Protestant  country.  With  this  pru- 
dent advice  he  complied  so  far  as  to  procure  his  discharge  from 
the  monastery. 

At  an  early  period  of  the  Christian  era,  there  were  converts 
to  the  gospel  « in  Caesar's  household ;"  and  in  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury, the  light  of  reformation  penetrated  into  Italy,  and  even 
into  the  territories  of  the  Roman  pontiff.  On  leaving  the  mon- 
astery of  Bologna,  Craig  entered  as  tutor  into  the  family  of  a 
neighbouring  nobleman,  who  had  embraced  Protestant  princi- 
ples ;  but  he  had  not  resided  long  in  it,  when,  along  with  his 
host,  he  was  delated  for  heresy,  seized  by  the  familiars  of  the 
Inquisition,  and  carried  to  Rome.  After  being  confined  nine 
months  in  a  noisome  dungeon,  he  was  brought  to  trial,  and  con- 
demned to  be  burnt,  along  with  some  others,  on  the  20th 
of  August  1559.  On  the  evening  previous  to  the  day  appoint- 
ed for  their  execution,  the  reigning  pontiff,  Paul  IV.  died ;  and, 
according  to  an  accustomed  practice  on  such  occasions,  the  pri- 
sons in  Rome  were  all  thrown  open.  While  those  who  were 
confined  for  debt  and  other  civil  offences  were  liberated,  here- 
tics, after  being  allowed  to  go  without  the  walls  of  their  prison, 
were  conveyed  back  to  their  cells.  A  tumult,  however,  having 
been  raised  that  night  in  the  city,  Craig  and  his  companions 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  239 

effected  their  escape,  and  took  refuge  in  a  house  at  a  small  dis- 
tance from  Rome.  They  had  not  been  long  there  when  they 
were  followed  by  a  company  of  soldiers,  sent  to  apprehend 
them.  On  entering  the  house,  the  captain  looked  Craig  eagerly 
in  the  face,  and  taking  him  aside,  asked,  if  he  recollected  of  once 
relieving  a  poor  wounded  soldier  in  the  vicinity  of  Bologna. 
Craig  was  in  too  great  confusion  to  remember  the  circumstance. 
"  But  I  remember  it,"  replied  the  captain,  "  and  I  am  the  man 
whom  you  relieved,  and  Providence  has  now  put  it  in  my 
power  to  return  the  kindness  which  you  shewed  to  a  distressed 
stranger.  You  are  at  liberty ;  your  companions  I  must  take 
along  with  me,  but,  for  your  sake,  shall  shew  them  every 
favour  in  my  power."  He  then  gave  him  what  money  he  had 
upon  him,  with  directions  how  to  make  his  escape. 

We  are  not  yet  done  with  the  wonderful  incidents  in  the  life 
of  Craig.  "  Another  accident,"  says  Archbishop  Spots  wood, 
"befell  him,  which  I  should  scarcely  relate,  so  incredible  it 
seemeth,  if  to  many  of  good  place  he  himself  had  not  often  re- 
peated it  as  a  singular  testimony  of  God's  care  of  him."  In  the 
course  of  his  journey  through  Italy,  while  he  avoided  the  pub- 
lic roads,  and  took  a  circuitous  route  to  escape  from  pursuit,  the 
money  which  he  had  received  from  the  grateful  soldier  failed 
him.  Having  laid  himself  down  by  the  side  of  a  wood  to 
ruminate  on  his  condition,  he  perceived  a  dog  approaching  him 
with  a  purse  in  its  teeth.  It  occurred  to  him  that  it  had  been 
sent  by  some  evil-disposed  person  who  was  concealed  in  the 
wood,  and  wished  to  pick  a  quarrel  with  him.  He  therefore 
endeavoured  to  drive  it  away;  but  the  animal  continuing 
to  fawn  upon  him,  he  at  last  took  the  purse,  and  found  in  it  a 
sum  of  money  which  enabled  him  to  prosecute  his  journey. 
Having  reached  Vienna,  and  announced  himself  as  a  Domini- 
can, he  was  employed  to  preach  before  the  Archduke  of 
Austria,  who  afterwards  wore  the  imperial  crown,  under  the 
title  of  Maximilian  II.  That  discerning  prince,  who  was  not 
unfriendly  to  a  religious  reform,  was  so  much  pleased  with  the 
sermon,  that  he  was  desirous  of  retaining  Craig ;  but  the  new 
pope  Pius  IV.  having  heard  of  his  reception  at  the  Austrian 
capital,  applied  to  have  him  sent  back  to  Rome  as  a  condemned 
heretic  ;  upon  which  the  archduke  dismissed  him  with  a  safe- 
conduct.  When  he  arrived  in  England,  in  1560,  and  was 
informed  of  the  establishment  of  the  reformed  religion  in  his 
native  country,  he  immediately  repaired  to  Scotland,  and  was 
admitted  to  the  ministry.  Having  in  a  great  measure  forgotten 
his  native  language  during  an  absence  of  twenty-four  years,  he 
preached  for  a  short  time  in  Latin  to  some  of  the  learned 
in  Magdalene  chapel.  He  was  afterwards  appointed  minister 


240  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

of  the  parish  of  Canongate,  where  he  had  not  officiated  long,  till 
he  was  elected  colleague  to  Knox.* 

The  queen  still  persevered  in  the  line  of  policy  which  she 
had  adopted  at  her  first  arrival  in  Scotland,  and  employed  none 
but  Protestant  counsellors.  She  intrusted  the  chief  direction 
of  public  affairs  to  the  Prior  of  St.  Andrews,  who,  in  1562,  was 
created  Earl  of  Murray,  t  and  married  a  daughter  of  the  earl 
marischal.  The  marriage  ceremony  was  performed  by  Knox 
publicly  before  the  congregation  according  to  the  custom  at 
that  time ;  and  on  that  occasion  the  Reformer  reminded  the 
earl  of  the  benefit  which  the  Church  had  hitherto  received  from 
his  services,  and  exhorted  him  to  persevere  in  the  same  course, 
lest,  if  an  unfavourable  change  was  perceived,  the  blame  should 
be  imputed  to  his  wife.  +  The  fact,  however,  was,  that  Knox 
was  more  afraid  that  Murray  would  be  corrupted  by  his  con- 
nection with  the  court,  than  by  his  matrimonial  alliance. 

Although  the  Protestants  filled  the  cabinet,  it  was  well 
known  that  they  did  not  possess  the  affection  and  confidence  of 
her  majesty,  and,  in  consequence  of  this,  various  plots  were 
laid  to  displace  and  ruin  them.  During  the  autumn  of  1562, 
the  Roman  Catholics  in  Scotland  entertained  great  hopes  of  a 
change  in  their  favour.  After  several  unsuccessful  attempts  to 
cut  off  the  principal  courtiers,§  the  Earl  of  Huntly  openly  took 
arms  in  the  north,  to  rescue  the  queen  from  their  hands  ;  while 
the  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews  endeavoured  to  unite  and  rouse 
the  Papists  of  the  south.  On  this  occasion,  our  Reformer  acted 
with  his  usual  zeal  and  foresight.  Being  appointed  by  the 
General  Assembly  as  Commissioner  to  visit  the  churches  of  the 
west,  he  persuaded  the  gentlemen  of  that  quarter  to  enter  into 
a  new  bond  of  defence.  Hastening  into  Nithsdale  and  Gallo- 
way, he,  by  his  sermons  and  conversation,  confirmed  the  Pro- 
testants in  these  places.  He  employed  the  master  of  Maxwell 
to  write  to  the  Earl  of  Bothwell,  who  had  escaped  from  con- 
finement, arid  meant,  it  was  feared,  to  join  Huntly.  He  him- 
self wrote  the  Duke  of  Chastelherault,  warning  him  not  to  listen 
to  the  solicitations  of  his  brother,  the  archbishop,  nor  accede  to 
a  conspiracy  which  would  infallibly  prove  the  ruin  of  his  house. 

*  Row,  MS.  Historie  of  the  Kirk,  p.  47.  Spotswood,  pp.  463 — 4.  I  have 
chiefly  followed  Row's  narrative.  By  comparing  it  with  Spotswood's,  the 
reader  will  perceive  that  they  differ  in  a  few  unimportant  circumstances. 
Row  mentions  that  he  had  his  information  from  several  persons  who  had 
heard  Craig  himself  relate  the  story,  and  particularly  from  his  widow, 
"  dame  Craig,"  who  survived  her  husband,  and  lived  in  Edinburgh  until  1630. 
Mr  John  Craig,  minister,  his  wife,  Marion  Small,  and  his  eldest  son, 
Mr  William,  are  mentioned,  under  the  date  16th  August  1594,  in  Burgh 
Sas.  ix.  60. 

f  Keith,  p.  226.  }  Knox,  Historie,  p.  302. 

$  Keith,  230.   Knox,  321. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  241 

By  these  means  the  southern  parts  of  the  kingdom  were 
preserved  in  a  state  of  peace,  while  the  vigorous  measures  of 
Murray  crushed  the  rebellion  in  the  north.*  The  queen 
expressed  little  satisfaction  at  the  victory  gained  over  Huntly, 
and  there  is  every  reason  to  think,  that,  if  not  privy  to  his 
rising,  she  expected  to  turn  it  to  the  advancement  of  her  pro- 
jects.t  According  to  Archbishop  Spotswood,  she  scrupled  not 
to  say,  at  this  time,  that "  she  hoped,  before  a  year  was  expired, 
to  have  the  mass  and  Catholic  profession  restored  through  the 
whole  kingdom.''^ 

While  these  hopes  were  indulged,  the  Popish  clergy  thought 
it  necessary  to  gain  credit  to  their  cause,  by  appearing  more 
openly  in  defence  of  their  tenets  than  they  had  lately  done. 
They  began  to  preach  publicly  in  different  parts  of  the  country, 
and  boasted  that  they  were  ready  to  dispute  with  the  Protestant 
ministers.  § 

The  person  who  stept  forward  as  their  champion  was  Quin- 
tin  Kennedy,  uncle  to  the  Earl  of  Cassilis,and  abbot  of  Crossra- 
guel.  Though  his  talents  were  not  of  a  superior  order,  the  ab- 
bot was  certainly  one  of  the  most  respectable  of  the  Popish 
clergy  in  Scotland,  not  only  in  birth,  but  also  in  regularity  and 
decorum  of  conduct.  He  seems  to  have  spent  the  greater  part 
of  his  life  in  the  same  neglect  of  professional  duty  which 
characterized  his  brethren  ;  but  he  was  roused  from  his  inactiv- 
ity by  the  zeal  and  success  of  the  Protestant  preachers,  who,  in 
the  years  1556  and  1557,  attacked  the  Popish  faith,  and  inveigh- 
ed against  the  idleness  and  corruption  of  the  clergy.  ||  At  an 
age  when  others  retire  from  the  field,  he  began  to  rub  up  his 
long-neglected  armour,  and  descended  into  the  theological 
arena. 

His  first  appearance  as  a  polemical  writer  was  in  1558,  when 
he  published  a  short  system  of  Catholic  tactics,  under  the  title 
of  *tfne  Compendius  Tractive,  shewing  "  the  nerrest  and  onlie 
way  to  establish  the  conscience  of  a  Christian  man/'  in  all 
matters  which  were  in  debate  concerning  faith  and  religion. 
This  way  was  no  other  than  implicit  faith  in  the  decisions  of 

*  Knox,  316—318. 

f  The  Historian  of  the  family  of  Gordon  expressly  says,  that  "  her  majesty 
thought,  by  the  Earl  of  Huntlie  his  power  in  the  north,  to  get  herself  fred 
from  the  hands  of  her  bastard  brother,  James,  Earle  of  Morray ;"  and  that 
"the  Earle  of  Huntlie  (at  the  quein's  own  desyre)  did  gather  some  forces,  to 
get  her  out  of  the  Earle  of  Murraye's  power,"  Genealogical  History 
of  the  Earldom  of  Sutherland,  by  Sir  Robert  Gordon  of  Gordonstoun,  pp. 
140,  141. 

|  Spotswood,  185.  \  Knox,  Historic,  pp.  316,  318. 

||  The  Reasoning  betwixt  Jo.  Knox  and  the  abbote  of  Crossraguell,  fol.  4. 
Edinburgh,  1563. 

21  F2 


242  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

the  Church  or  clergy.  When  any  point  of  religion  was  contro- 
verted, the  Scripture  might  be  cited  as  a  witness,  but  the 
Church  was  the  judge,  whose  determinations,  in  general  coun- 
cils canonically  assembled,  were  to  be  humbly  received  and 
submitted  to  by  all  the  faithful.*  It  was  but  "  a  harbour  say- 
ing," which  the  Protestants  had  commonly  in  their  mouths, 
that  every  man  ought  to  examine  the  Scriptures  for  himself.  It 
was  sufficient  for  those  who  did  not  occupy  the  place  of  teach- 
ers, that  they  had  a  general  knowledge  of  the  creed,  the  ten 
commandments,  and  the  Lord's  prayer,  according  to  the  sense 
in  which  these  were  explained  by  the  Church.  And  "  as  to  the 
sacramentis,  and  all  other  secretis  of  the  Scripture,"  every 
Christian  man  ought  to  "  stand  to  the  judgment  of  his  pastor, 
who  did  bear  his  burden  in  all  matters  doubtsome  above  his 
knowledge."t 

This  was  doubtless  a  very  near  way  to  stability  of  mind,  and 
a  most  compendious  mode  of  deciding  every  controversy  which 
might  arise,  without  having  recourse  to  examination,  reasoning, 
or  debate.  But  as  the  wilful  and  stubborn  reformers  would 
not  submit  to  this  easy  and  short  mode  of  decision,  the  abbot 
was  reluctantly  obliged  to  enter  the  lists  of  argument  with 
them.  Accordingly,  in  the  beginning  of  1559,  he  challenged 
Willock,  who  was  preaching  in  his  neighbourhood,  to  a  dispute 
on  the  sacrifice  of  the  mass.  The  challenge  was  accepted,  the 
time  and  place  of  meeting  were  fixed ;  but  the  dispute  did  not 
take  place,  as  Kennedy  refused  to  appear,  unless  his  antagonist 
would  previously  engage  to  submit  to  the  interpretations  of 
Scripture  which  had  been  given  by  the  ancient  doctors  of  the 
Church.^  From  this  time  he  seems  to  have  made  the  mass  the 
great  subject  of  his  study,  and  in  1561  wrote  a  book  in  its  de- 
fence, which  was  answered  by  George  Hay.§ 

On  the  30th  of  August  1562,  the  abbot  read,  in  his  chapel  of 
Kirkoswald,  a  number  of  articles  respecting  the  mass,  purga- 
tory, praying  to  saints,  the  use  of  images,  and  other  points, 
which  he  said,  he  would  defend  against  any  who  should 
impugn  them,  and  he  promised  to  declare  his  mind  more  fully 
on  the  following  Sabbath.  Knox,  who  was  in  the  vicinity, 

*  Kennedy,  Compendius  Tractive,  A,  iiij.  f  Ibid.  D.  vii. 

J  Keith,  App.  195 — 199.  Kennedy,  in  a  letter  to  the  Archbishop  of  Glas- 
gow, says,  "  Willock,  and  the  rest  of  his  counsell,  labourit  earnestlie  to  sie 
gif  I  wald  admitt  the  Scripture  onlye  juge,  and,  be  that  meines,  to  half  maid 
me  contrarry  to  my  awin  buke  ;  bot  thair  labouris  wes  in  waist.  I  held  me 
evir  fast  at  ane  grounde."  And  he  triumphs,  that  he  "  draif  the  lymmar— 
to  refuse  the  interpretation  of  the  doctoris  allegeit  be  him  and  all  utheris, 
bot  so  far  as  he  thocht  they  war  agreable  with  the  worde  of  God,  quhilk  was 
as  rycht  nocht."  Ibid.  193,  194. 

§  See  Note  BBB. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  243 

came  to  Kirkoswald  on  that  day,  with  the  design  of  hearing  the 
abbot,  and  granting  him  the  disputation  which  he  had  courted. 
In  the  morning,  he  sent  some  gentlemen  who  accompanied  him 
to  acquaint  Kennedy  with  the  reason  of  his  coming,  and  to  de- 
sire him  either  to  preach  according  to  his  promise,  or  to  attend 
Knox's  sermon,  and  afterwards  to  state  his  objections  to  the 
doctrine  which  might  be  delivered.  The  abbot  did  not  think  it 
proper  to  appear,  and  Knox  preached  in  the  chapel.  When  he 
came  down  from  the  pulpit  a  letter  from  Kennedy  was  put  into 
his  hand,  which  led  to  an  epistolary  correspondence  between 
them,  fully  as  curious  as  the  dispute  which  followed. 

The  abbot  wrote  to  Knox,  that  he  was  informed  he  had  come 
to  that  quarter  of  the  country  "  to  seik  disputation/'  which  he 
was  so  far  from  refusing,  that  he  "  earnest] ie  and  effectuouslie 
covated  the  samin,"  and  with  that  view  should  meet  him  next 
Sunday  in  any  house  in  Maybole  that  he  choosed,  provided  not 
more  than  twenty  persons  on  each  side  were  allowed  to  be  pre- 
sent. The  reformer  replied,  that  he  had  come  to  that  quarter 
for  the  purpose  of  preaching  the  gospel,  and  not  of  disputing ; 
that  he  was  under  a  previous  engagement  to  be  in  Dumfries  on 
the  day  mentioned  by  the  abbot,  but  that  he  would  return  with 
all  convenient  speed,  and  fix  a  time  for  meeting  him.  To  this 
letter  the  abbot  sent  an  answer,  to  which  Knox  merely  returned 
a  verbal  message  at  the  time ;  but  when  he  afterwards  published 
the  correspondence,  affixed  short  notes  to  it  by  way  of  reply. 
The  abbot  proposed  that  they  should  have  "  familear,  fonnall, 
and  gentill  ressoning." — "  With  my  whole  hart  I  accept  the 
condition,"  replies  the  Reformer ;  "  for  assuredlie,  my  lord,  (so 
I  stile  you  by  reason  of  blood,  and  not  of  office),  chiding  and 
brawling  I  utterlie  abhor."  To  Knox's  declaration  that  he  had 
come  to  "  preach  Jesus  Christ  crucified  to  be  the  only  Saviour 
of  the  world,"  the  abbot  answers,  "  Praise  be  to  God,  that  was 
na  newings  in  this  countrie,  or  ye  war  borne." — "  I  greatlie 
dout,"  replies  the  Reformer,  "  if  ever  Christ  Jesus  was  truelie 
preached  by  a  papistical  prelat  or  monk."  As  an  excuse  for 
his  not  preaching  at  Kirkoswald  on  the  day  he  had  promised, 
the  abbot  says,  that  Knox  had  come  to  the  place  convoyed  by 
five  or  six  score  strangers.  "  I  lay  the  night  before,"  says 
Knox,  "  in  Mayboil,  accompanied  with  fewer  than  twentie." 
Tbe  abbot  boasted,  that  Willock,  at  a  former  period,  and  Hay, 
more  lately,  had  refused  to  dispute  with  him,  until  they  consult- 
ed the  council  and  their  brethren.  Maister  George  Hay  offered 
unto  your  disputation,  but  ye  fled  the  barrass."  Knox  wished 
the  dispute  to  be  conducted  publicly  in  St.  John's  Church,  Ayr ; 
for,  says  he,  "  I  wonder  with  what  conscience  ye  can  require 
privat  conference  of  those  artikles  that  ye  have  publicklie  pro- 
poned. Ye  have  infected  the  ears  of  the  simple,  ye  have 


244  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

wounded  the  hartes  of  the  godlie,  and  ye  have  spoken  blasphe- 
mie  in  oppen  audience.  Let  your  owne  conscience  nowe  he 
judge,  if  we  be  bound  to  answer  you  in  the  audience  of  twenty 
or  forty,  of  whom  the  one  half  are  alreadie  persuaded  in  the 
treuth,  and  the  other  perchance  so  addicted  to  your  error,  that 
they  will  not  be  content  that  light  be  called  light,  and  darknes, 
darknes."— "  Ye  said  ane  lytill  afore,"  answers  the  abbot,  "  ye 
did  abhor  all  chiding  and  railing,  hot  nature  passis  nurtor  with 
yow." — "  I  will  neither  interchange  nature  nor  nurtor  with  yow, 
for  all  the  proffets  of  Crosraguell." — "  Gif  the  victorie  consist  in 
calmour  or  crying  out."  says  the  abbot,  objecting  to  a  public 
meeting,  "  I  wil  quite  you  the  cause  but  farder  pley  ;  *  and  yet, 
praise  be  to  God,  I  may  whisper  in  sic  manner  as  I  will  be  hard 
sufficientlie  in  the  largest  house  in  all  Carrick." — "  The  larger 
the  house,  the  better  for  the  auditor  and  me,"  replied  the  Re- 
former. 

The  Earl  of  Cassilis  wrote  to  Knox,  expressing  his  disap- 
probation of  the  proposed  dispute,  as  unlikely  to  do  any  good, 
and  calculated  to  endanger  the  public  peace ;  to  which  the 
Reformer  replied,  by  signifying,  that  his  relation  had  given  the 
challenge,  which  he  was  resolved  not  to  decline,  and  that  his 
lordship  ought  to  encourage  him  to  keep  the  appointment,  from 
which  no  bad  effects  were  to  be  dreaded.  Upon  this  the  abbot 
wrote  a  letter  to  Knox,  charging  him  with  having  procured 
Cassilis's  letter,  to  bring  him  into  disgrace,  and  to  advance  his 
own  honour ;  and  saying,  that  he  would  have  "  rancountered" 
nim  the  last  time  he  was  in  that  country,  had  it  not  been  for  the 
interposition  of  his  nephew.  "  Ye  sal  be  assured,"  adds  he,  "  I 
sal  keip  day  and  place  in  Mayboill,  according  to  my  writing, 
an  I  haif  my  life,  an  my  feit  louse  ;"  and  in  another  letter  to 
Knox  and  the  bailies  of  Ayr,  he  says,  "  Keip  your  promes,  and 
pretex  na  oukrie,  by  my  lorde  of  Cassilis  writing." — "To 
neither  of  these,"  says  Knox,  "  did  I  answer  otherwise  than  by 
appointing  the  day,  and  promising  to  keap  the  same.  For  I 
can  pacientlie  suffer  wantone  men  to  speak  wantonlie,  consid- 
ering that  I  had  sufficiently  answered  my  lord  of  Cassilis  in  that 
behalf." 

The  conditions  of  the  combat  were  now  speedily  settled. 
They  agreed  to  meet  on  the  28th  of  September,  at  eight  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  in  the  house  of  the  provost  of  Maybole.  Forty 
persons  on  each  side  were  to  be  admitted  as  witnesses  of  the 
dispute,  with  "  as  many  mo  as  the  house  might  goodly  hold,  at 
the  sight  of  my  lord  of  Cassilis."  And  notaries,  or  scribes, 
were  chosen  on  each  side  to  record  the  papers  which  might  be 
given  in  by  the  parties,  and  the  arguments  which  they  advanced 

*  Without  further  plea. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  245 

in  the  course  of  reasoning,  to  prevent  unnecessary  repetition,  or 
a  false  report  of  the  proceedings.  These  conditions  were  form- 
ally drawn  out,  and  subscribed  by  the  Abbot  and  the  Reformer, 
on  the  day  preceding  the  meeting. 

When  they  met,  «  Johne  Knox  addressed  him  to  make  pub- 
lict  prayer,  whereat  the  abbot  wes  soir  offended  at  the  first,  but 
whil  the  said  John  wold  in  nowise  be  stayed,  he  and  his  gave 
audience  ;  which  being  ended,  the  abbote  said, ( Be  my  faith,  it  is 
weill  said.'  "  The  reasoning  commenced  by  reading  a  paper 
presented  by  the  abbot,  in  which,  after  rehearsing  the  occasion 
of  his  present  appearance,  and  protesting,  that  his  entering  into 
dispute  was  not  to  be  understood  as  implying  that  the  points  in 
question  were  disputable  or  dubious,  being  already  determined 
by  lawful  general  councils,  hg  declared  his  readiness  to  defend 
the  articles  which  he  had  exhibited,  beginning  with  that  con- 
cerning the  sacrifice  of  the  mass.  To  this  paper  Knox  gave  in 
a  written  answer  in  the  course  of  the  disputation ;  and,  in  the 
mean  time,  after  stating  his  opinion  respecting  general  councils, 
he  proceeded  to  the  article  in  dispute.  It  was  requisite,  he  said, 
to  state  clearly  and  distinctly  the  subject  in  controversy,  and  he 
thought  the  mass  contained  the  four  following  things :  the  name, 
the  form  and  action,  the  opinion  entertained  of  it,  and  the  actor, 
with  the  authority  which  he  had  to  do  what  he  pretended  to  do  ; 
all  of  which,  he  was  prepared  to  shew,  were  destitute  of  any 
foundation  in  Scripture.  The  abbot  was  aware  of  the  difficul- 
ty of  managing  the  point  on  such  broad  ground,  and  he  had 
taken  up  ground  of  his  own,  which  he  thought  he  could  main- 
tain against  his  antagonist.  "As  to  the  masse  that  he  will 
impung,"  said  he,  "  or  any  mannes  masse,  yea,  an  it  war  the 
paipes  a  win  masse,  I  will  mantein  na  thing  but  Jesus  Christes 
masse,  conforme  to  my  article,  as  it  is  written,  and  diffinition 
contened  in  my  buik,  whilk  he  hes  tane  on  hand  to  impung." 

Knox  expressed  his  delight  at  hearing  the  abbot  say,  that  he 
would  defend  nothing  but  the  mass  of  Christ,  for  if  he  adhered 
to  this,  they  were  "  on  the  verray  point  of  an  Christiane  agre- 
ment,"  as  he  was  ready  to  allow  whatever  could  be  shewn  to 
have  been  instituted  by  Christ.  As  to  his  lordship's  book,  he 
confessed  he  had  not  read  it,  and  (without  excusing  his  negli- 
gence) requested  the  definition  to  be  read  to  him  from  it.  The 
abbot  qualified  his  assertion  by  saying,  that  he  meant  to  defend 
no  other  mass,  except  that  which  in  its  "  substance,  institution, 
and  effect,"  was  appointed  by  Christ ;  and  he  defined  the  mass, 
in  its  substance  and  effect,  to  be  the  sacrifice  and  oblation  of  the 
Lord's  body  and  blood,  given  and  offered  by  him  in  the  last 
supper ;  and  for  the  first  confirmation  of  this,  he  rested  upon 
the  oblation  of  bread  and  wine  by  Melchizedec.  His  argument 
l  was,  that  the  Scripture  declared  Christ  to  be  a  priest  after  the 


246  LIFE    OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

order  of  Melchizedec.  Melchizedec  offered  bread  and  wine  to 
God;  therefore  Christ  offered  or  made  oblation  of  his  body 
and  blood  in  the  last  supper,  which  was  the  only  instance 
in  which  the  priesthood  of  Christ  and  Melchizedec  could 
agree. 

Knox  said,  that  the  ceremonies  of  the  mass,  and  the  opinion 
entertained  of  it,  (as  procuring  remission  of  sins  to  the  quick 
and  the  dead,)  were  viewed  as  important  parts  of  it,  and,  having 
a  strong  hold  of  the  consciences  of  the  people,  ought  to  be  taken 
into  the  argument ;  but  as  the  abbot  declared  himself  willing  to 
defend  these  afterwards,  he  would  proceed  to  the  substance, 
and  proposed,  in  the  first  place,  to  fix  the  sense  in  which  the 
word  sacrifice  or  oblation  was  used  in  this  question.  There 
were  sacrifices  propitiatorise  for,,  expiation,  and  eucharisticse, 
for  thanksgiving ;  in  which  last  sense  the  mortification  of  the 
body,  prayer,  and  almsgiving  were  called  sacrifices  in  Scripture. 
He  wished,  therefore,  to  know  whether  the  abbot  understood  the 
word  in  the  first  or  second  of  these  senses  in  this  dispute. 
The  abbot  said,  that  he  would  not  at  present  inquire  what  his 
opponent  meant  by  a  sacrifice  propitiatorium  ;  but  he  held  the 
sacrifice  on  the  cross  to  be  the  only  sacrifice  of  redemption,  and 
that  of  the  mass  to  be  the  sacrifice  of  commemoration  of  the 
death  and  passion  of  Christ.  Knox  replied,  that  the  chief  head 
which  he  intended  to  impugn,  seemed  to  be  yielded  by  the 
abbot ;  and  he,  for  his  part,  cheerfully  granted,  that  there  was 
a  commemoration  of  Christ's  death  in  the  right  use  of  the  ordi- 
nance of  the  supper. 

The  abbot  insisted,  that  Knox  should  proceed  to  impugn  the 
warrant  which  he  had  taken  from  Scripture  for  his  article.  "  Pro- 
testing," said  the  reformer, "  that  this  mekle  is  win,  that  the 
sacrifice  of  the  messe  being  denied  by  me  to  be  a  sacrifice  pro- 
pitiatorie  for  the  sins  of  the  quick  and  the  dead  (according  to 
the  opinion  thereof  before  conceaved)  hath  no  patron  at  the 
present,  I  am  content  to  precede." — "  I  protest  he  hes  win  no- 
thing of  me  as  yit,  and  referres  it  to  black  and  white  contened 
in  our  writing." — « I  have  openlie  denied  the  masse  to  be  an 
sacrifice  propitiatorie  for  the  quick,  &c.  and  the  defence  thereof 
is  denied.  And,  therefore,  I  referre  me  unto  the  same  judges 
that  my  lord  hath  clamed." — "  Ye  may  denie  what  ye  pleis ; 
for  all  that  ye  denie  I  tak  not  presentlie  to  impung ;  but  whair 
-I -began  there  will  I  end,  that  is,  to  defend  the  messe  conform  to 
my  artickle." — "Your  lordship's  ground,"  said  Knox,  after 
some  altercation,  "  is,  that  Melchizedeck  is  the  figure  of  Christe 
in  that  he  did  offer  unto  God  bread  and  wine,  and  that  it  be- 
hoved Jesus  Christ  to  offer,  in  his  latter  supper,  his  body  and 
blude  under  the  forms  of  bread  and  wine.  I  answer  to  your 
ground  yet  againe,  that  Melchizedeck  offered  neither  bread  nor 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  247 

wine  unto  God ;  and,  therefore,  it  that  ye  would  thereupon 
conclude  hath  no  assurance  of  your  ground," — "  Preve  that/' 
said  the  abbot.  Knox  replied,  that,  according  to  the  rules  of 
just  reasoning,  he  could  not  be  bound  to  prove  a  negative ;  that 
it  was  incumbent  on  his  opponent  to  bring  forward  some  proof 
for  his  affirmation,  concerning  which,  the  text  was  altogether 
silent ;  and  that  until  the  abbot  did  this  it  was  sufficient  for  him 
simply  to  deny.  But  the  abbot  said,  he  "  stuck  to  his  text," 
and  insisted  that  his  antagonist  should  shew  for  what  purpose 
Melchizedec  brought  out  the  bread  and  the  wine,  if  it  was  not 
to  offer  them  to  God.  After  protesting  that  the  abbot's  position 
remained  destitute  of  support,  and  that  he  was  not  bound,  in 
point  of  argument,  to  shew  what  became  of  the  bread  and 
wine,  or  what  use  was  made  of  them,  Knox  consented  to  state 
his  opinion,  that  they  were  intended  by  Melchizedec  to  refresh 
Abraham  and  his  company.  The  abbot  had  now  gained  what 
he  wished ;  and  he  had  a  number  of  objections  ready  to  start 
against  this  view  of  the  words,  by  which  he  was  able  at  least  to 
protract  and  involve  the  dispute.  And  thus  ended  the  first  day's 
contest. 

When  the  company  convened  on  the  following  day,  the  abbot 
proceeded  to  impugn  the  view  which  his  opponent  had  given 
of  the  text.  He  urged,  first,  that  Abraham  and  his  company 
had  a  sufficiency  of  provision  in  the  spoils  which  they  had  taken 
from  the  enemy  in  their  late  victory,  and  did  not  need  Melchiz- 
edec's  bread  and  wine ;  and,  secondly,  that  the  text  said  that 
Melchizedec  brought  them  forth,  and  it  was  improbable  that 
one  man,  and  he  a  king,  should  carry  as  much  as  would  refresh 
three  hundred  and  eighteen  men.  To  these  objections  Knox 
made  such  replies  as  will  occur  to  any  person  who  thinks  on 
the  subject.  And  in  this  manner  did  the  second  day  pass. 

When  they  met  on  the  third  day,  the  abbot  presented  a  paper, 
in  which  he  stated  another  objection  to  Knox's  view  of  the 
text.  After  some  more  altercation  on  this  subject,  Knox  desired 
his  opponent  to  proceed,  according  to  his  promise,  to  establish 
the  argument  upon  which  he  had  rested  his  cause.  But  the  ab- 
bot, being  indisposed,  rose  up,  and  put  into  Knox's  hand  a  book 
to  which  he  referred  him  for  the  proof.  By  this  time  the  noble- 
men and  gentlemen  present  were  completely  wearied  out.  For, 
besides  the  tedious  and  uninteresting  mode  in  which  the  dispu- 
tation had  been  managed,  they  could  find  entertainment  neither 
for  themselves  nor  for  their  retinue  in  Maybole  ;  so  that  if  any 
person  had  brought  in  bread  and  wine  among  them,  it  is  presu- 
mable that  they  would  not  have  debated  long  upon  the  purpose 
for  which  it  was  brought.  Knox  proposed  that  they  should  ad- 
journ to  Ayr  and  finish  the  dispute,  which  was  refused  by  the 
abbot,  who  said  he  would  come  to  Edinburgh  for  that  purpose, 


248  LIFE    OF  JOHN    KNOX. 

provided  he  could  obtain  the  queen's  permission.  Upon  this 
the  company  dismissed. 

The  dispute  was  never  resumed,  though  Knox  says  that  he 
applied  to  the  privy  council  for  liberty  to  the  abbot  to  come  to 
Edinburgh  for  this  purpose.  Kennedy  died  in  August  1564. 
It  has  been  said  that  he  was  canonized  as  a  saint  after  his  death,* 
and  Dempster  makes  him  both  a  saint  and  a  martyr.t  I  have 
not  seen  his  name  in  the  Romish  calendar,  but  I  find  (what  is 
of  as  great  consequence)  that  the  grand  argument  upon  which 
he  insisted  in  his  disputation  with  the  Reformer  has  been  can- 
onized. For  in  the  calendar,  at  "March  25,"  it  is  written, 
"  Melchezedec  sacrifeit  breid  and  wyne  in  figure  of  ye  bodie 
and  bloud  of  our  Lord,  whilk  is  oiferit  in  ye  messe."J  Doubt- 
less those  who  knew  the  very  month  and  day  on  which  this 
happened,  must  have  been  better  acquainted  with  the  design  of 
Melchizedec  than  either  Moses  or  Paul. 

The  abbot  and  his  friends  having  circulated  the  report  that 
he  had  the  advantage  in  the  disputation,  Kriox,  in  1563,  publish- 
ed the  account  of  it  from  the  records  of  the  notaries,  to  which 
he  added  a  prologue  and  short  marginal  notes.  The  prologue 
and  his  answer  to  the  abbot's  first  paper,  especially  the  latter, 
are  pieces  of  good  writing.  I  have  been  more  minute  in  the 
narrative  of  this  dispute  than  its  merits  deserve,  because  no  ac- 
count of  it  has  hitherto  appeared,  the  tract  itself  being  so  ex- 
ceedingly rare  as  to  have  been  seen  by  but  few  for  a  long 
period.  § 

Another  priest  who  defended  the  Roman  Catholic  cause  at 
this  time  was  Ninian  Wingate.  He  had  been  schoolmaster  of 
Linlithgow,  from  which  situation  he  was  removed  by  Spots- 
wood,  superintendent  of  Lothian,  on  account  of  his  devoted  at- 

*  Crawford's  Peerage  of  Scotland,  p.  75. 

t  "  Augustus  22 — Monasterio  Crucis  regalis  obitus  Beati  Quintini  Kenne- 
dii  abbatis,  Comitis  Cassilii  fratris,  qui  admiranda  constantia  sex  annis  totis, 
cam  hseresi  nascente,  et  jam  confirmata  conflixit,  ad  extremum  lento  veneno 
consumptus,  corruptoque  sanguine  excessit."  Dempsteri  Menologium  Scot- 
orum,  p.  20.  Bononise,  1622. 

|  See  Calendar,  by  "  M.  Adam  King,  profeseur  of  philosophic  and  Mathi- 
matikis  at  Paris,"  prefixed  to  a  Scottish  translation  of  Canisius's  Catechism, 
printed  in  1587. 

§  Knox  gives  merely  a  general  notice  of  this  dispute  in  his  Historic,  p. 
318.  Keith,  who  was  very  industrious  in  collecting  whatever  referred  to 
the  ecclesiastical  history  of  that  period,  could  not  obtain  a  copy  of  the  print- 
ed disputation,  and  had  heard  of  but  one  imperfect  copy.  History,  App. 
255.  The  only  copy  known  to  exist  at  present  is  in  the  library  of  Alex- 
ander Boswell,  Esq,  of  Auchinleck. — Since  the  publication  of  the  first  edi- 
tion of  this  Life,  Mr.  Boswell  has  printed  a  small  impression  of  this  unique, 
oeing  an  exact  fac  simile  of  the  original  edition  for  the  gratification  of  the 
curious.  [See  British  Reformers,  vol.  IX.  edition  of  Board  of  Publication.] 


LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX.  249 

tacbment  to  popery.  In  the  month  of  February  1562,  he  sent 
to  Knox  a  writing,  consisting  of  eighty-three  questions  upon  the 
principal  topics  of  dispute  between  the  Papists  and  Protestants, 
which  he  had  drawn  up  in  the  name  of  the  inferior  clergy,  and 
laity,  of  the  Catholic  persuasion  in  Scotland.  To  some  of  these, 
particularly  the  questions  which  related  to  the  call  of  the  Pro- 
testant ministers,  the  Reformer  returned  an  answer  from  the  pul- 
pit, and  Wingate  addressed  several  letters  to  him,  complaining 
that  his  answers  were  not  satisfactory.  These  letters,  with  ad- 
dresses to  the  queen,  nobility,  bishops,  and  magistrates  of  Edin- 
burgh, Wingate  committed  to  the  press,  but  the  impression  being 
seized  in  the  printer's  house  (according  to  Bishop  Lesley),  the 
author  made  his  escape,  and  went  to  the  Continent.*  Kriox 
intended  to  publish  an  answer  to  Wingate's  questions,  and  to 
defend  the  validity  of  the  Protestant  ministry  ;  but  it  does  not 
appear  that  he  carried  his  design  into  execution.! 

In  the  beginning  of  1563,  Knox  went  to  Jedburgh,  by 
appointment  of  the  General  Assembly,  to  investigate  a  scandal 
which  had  broken  out  against  Paul  Methven,  the  minister  of 
that  place,  who  was  suspected  of  adultery.  Methven  was  found 
guilty,  and  excommunicated.^  Having  fled  to  England,  he 
sent  a  letter  to  the  General  Assembly,  professing  his  willingness 
to  submit  to  the  discipline  of  the  Church,  but  requesting  that 
the  account  of  his  process  should  be  deleted  from  the  records  of 
the  Church.  The  Assembly  declared  that  he  might  return  with 
safety  to  his  native  country,  and  that  he  should  be  admitted  to 
public  repentance,  but  refused  to  erase  the  process  from  their 
minutes.  §  He  afterwards  returned  to  Scotland ;  and  a  severe 
and  humiliating  penance  was  prescribed  to  him.  He  was  en- 

*  Lesley,  apud  Keith,  p.  501.  App.  223.  Lesley  speaks  of  a  dispute  be- 
tween Knox  and  Wingate,  but  that  historian  is  often  incorrect  in  his  details. 
The  dispute  between  the  doctors  of  Aberdeen  and  the  ministers,  which  took 
place  in  the  beginning  of  1561,  is  mentioned  by  Knox,  Historic,  pp.  261,  262. 
It  would  seem  from  a  letter  of  Randolph,  that  there  was  a  dispute  in  the  end  of 
1561,  between  some  of  the  ministers  and  a  Parisian  divine,  who  had  accom- 
panied the  queen.  Keith,  208.  Wingate  published  at  Antwerp,  his  "  Buke 
of  Fourscoir  Three  Questionis,"  in  1583.  Keith  has  reprinted  this,  along  with 
his  "  Tractatis,"  originally  printed  at  Edinburgh.  He  calls  them  "  very  rare 
and  much  noted  pieces."  History,  App.  203.  In  point  of  argument  or  senti- 
ment, they  are  certainly  not  noted  ;  but  they  contain  a  strong  proof  of  the  ex- 
treme corruption  which  prevailed  among  the  superior  popish  clergy,  against 
which  Wingate  inveighs  as  keenly  as  any  reformer.  His  second  "book  con- 
cludes with  this  exclamation,  "  Och,  for  mair  paper  or  pennyis !"  Wingate 
translated  several  works  of  the  Fathers  into  the  Scottish  language,  some  of 
which  are  mentioned  by  him  in  his  Tractatis.  Keith,  App.  226,  227.  He 
was  made  abbot  of  a  Scottish  monastery  at  Ratisbon.  Mackenzie's  Lives, 
vol.  iii.  p.  149. 

t  See  Note  CCC.  J  Knox,  Historic,  pp.  323,  324.    Keith,  522. 

j  Keith,  p.  538. 


250  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

joined  to  appear  at  the  church-door  of  Edinburgh,  when  the 
second  bell  rang  for  public  worship,  clad  in  sackcloth,  bare- 
headed and  barefooted ;  to  stand  there  until  the  prayer  and 
psalms  were  finished,  when  he  was  to  be  brought  into  the 
church  to  hear  sermon,  during  which  he  was  to  be  "  placeit  in 
the  public  spectakell  above  the  peiple."  This  appearance  he 
was  to  make  on  three  several  preaching-days,  and  on  the  last 
of  them,  being  a  Sabbath,  he  was,  at  the  close  of  the  sermon,  to 
profess  his  sorrow  before  the  congregation,  and  to  request  their 
forgiveness ;  upon  which  he  was  again  to  be  "  clad  in  his  awin 
apparell,"  and  received  into  the  communion  of  the  Church. 

He  was  to  repeat  this  course  at  Dundee  and  at  Jedburgh, 
where  he  had  officiated  as  minister.*  Methven  went  through 
a  part  of  this  humbling  scene,  with  professions  of  deep  sorrow  ; 
but  being  overwhelmed  with  shame,  and  despairing  to  regain 
his  lost  reputation,  he  stopped  in  the  midst  of  it,  and  again  re- 
tired to  England.t  Prudential  considerations  were  not  wanting 
to  induce  the  reformed  Church  of  Scotland  to  stifle  this  affair, 
and  to  screen  from  public  ignominy  a  man  who  had  acted  a 
distinguished  part  in  the  late  reformation  of  religion.  But  they 
refused  to  listen  to  these  ;  and  by  instituting  a  strict  scrutiny 
into  the  fact,  and  inflicting  an  exemplary  punishment  upon  the 
criminal,  they  "approved  themselves  to  be  clear  in  this  matter," 
and  effectually  shut  the  mouths  of  their  Popish  adversaries. 

The  mode  of  public  repentance  enjoined  on  this  occasion  was 
appointed  to  be  afterwards  used  in  all  cases  of  aggravated  im- 
morality 4  There  was  nothing  in  which  the  Scottish  reformers 
approached  nearer  to  the  primitive  Church  than  in  the  rigorous 
and  impartial  exercise  of  ecclesiastical  discipline,  the  relaxation 
of  which,  under  the  Papacy,  they  justly  regarded  as  one  great 
cause  of  the  universal  corruption  of  religion.  While  they 
rejected  many  of  the  ceremonies  which  were  introduced  into 
the  worship  of  the  Christian  Church  during  the  first  three  cen- 
turies, they,  from  detestation  of  vice,  and  a  desire  to  restrain  it, 
did  not  scruple  to  conform  to  a  number  of  their  penitential  re- 
gulations. In  some  instances  they  might  carry  their  rigour 
against  offenders  to  an  extreme  ;  but  it  was  a  virtuous  extreme, 
compared  with  the  dangerous  laxity,  or  rather  total  disuse  of 
discipline,  which  has  gradually  crept  into  almost  all  the 
Churches  which  retain  the  name  of  reformed ;  even  as  the 
scrupulous  delicacy  with  which  our  forefathers  shunned  the 
society  of  those  who  had  transgressed  the  rules  of  morality  is  to 
be  preferred  to  modern  manners,  by  which  the  vicious  obtain 
easy  admission  into  the  company  of  the  virtuous. 

*  Bulk  of  the  Universal  Kirk,  p.  23.    Keith,  559,  560. 

f  Knox,  Historic,  p.  398.  J  See  Note  DDD. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  251 

'Twas  hard,  perhaps,  on  here  and  there  a  waif, 

Desirous  to  return,  and  not  received: 

But  was  an  wholesome  rigour  in  the  main. 

And  taught  the  unblemished  to  preserve  with  care 

That  purity,  whose  loss  was  loss  of  all. 

But  now — yes,  now, 

We  are  become  so  candid  and  so  fair, 

So  liberal  in  construction,  and  so  rich 

In  Christian  charity,  (good-natured  age  0 

That  they  are  safe,  sinners  of  either  sex, 

Transgress  what  laws  they  may.    Cowper's  Task.  B.  iii. 

In  the  month  of  May  the  queen  sent  for  Knox  to  Lochleven. 
The  Popish  priests,  presuming  upon  her  avowed  partiality  to 
them,  and  her  secret  promises  of  protection,  had  of  late  become 
more  bold  ;  and,  during  the  late  Easter,  masses  had  been  openly 
celebrated  in  different  parts  of  the  kingdom.  Repeated  procla- 
mations had  been  issued  against  this  practice  by  the  queen  in 
council,  but  none  of  them  were  carried  into  execution.  The 
gentlemen  of  the  west  country,  who  were  the  most  zealous 
Protestants,  perceiving  that  the  laws  were  eluded,  came  to  the 
resolution  of  executing  them,  without  making  any  application 
to  the  court,  and  apprehended  some  of  the  offenders  by  way  of 
example.  These  decided  proceedings,  which  were  calculated 
to  defeat  the  scheme  of  policy  which  she  had  formed,  gave 
great  offence  to  her  majesty  ;  but  finding  that  the  signification 
of  her  displeasure  had  not  the  effect  of  stopping  them,  she 
wished  to  avail  herself  of  the  Reformer's  influence  for  accom- 
plishing her  purpose. 

She  dealt  with  him  very  earnestly  for  two  hours  before  sup- 
pe^,  to  persuade  the  western  gentlemen  to  desist  from  all  inter- 
ruption of  the  Catholic  worship.  He  told  her  majesty,  that  if 
she  would  exert  her  authority  in  executing  the  laws  of  the 
land,  he  could  promise  for  the  peaceable  behaviour  of  the  Pro- 
testants ;  but  if  she  thought  to  elude  them,  he  feared  there  were 
some  who  would  let  the  Papists  understand  that  they  should 
not  offend  with  impunity.  "  Will  ye  allow,  that  they  shall  take 
my  sword  in  their  hands  ?"  said  the  queen.  "  The  sword  of  jus- 
tice is  God's  ,"  replied  the  Reformer  with  equal  firmness, "  and 
is  given  to  princes  and  rulers  for  one  end,  which,  if  they  trans- 
gress, sparing  the  wicked  and  oppressing  the  innocent,  they 
who,  in  the  fear  of  God,  execute  judgment  where  God  has 
commanded,  offend  not  God,  although  kings  do  it  not." 
Having  produced  some  examples  from  Scripture  to  shew  that 
criminals  might  be  punished  by  persons  who  did  not  occupy  the 
place  of  supreme  rulers,  he  added,  that  the  gentlemen  of  the 
West  were  acting  strictly  according  to  law ;  for  the  act  of  par- 
liament gave  power  to  all  judges  within  their  bounds,  to  search 
for  and  punish  those  who  should  transgress  its  enactments.  He 
concluded  with  inculcating  a  doctrine  which  has  seldom  been 


252  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

very  pleasing  to  princes :  "  It  shall  be  profitable  to  your  majesty 
to  consider  what  is  the  thing  your  grace's  subjects  look  to  re- 
ceive of  your  majesty,  and  what  it  is  that  ye  ought  to  do  unto 
them  by  mutual  contract.  They  are  bound  to  obey  you,  and 
that  not  but  in  God :  ye  are  bound  to  keep  laws  to  them.  Ye 
crave  of  them  service  :  they  crave  of  you  protection  and 
defence  against  wicked  doers.  Now,  madam,  if  you  shall  deny 
your  duty  unto  them  (which  especially  craves  that  ye  punish 
malefactors),  think  ye  to  receive  full  obedience  of  them  ?  I 
fear,  madam,  ye  shall  not."  The  queen  broke  off  the  conver- 
sation with  evident  marks  of  displeasure. 

Having  imparted  the  substance  of  what  had  passed  between 
them  to  the  Earl  of  Murray,  Knox  meant  to  return  to  Edin- 
burgh next  day  without  waiting  for  any  further  communica- 
tions with  the  queen.  But  a  message  was  delivered  to  him  at 
an  early  hour  in  the  morning,  desiring  him  not  to  depart  until 
he  had  again  spoken  with  her  majesty.  He  accordingly  met 
her  at  a  place  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Kinross,  where  she  took 
the  amusement  of  hawking.  This  interview  was  very  different 
from  that  of  the  preceding  evening.  Waiving  entirely  the  sub- 
ject on  which  they  had  differed,  she  conversed  with  him  upon 
a  variety  of  topics,  with  the  greatest  familiarity  and  apparent 
confidence.  Lord  Ruthven  (she  said)  had  offered  her  a  ring ; 
but  she  could  not  love  that  nobleman.  She  knew  that  he  used 
enchantment ;  *  yet  he  had  been  made  a  member  of  her  privy 
council ;  and  she  blamed  secretary  Lethington  for  procuring  his 
admission  into  that  body.  Knox  excused  himself  from  saying 
any  thing  of  the  secretary  in  his  absence.  "  I  understand," 
said  she,  introducing  another  subject  of  discourse,  "  that  ye  are 
appointed  to  go  to  Dumfries,  for  the  election  of  a  superintendent 
to  be  established  in  these  countries."  He  answered  in  the 
affirmative.  u  But  I  understand  the  Bishop  of  Athens!  would 
be  superintendent."  "  He  is  one,  madam,  that  is  put  in  elec- 
tion." "  If  you  knew  him  as  well  as  I  do,  you  would  not  pro- 
mote him  to  that  office,  nor  yet  to  any  other  within  your 
kirk."  Knox  said  that  the  bishop  deceived  many,  if  he  did  not 
fear  God.  "  Well,  do  as  you  will ;  but  that  man  is  a  dangerous 
man." 

*  Comp.  Knox,  Historie,  327.  with  Keith,  Append.  125. 

f  In  Knox's  Historie,  it  is  printed  Cathenis,  by  mistake,  instead  of 
Alhenis.  The  person  referred  to  is  Alexander  Gordon,  brother  to  George, 
Earl  of  Huntly,  who  was  slain  at  Corrichie  in  1562.  Scarcely  any  Scottish 
prelate  ever  occupied  so  many  different  sees,  or  occupied  them  for  so  short  a 
time.  He  was  Bishop  of  Caithness,  Archbishop  of  Glasgow,  Bishop  of  the 
Isles,  and  Bishop  of  Galloway.  When  he  was  deprived  of  the  see  of  Glas- 
gow, the  pope,  as  a  recompense,  created  him  titular  Archbishop  of  Athens. 
Gordon's  Genealogical  History  of  the  Earldon  of  Sutherland,  pp.  Ill — 12, 
137,  290.  Keith's  Scottish  Bishops,  pp.  128,  153,  166,  175. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  253 

Knox  wished  to  take  his  leave  of  her  majesty,  but  she 
pressed  him  to  stay.  "  I  have  one  of  the  greatest  matters  that 
have  touched  me,  since  I  came  into  this  realm,  to  open  to  you, 
and  I  must  have  your  help  in  it,"  said  she,  with  an  air  of  con- 
descension and  confidence  as  enchanting  as  if  she  had  put 
a  ring  on  his  finger.  She  then  entered  into  a  long  discourse 
with  him  concerning  a  domestic  difference  between  the  Earl 
and  Countess  of  Argyle.  Her  ladyship,  had  not,  she  said,  been 
so  circumspect  in  every  thing  as  could  have  been  wished,  but 
still  she  was  of  opinion  that  his  lordship  had  not  treated  her  in 
an  honest  and  godly  manner.  Knox  said  that  he  was  not  un- 
acquainted with  the  disagreeable  variance  which  had  subsisted 
between  that  honourable  couple,  and,  before  her  majesty's  ar- 
rival in  this  country,  had  effected  a  reconciliation  between  them. 
On  that  occasion,  the  countess  had  promised  not  to  complain  to 
any  creature  before  acquainting  him  ;  and  having  never  heard 
from  her  on  that  subject,  he  had  concluded  that  there  was  nothing 
but  concord  between  her  and  his  lordship.  "  Well/'  said  the 
queen,  "  it  is  worse  than  ye  believe.  But  do  this  muchybr  my 
sake,  as  once  again  to  put  them  at  unity,  and  if  she  behave  not 
herself  as  she  ought  to  do,  she  shall  find  no  favour  of  me ; 
but  in  any  wise  let  not  my  lord  know  that  I  have  request- 
ed you  in  this  matter."  Then  introducing  the  subject  of  their 
reasoning  on  the  preceding  evening,  she  said,  "  I  promise  to  do 
as  ye  required :  I  shall  cause  summon  all  offenders ;  and  ye 
shall  know  that  I  shall  minister  justice."  "  I  am  assured, 
then,"  said  he,  "  that  ye  shall  please  God,  and  enjoy  rest  and 
tranquillity  within  your  realm,  which  to  your  majesty  is  more 
profitable  than  all  the  pope's  power  can  be."  Upon  this  he 
took  his  leave  of  the  queen.* 

This  interview  exhibits  one  part  of  Mary's  character  in 
a  very  striking  light.  It  shews  how  far  she  was  capable  of 
dissembling,  what  artifice  she  could  employ,  and  what  con- 
descensions she  could  make,  when  she  was  bent  on  accomplish- 
ing a  favourite  object.  She  had  formerly  attacked  the  Refor- 
mer on  another  quarter  without  success,  and  was  convinced 
that  it  was  vain  to  think  of  working  on  his  fears ;  she  now 
resolved  to  try  if  she  could  soothe  his  stern  temper  by  flattering 
his  vanity,  and  disarm  his  jealousy  by  strong  marks  of  confi- 
dence. There  is  reason  to  think  that  she  partly  succeeded  in  her 
design.  For,  though  he  was  not  very  susceptible  of  flattery, 
and  must  have  been  struck  with  the  sudden  change  in  the 
queen's  views  and  behaviour,  there  are  few  minds  that  can 
altogether  resist  the  impression  made  by  the  condescending 
familiarity  of  persons  of  superior  rank ;  and  our  feelings,  on 

*  Knox,  Historie,  pp.  326—328. 
22 


254  LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX. 

such  occasions,  chide  as  uncharitable  the  cold  suspicions 
suggested  by  our  judgment  In  obedience  to  her  majesty's 
request,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Argyle,  which  was 
not  very  pleasing  to  that  nobleman.  From  deference  to  the 
opinion  which  she  had  expressed,  he  inquired  more  narrowly 
into  the  conduct  of  the  Bishop  of  Galloway,  and  finding  some 
grounds  of  suspicion,  postponed  the  election.  And  the  report 
which  he  gave  of  the  queen's  gracious  answer  operated  in  her 
favour  on  the  public  mind.* 

But  if  his  zeal  suffered  a  temporary  intermission,  it  soon 
kindled  with  fresh  ardour.  On  the  19th  of  May,  the  Arch- 
bishop of  St.  Andrews,  and  a  number  of  the  principal  Papists, 
were  arraigned,  by  the  queen's  orders,  before  the  Lord  Justice 
General,  for  transgressing  the  laws  ;  and,  having  come  in  her 
majesty's  will,  were  committed  to  ward.  But  this  was  merely 
a  stroke  of  policy,  to  enable  her  the  more  easily  to  carry  her 
measures  in  the  parliament  which  met  on  the  following  day ; 
and,  accordingly,  the  prisoners  were  set  at  liberty  as  soon  as  it 
was  dissolved.-)- 

This  was  the  first  parliament  which  had  been  held  since  the 
queen's  arrival  in  Scotland  ;  and  it  was  natural  to  expect  that 
their  first  business  would  be  to  ratify  the  treaty  of  peace  made 
in  July  1560,  and  the  establishment  of  the  Protestant  religion. 
If  the  acts  of  the  former  parliament  were  invalid,  as  the  queen 
had  repeatedly  declared,  the  Protestants  had  no  law  on  their 
side ;  they  held  their  religion  at  the  mercy  of  their  sovereign, 
and  might  be  required  at  her  pleasure,  to  submit  to  Popery,  as 
the  religion  which  still  possessed  the  legal  establishment.  But 
so  well  had  she  laid  her  plans,  such  was  the  effect  of  her  insin- 
uating address,  and,  above  all,  so  powerful  was  the  temptation 
of  self-interest  on  the  minds  of  the  Protestant  leaders,  that,  by 
general  consent,  they  passed  from  this  demand,  and  lost  the 
only  favourable  opportunity  which  presented  itself,  during  the 
reign  of  Mary,  for  giving  a  legal  security  to  the  reformed  reli- 
gion, and  thereby  removing  one  principal  source  of  national 
fears  and  jealousies.  An  act  of  oblivion,  securing  indemnity  to 
those  who  had  been  engaged  in  the  late  civil  war,  was  indeed 
passed ;  but  the  mode  of  its  enactment  virtually  implied  the  in- 
validity of  the  treaty  in  which  it  had  been  originally  embodied  ; 
and  the  Protestants,  on  their  bended  knees,J  supplicated,  as  a 
boon  from  their  sovereign,  what  they  had  formerly  won  with 
their  swords,  and  repeatedly  demanded  as  their  right.  The 
other  acts  made  to  please  the  more  zealous  reformers  were 

*  Knox,  Historie,  pp.  327—429.  f  Ibid.  330—334. 

\  Spotswood,  188.  "  We  are  very  much  obliged  to  the  information  of 
Archbishop  Spotswood  "  for  this,  says  honest  Keith.  History,  240, 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  255 

expressed  with  such  studied  and  glaring  ambiguity,  as  to  offer 
an  insult  to  their  understandings.* 

Our  Reformer  was  thunderstruck  when  first  informed  of  the 
measures  which  were  in  agitation,  and  could  scarcely  believe 
that  it  was  seriously  intended  to  carry  them  into  execution. 
He  immediately  procured  an  interview  with  some  of  the  lead- 
ing members  of  parliament,  to  whom  he  represented  the  danger 
of  allowing  that  meeting  to  dissolve  without  obtaining  the  rati- 
fication of  the  acts  of  the  preceding  parliament,  or  at  least  those 
acts  which  established  the  Reformation.  They  alleged,  that  the 
queen  would  never  have  agreed  to  call  them  together,  if  they  had 
persisted  in  these  demands ;  but  that  there  was  a  prospect  of 
her  being  soon  married,  and  on  that  occasion  they  would  ob- 
tain all  their  wishes.  In  vain  he  reminded  them  that  poets  and 
painters  had  represented  Occasion  with  a  bald  hind-head ;  in 
vain  he  urged,  that  the  event  to  which  they  looked  forward 
would  be  accompanied  with  difficulties  of  its  own,  which  would 
require  all  their  skill  and  circumspection.  Their  determination* 
was  fixed.  He  now  perceived  the  full  extent  of  the  queen's 
dissimulation ;  and  the  selfishness  and  servility  of  the  Protestant 
leaders  affected  him  deeply. 

So  hot  was  the  altercation  between  him  and  the  Earl  of  Mur- 
ray on  this  subject,  that  an  open  rupture  ensued.  Knox  had 
long  looked  upon  that  nobleman  as  one  of  the  most  sincere  and 
steady  adherents  of  the  reformed  cause  ;  and  therefore  felt  the 
greater  disappointment  at  his  conduct.  Under  his  first  irritation 
he  wrote  a  letter  to  Murray,  in  which,  after  reminding  him  of 
his  condition  when  they  first  became  acquainted  in  London,  t 
and  the  honours  to  which  he  had  been  raised  by  Providence, 
he  solemnly  renounced  friendship  with  him,  as  one  who  prefer- 
red his  own  interest  and  the  pleasure  of  his  sister  to  the  advance- 
ment of  religion,  left  him  to  the  guidance  of  the  new  counsellors 

*  Act.  Parl.  Scot  ii.  536—8.     Knox,  331.    Keith,  240. 

f  I  have  not  been  able  to  ascertain  the  time  at  which  the  acquaintance 
between  the  Earl  of  Murray  and  the  Reformer  commenced.  It  was  probr 
ably  soon  after  Knox  came  into  England,  in  the  reign  of  Edward  VI.  A 
Popish  writer  has  mentioned  their  meeting  and  grafted  upon  it  the  calumny, 
current  among  the  party,  that  the  earl  had  formed  the  ambitious  project  of 
wresting  the  crown  from  his  sister,  and  placing  it  on  his  own  head.  "  Jo- 
hann  Kmnox  deceavit  him,"  says  he,  "in  S.  Paules  kirk  in  Londone,  bring- 
and  him  in  consait,  that  God  had  chosen  him  extraordinarilie  as  ane  Josias, 
to  be  king  of  Scotland,  to  rute  out  idolatrie,  and  to  plant  the  licht  of  the  new 
evangel :  quhair  they  convenit  in  this  manner,  That  the  prior  of  St.  Androis, 
Erl  of  Murray,  sould  mentene  the  new  Elias  again  is  the  priestes  of  Bael 
(for  sua  blasphemouslie  he  namit  the  priestes  of  Christ  Jesus).  And  the  neu 
Elias  sould  fortifie  the  new  Josias,  be  procuring  the  favour  of  the  people 
againis  lesabel,  blaspheming  maist  impudentlie  the  quenis  M."  Nicol 
Burne's  Disputation,  p.  156.  Knox  was  at  least  better  acquainted  with 
Scripture  history  than  to  make  Josias  contemporary  with  Elias  and  Jesabel. 


256  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

whom  he  had  chosen,  and  exonerated  him  from  all  future  con- 
cern in  his  affairs.  This  variance,  which  continued  nearly  two 
years,  was  very  gratifying  to  the  queen,  and  to  others  who  dis- 
liked their  former  familiarity,  and  who  failed  not  (as  Knox  in- 
forms us)  to  "  cast  oil  into  the  flame,  until  God  did  quench  it  by 
the  water  of  affliction."* 

Before  the  dissolution  of  the  parliament,  the  Reformer  em- 
braced an  opportunity  of  disburdening  his  mind  in  the  presence 
of  the  greater  part  of  the  members  assembled  in  his  church. 
After  discoursing  of  the  great  mercy  of  God  shewn  to  Scotland, 
in  marvellously  delivering  them  from  bondage  of  soul  and  body, 
and  of  the  deep  ingratitude  which  he  perceived  in  all  ranks  of 
persons,  he  addressed  himself  particularly  to  the  nobility  He 
praised  God  that  he  had  an  opportunity  of  pouring  out  the  sor- 
rows of  his  heart  in  the  presence  of  those  who  could  attest  the 
truth  of  all  that  he  said.  He  appealed  to  their  consciences,  if 
he  had  not,  in  their  greatest  extremities,  exhorted  them  to  de- 
pend upon  God,  and  assured  them  of  preservation  and  victory, 
provided  they  preferred  the  divine  glory  to  their  own  lives  and 
secular  interests.  "  I  have  been  with  you  in  your  most  despe- 
rate temptations  (continued  he,  in  a  strain  of  impassioned  elo- 
quence) ;  in  your  most  extreme  dangers  I  have  been  with  you. 
St.  Johnston,  Cupar-moor,  and  the  Craggs  of  Edinburgh,!  are 
yet  recent  in  my  heart ;  yea,  that  dark  and  dolorous  night  where- 
in all  ye,  my  lords,  with  shame  and  fear,  left  this  town,  is  yet  in 
my  mind ;  $  and  God  forbid  that  ever  I  forg&t  it !  What  was,  I 
say,  my  exhortation  to  you,  and  what  has  fallen  in  vain  of  all 
that  ever  God  promised  unto  you  by  my  mouth,  ye  yourselves 
yet  live  to  testify.  There  is  not  one  of  you,  against  whom  was 
death  and  destruction  threatened,  perished :  and  how  many  of 
your  enemies  has  God  plagued  before  your  eyes  !  Shall  this 
be  the  thankfulness  that  ye  shall  render  unto  your  God,  to 
betray  his  cause  when  you  have  it  in  your  hands  to  establish  it 
as  you  please  ?"  He  saw  nothing  (he  said)  but  a  cowardly  de- 
sertion of  Christ's  standard.  Some  had  even  the  effrontery  to 
say  that  they  had  neither  law  nor  parliament  for  their  religion. 
They  had  the  authority  of  God  for  their  religion,  and  its  truth 
was  independent  of  human  laws;  but  it  was  also  accepted 
within  this  realm  in  public  parliament,  and  that  parliament  he 
would  maintain  to  have  been  as  lawful  and  as  free  as  any  par- 
liament that  had  ever  been  held  within  the  kingdom  of  Scotland. 

*  Knox,  Historie,  p.  331. 

f  Referring  to  the  critical  circumstance  in  which  the  lords  of  the  Congre- 
gation had  been  situated  at  these  places,  when  the  queen  regent  threatened 
to  attack  them  with  superior  forces.  See  above,  pp.  167, 170,  177. 

I  See  above,  p.  196. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  257 

In  the  conclusion  of  his  discourse,  he  adverted  to  the  reports 
of  her  majesty's  marriage,  and  of  the  princes  who  courted  her 
hand ;  and  (desiring  the  audience  to  mark  his  words)  he  predic- 
ted the  consequences  which  would  ensue,  if  ever  the  nobility 
consented  that  their  sovereign  should  marry  a  Papist. 

Protestants,  as  well  as  Papists,  were  offended  with  the  free- 
dom of  this  sermon,  and  some  who  had  been  most  familiar  with 
the  preacher  now  shunned  his  company.  Flatterers  were  not 
wanting  to  run  to  the  queen,  and  inform  her  that  John  Knox  had 
preached  against  her  marriage.  After  surmounting  all  opposi- 
tion to  her  measures,  and  managing  so  successfully  the  haughty 
and  independent  barons  of  her  kingdom,  Mary  was  incensed  to 
think  that  there  should  yet  be  one  man  of  obscure  condition 
who  ventured  to  condemn  her  proceedings ;  and  as  she  could 
not  tame  his  stubbornness,  she  determined  to  punish  his  teme- 
rity. He  was  ordered  instantly  to  appear  before  her.  Lord 
Ochiltree,  with  several  gentlemen,  accompanied  him  to  the 
palace ;  but  the  superintendent  of  Angus,  Erskine  of  Dun,  was 
the  only  person  allowed  to  go  with  him  into  the  royal  pres- 
ence. 

Her  majesty  received  him  in  a  very  different  manner  from 
what  she  had  done  at  Lochleven.  Never  had  prince  been  han- 
dled (she  passionately  exclaimed)  as  she  was ;  she  had  borne 
with  him  in  all  his  rigorous  speeches  against  herself  and  her 
uncles — she  had  sought  his  favour  by  all  means — she  had  offer- 
ed unto  him  audience  whenever  he  pleased  to  admonish  her ; 
"  and  yet,"  said  she,  « I  cannot  be  quit  of  you.  I  vow  to  God 
I  shall  be  once  revenged !"  On  pronouncing  these  words  with 
great  violence,  she  burst  into  a  flood  of  tears,  which  interrupt- 
ed her  speech.  When  the  queen  had  composed  herself,  Knox 
proceeded  calmly  to  make  his  defence.  Her  grace  and  he  had 
(he  said)  at  different  times  been  engaged  in  controversy,  and 
he  never  before  had  perceived  her  offended  with  him.  When 
it  should  please  God  to  deliver  her  from  the  bondage  of  error 
in  which  she  had  been  trained  up,  through  want  of  instruction 
in  the  truth,  he  trusted  that  her  majesty  would  not  find  the  lib- 
erty of  his  tongue  offensive.  Out  of  the  pulpit,  he  believed, 
few  had  occasion  to.  complain  of  him;  but  there  he  was  not 
his  own  master,  but  was  bound  to  obey  Him  who  commanded 
him  to  speak  plainly,  and  to  flatter  no  flesh  on  the  face  of  the 
earth. 

"  But  what  have  you  to  do  with  my  marriage  ?"  demanded 
the  queen.  He  was  proceeding  to  state  the  extent  of  his  com- 
mission as  a  preacher,  and  the  reasons  which  led  him  to  touch 
on  that  delicate  subject ;  but  she  interrupted  him  by  repeating 
her  question,  "  What  have  you  to  do  with  my  marriage  ?  Or 
what  are  you  in  this  commonwealth  ?" — "  A  subject  born  with- 
22*  H2 


258  LIFE   OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

in  the  same,  madam,"  replied  the  Reformer,  piqued  by  the  last 
question,  and  by  the  contemptuous  tone  in  which  it  was  proposed. 
«  And  albeit  I  be  neither  earl,  lord,  nor  baron  in  it,  yet  has  God 
made  me  (how  abject  that  ever  I  be  in  your  eyes)  a  profitable 
member  within  the  same.  Yea,  madam,  to  me  it  appertains  no 
less  to  for  warn  of  such  things  as  may  hurt  it,  if  I  forsee  them, 
than  it  doth  to  any  of  the  nobility ;  for  both  my  vocation  and 
conscience  require  plainness  of  me.  And,  therefore,  madam, 
to  yourself  I  say  that  which  I  spake  in  public  place.  Whenso- 
ever the  nobility  of  this  realm  shall  consent  that  ye  be  subject 
to  an  unfaithful  husband,  they  do  as  much  as  in  them  lieth  to 
renounce  Christ,  to  banish  his  truth  from  them,  to  betray  the 
freedom  of  this  realm,  and  perchance  shall  in  the  end  do  small 
comfort  to  yourself."  At  these  words,  Mary  began  again  to 
sob  and  weep  with  great  bitterness.  The  superintendent,  who 
was  a  man  of  mild  and  gentle  spirit,  tried  to  mitigate  her  grief 
and  resentment ;  he  praised  her  beauty  and  her  accomplishments ; 
and  told  her  that  there  was  not  a  prince  in  Europe  who  would 
not  reckon  himself  happy  in  gaining  her  hand.  During  this 
scene,  the  severe  and  inflexible  mind  of  the  Reformer  displayed 
itself.  He  continued  silent,  and  with  unaltered  countenance, 
until  the  queen  had  given  vent  to  her  feelings.  He  then  pro- 
tested, that  he  never  took  delight  in  the  distress  of  any  creature  ; 
it  was  with  great  difficulty  that  he  could  see  his  own  boys  weep 
when  he  corrected  them  for  their  faults,  and  far  less  could  he 
rejoice  in  her  majesty's  tears ;  but  seeing  he  had  given  her  no 
just  reason  of  offence,  and  had  only  discharged  his  duty,  he 
was  constrained,  though  unwillingly,  to  sustain  her  tears,  rather 
than  hurt  his  conscience,  and  betray  the  commonwealth  by  his 
silence. 

This  apology  inflamed  the  queen  still  more  ;  she  ordered  him 
instantly  to  leave  her  presence,  and  to  wait  the  signification  of 
her  pleasure  in  the  adjoining  room.  There  he  stood  as  "  one 
whom  men  had  never  seen  ;"  all  his  friends,  Lord  Ochiltree  ex- 
cepted,  being  afraid  to  shew  him  the  smallest  countenance. 
In  this  situation  he  addressed  himself  to  the  court  ladies,  who 
sat  in  their  richest  dress  in  the  chamber :  "  0  fair  ladies,  how 
plesing  war  this  lyfe  of  yours,  if  it  sould  ever  abyde,  and  then, 
in  the  end,  that  ye  might  pas  to  hevin  with  all  this  gay  gear  ! 
But  fye  upon  that  knave  Death,  that  will  come  widder  we  will 
or  not !"  Having  engaged  them  in  conversation  by  a  mixture 
of  seriousness  and  raillery,  he  passed  the  time,  till  the  superin- 
tendent came,  and  informed  him  that  he  was  allowed  to  go 
home  until  her  majesty  had  taken  farther  advice.  The  queen 
insisted  to  have  the  judgment  of  the  Lords  of  Articles,  whether 
the  words  he  had  used  in  the  pulpit  were  not  actionable  ;  but 
she  was  persuaded  by  her  counsellors  to  abandon  the  idea  of  a 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  259 

prosecution.     "  And  so  that  storme  quietit  in  appearance,  bot 
nevir  in  the  hart."* 

No  expressions  are  sufficiently  strong  to  describe  the  horror 
which  many  feel  at  the  monstrous  inhumanity  of  Knox,  in  re- 
maining unmoved,  while  "  youth,  beauty,  and  royal  dignity ,"t 
were  dissolved  in  tears  before  him.  Enchanting,  surely,  must 
the  charms  of  the  Queen  of  Scots  have  been,  and  iron-hearted 
the  Reformer,  who  could  resist  the  impression  of  them,  when 
they  continue  to  this  day  to  exercise  such  a  sway  over  the 
hearts  of  men,  that  even  grave  and  serious  authors,  not  addicted 
to  the  language  of  gallantry  and  romance,  protest,  that  they 
cannot  read  of  the  tears  which  she  shed  on  this  occasion,  with- 
out feeling  an  irresistible  inclination  to  weep  along  with  her. 
There  may  be  some,  however,  who,  knowing  how  much  real 
misery  there  is  in  the  world,  are  not  disposed  to  waste  their 
feelings  unnecessarily,  and  who  are  of  opinion,  that  there  was 
not  much  to  commiserate  in  the  condition  of  the  queen,  nor  to 
reprobate  in  the  conduct  of  the  Reformer.  Considering  that  she 
had  been  so  fortunate  in  her  measures,  and  had  found  the  no- 
bility so  ready  to  gratify  all  her  wishes,  the  passion  by  which 
she  suffered  herself  to  be  transported  was  extravagant,  and  her 
tears  must  have  been  those  of  anger  more  than  of  grief.  On 
the  other  hand,  when  we  consider  that  Knox  was  at  this  time 
deserted  by  his  friends,  and  stood  almost  alone  in  resisting  the 
will  of  a  princess,  who  accomplished  her  measures  chiefly  by 
caresses  and  tears,  we  may  be  disposed  to  form  a  more  favour- 
able idea  of  his  conduct  and  motives.  We  behold  not,  indeed, 
the  enthusiastic  lover,  mingling  his  tears  with  those  of  his  mis- 
tress, and  vowing  to  revenge  her  wrongs  ;  nor  the  man  of  nice 
sensibility,  who  loses  every  other  consideration  in  the  gratifica- 
tion of  his  feelings  ;  but  we  behold,  what  is  more  rare,  the  stern 
patriot — the  rigid  reformer — who,  in  the  discharge  of  his  duty, 
and  in  a  public  cause,  can  withstand  the  tide  of  tenderness  as 
well  as  the  storm  of  passion.  There  have  been  times  when 
such  conduct  was  regarded  as  the  proof  of  a  superior  mind ;  and 
the  man  who,  from  such  motives,  "  hearkened  not  to  the  wife  of 
his  bosom,  nor  knew  his  own  children,"  has  been  the  object,  not 
of  censure,  but  of  admiration,  in  pagan  as  well  as  sacred  story. 

Fertur  pudicae  conjugis  osculum, 
Parvosque  natos,  ut  capitis  minor, 
Ab  se  removisse,  et  virilem 
Torvus  humi  posuisse  vultum. 

*  Knox  Historic,  pp.  332—334. 

f  These  are  the  words  of  Mr.  Hume,  who  holds  a  distinguished  place 
among  the  writers  who  have  excited  prejudices  against  our  Reformer  on  the 
score  of  cruelty  to  Mary.  The  reader  will  find  some  remarks  on  the  state- 
ments of  that  able  but  artful  historian  in  Note  EEE. 


260  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

While  Knox  lay  under  the  displeasure  of  the  court,  and  had 
lost  the  confidence  of  his  principal  friends,  his  enemies  judged  it 
a  favourable  opportunity  for  attacking  him  in  (what  had  been 
universally  allowed  to  be  irreproachable)  his  moral  conduct. 
At  the  very  time  that  he  was  engaged  in  scrutinizing  the 
scandal  against  Methven,  and  inflicting  upon  him  the  highest 
censure  of  the  Church,  it  was  alleged  that  he  was  himself  guilty 
of  the  same  crime.  Euphemia  Dundas,  an  inhabitant  of  Edin- 
burgh, inveighing  one  day,  in  the  presence  of  a  circle  of  her 
acquaintance,  against  the  Protestant  doctrine  and  ministers, 
said,  among  other  things,  that  John  Knox  had  been  a  common 
whoremonger  all  his  life,  and  that,  within  a  few  days  past,  he 
"  was  apprehendit  and  tane  furth  of  ane  killogie  with  ane  com- 
mon hure."  This  might  have  been  passed  over  by-  Knox  and 
the  Church,  as  an  effusion  of  Popish  spleen  or  female  scandal ; 
but  the  recent  occurrence  at  Jedburgh,  the  situation  in  which 
the  Reformer  at  present  stood  with  the  court,  the  public  manner 
in  which  the  charge  had  been  brought,  and  the  specification  of 
a  particular  instance,  seemed  to  them  to  justify  and  call  for  a 
legal  investigation.  Accordingly,  the  clerk  of  the  General 
Assembly,  on  the  18th  of  June,  gave  in  a  formal  representation 
and  petition  to  the  town  council,  praying,  that  the  woman 
might  be  brought  before  them,  and  the  matter  examined  ;  that, 
if  the  accusation  was  found  true,  the  accused  might  be  punished 
with  every  degree  of  merited  rigour ;  and  that,  if  false,  the 
accuser  might  be  dealt  with  according  to  the  demerit  of  her 
.offence.  She  was  called,  and,  appearing  before  the  council, 
flatly  denied  that  she  had  ever  used  any  such  words ;  although 
Knox's  procurator  afterwards  produced  respectable  witnesses 
to  prove  that  she  had  spoken  them.* 

This  convicted  calumny,  which  never  gained  the  smallest 
credit  at  the  time,  would  not  have  deserved  notice,  had  it  not 
been  revived,  after  the  Reformer's  death,  by  the  Popish  writers, 
who,  having  caught  hold  of  the  report,  and  dressed  it  out  in  all 
the  horrid  colours  which  malice  or  credulity  could  suggest,  cir- 
culated it  industriously,  by  their  publications,  through  the  Con- 
tinent. Though  I  had  not  been  able  to  trace  their  slanders  to 
this  source,  the  atrocity  of  the  imputed  crimes,  the  unspotted  re- 
putation which  Knox  uniformly  maintained  among  all  his  con- 
temporaries, the  glaring  self-contradictions  of  the  accusers,  and, 
above  all,  the  notorious  spirit  of  slander  and  defamation  of 
which  they  have  long  stood  convicted  in  the  learned  world, 
would  have  been  grounds  sufficient  for  rejecting  such  charges 


*  See  Note  FFF. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX.  261 

with  detestation.  Those  who  are  acquainted  with  the  wri- 
tings of  that  period  will  not  think  that  I  speak  too  strongly ; 
such  as  are  ignorant  of  them  may  be  satisfied  by  looking  into 
the  notes.* 

The  queen  flattered  herself  that  she  had  at  last  caught  the 
Reformer  in  an  offence,  which  would  infallibly  subject  him  to 
punishment.  During  her  residence  at  Stirling,  in  the  month  of 
August,  the  domestics  whom  she  left  behind  her  in  Holyrood- 
house,  celebrated  the  Popish  worship  with  greater  publicity 
than  had  been  usual  when  she  was  present ;  and,  at  the  time 
when  the  sacrament  of  the  supper  was  dispensed  in  Edinburgh, 
they  revived  certain  superstitious  practices  which  had  been  laid 
aside  by  the  Roman  Catholics,  since  the  establishment  of  the 
Reformation.  This  boldness  offended  the  Protestants,  and 
some  of  them  went  down  to  the  palace  to  mark  the  inhabitants 
who  repaired  to  the  service.  Perceiving  numbers  entering, 
they  burst  into  the  chapel,  and  presenting  themselves  at  the 
altar,  which  was  prepared  for  mass,  asked  the  priest  how  he 
"  durst  be  so  malapert"  as  to  proceed  in  that  manner,  when  the 
queen  was  absent.  Alarmed  at  this  intrusion,  the  mistress  of 
the  household  despatched  a  messenger  to  the  comptroller,  who 
was  attending  sermon  in  St  Giles's  Church,  desiring  him  to  corne 
instantly  to  save  her  life  and  the  palace.  Having  hurried  down, 
accompanied  with  the  magistrates  and  a  guard,  the  comptroller 
found  every  thing  quiet,  and  no  appearance  of  tumult  except 
what  was  occasioned  by  the  retinue  which  he  brought  along 
with  him.t  When  the  report  of  this  affair  was  conveyed  to  the 
queen,  she  declared  her  determination  not  to  return  to  Edin- 
burgh until  this  riot  was  punished,  and  indicted  two  of  the 
Protestants,  who  had  entered  the  chapel,  to  stand  trial  "  for 
forethought  felony,  hamesucken,  and  invasion  of  the  palace." 
Fearing  an  intention  to  proceed  to  extremities  against  these  men, 
and  that  their  condemnation  would  be  a  preparative  to  some 
hostile  attempt  against  their  religion,  the  Protestants  in  Edin- 
burgh resolved  that  Knox,  agreeably  to  a  commission  which  he 

*  See  Note  GGG. 

f  Spotswood  gives  a  different  account  of  this  affair,  which  has  been  adopt- 
ed by  several  writers.  He  not  only  says  that  the  Protestants  "  forced  the 
gates,  but  that  some  [of  the  Papists] were  taken  and  carried  to  prison,  many 
escaped  the  back  way  with  the  priest  himself."  Historic,  p.  188.  But  he 
could  not  have  the  opportunity  of  being  so  well  acquainted  with  the  circum- 
stances as  Knox,  whose  account  is  totally  irreconcilable  with  the  archbish- 
op's. Knox  expressly  says,  that,  besides  entering  the  chapel,  and  address- 
ing the  priest  as  above  mentioned,  "  no  farther  was  done  or  said."  Historic, 
pp.  335,  336.  Had  some  of  the  Papists  been  carried  to  prison,  he  never  could 
have  given  such  an  account  as  he  has  done,  not  only  in  his  History,  but  also 
in  his  circular  letter,  which  was  produced  at  his  trial,  without  any  allegation 
that  it  contained  an  unfair  or  partial  statement  of  facts. 


262  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

had  received  from  the  Church,  should  write  a  circular  letter  to 
the  principal  gentlemen  of  their  persuasion,  informing  them  of 
the  circumstances,  and  requesting  their  presence  on  the  day  of 
trial.  He  wrote  the  letter  according  to  their  request."*  A  copy 
of  it  having  come  into  the  hands  of  Sinclair,  Bishop  of  Ross,  and 
president  of  the  Court  of  Session,  who  was  a  great  personal 
enemy  to  Knox,  he  conveyed  it  immediately  to  the  queen  at 
Stirling.  She  communicated  it  to  the  privy  council,  who,  to  her 
great  satisfaction,  pronounced  it  treasonable ;  but  to  give  the 
greater  solemnity  to  the  proceedings,  it  was  resolved  that  an  ex- 
traordinary meeting  of  the  counsellors,  assisted  by  other  noble- 
men, should  be  held  at  Edinburgh,  in  the  end  of  December,  to 
try  the  cause  ;  and  the  Reformer  was  summoned  to  appear  be- 
fore this  convention.! 

Previously  to  the  day  of  trial,  great  influence  was  used  in 
private  to  persuade  him  to  acknowledge  a  fault,  and  to  throw 
himself  on  the  queen's  mercy.  This  he  peremptorily  refused 
to  do.  The  master  of  Maxwell  (afterwards  Lord  Herries,)  with 
whom  he  had  long  been  intimate,  threatened  him  with  the  loss 
of  his  friendship,  and  told  him  that  he  would  repent,  if  he  did 
not  submit  to  the  queen,  for  men  would  not  bear  with  him  as 
they  had  hitherto  done.  He  replied,  that  he  did  not  understand 
such  language.  He  had  never  opposed  her  majesty  except  in 
the  article  of  religion,  and  surely  it  was  not  meant  that  he  should 
bow  to  her  in  that  matter ;  if  God  stood  by  him  (which  he 
would  do  as  long  as  he  confided  in  him,  and  preferred  his  glory 
to  his  own  life)  he  regarded  little  how  men  should  behave  to- 
wards him ;  nor  did  he  know  wherein  they  had  borne  with  him, 
unless  in  hearing  the  word  of  God  from  his  mouth,  which,  if 
they  should  reject,  he  would  lament  it,  but  the  injury  would  be 
their  own. 

The  Earl  of  Murray,  and  Secretary  Maitland,  sent  for  him 
to  the  clerk  register's  house,  and  had  a  long  conversation  with 
him  to  the  same  purpose.  They  represented  the  pains  which 
they  had  taken  to  mitigate  the  queen's  resentment,  and  intimated 
that  nothing  could  save  him  but  a  timely  submission.  His  re- 

*  Knox,  Historie,  pp.  336,  337. 

t  It  has  been  doubted,  whether  this  meeting  acted  as  a  court  of  Judicature 
in  trying  Knox,  or  was  called  to  determine  whether  he  should  be  brought  to 
a  judicial  trial.  Dalyell's  Cursory  Remarks,  prefixed  to  Scottish  Poems,  vol. 
i.  'p.  72.  The  justice-general,  the  lord-advocate,  and  the  other  law  lords, 
were  present ;  but  they  had  seats  in  the  privy  council.  Upon  the  whole,  I 
am  inclined  to  think  that  this  was  an  extraordinary  meeting  of  the  privy 
council,  to  which  other  noblemen,  besides  the  counsellors  were  called,  to 
give  the  proceedings  greater  weight  with  the  public.  The  object  of  the 
queen  was,  in  the  first  place,  to  procure  the  imprisonment  of  Knox,  after 
which  she  might  proceed  against  him  as  she  thought  most  prudent.  Knox, 
Historie,  p.  339,  340.  Spotswood,  p.  188. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  263 

ply  was  similar  to  that  which  he  had  given  to  Maxwell,  that 
he  never  would  confess  a  fault  when  he  was  conscious  of  none, 
and  had  not  learned  to  "  cry  treason  at  every  thing  which  the 
multitude  called  treason,  nor  to  fear  what  they  feared."  The 
wily  secretary,  finding  him  determined  to  abide  the  consequen- 
ces of  a  trial,  endeavoured  to  bring  on  a  dispute  on  the  subject, 
with  the  view  of  ascertaining  the  grounds  on  which  he  meant 
to  defend  himself;  but  Knox,  aware  of  his  craft,  declined  the 
conversation,  and  told  him  it  would  be  foolish  to  intrust  with 
his  defence  one  who  had  already  prejudged  his  cause,  and  pro- 
nounced him  guilty. 

On  the  day  appointed  for  the  trial,  the  public  anxiety  was 
raised  to  a  high  pitch,  and  the  palace-yard  and  avenues  were 
crowded  with  people,  who  waited  to  learn  the  result.  The  Re- 
former was  conducted  to  the  chamber  in  which  the  lords  were 
already  assembled,  and  engaged  in  consultation.  When  the 
queen  had  taken  her  seat,  and  perceived  Knox  standing  un- 
covered at  the  foot  of  the  table,  she  burst  into  a  loud  fit  of 
laughter.  "  That  man,"  said  she,  "  made  me  weep,  and  shed 
never  a  tear  himself;  I  will  now  see  if  I  can  make  him  weep." 
The  secretary  opened  the  proceedings  with  greater  gravity,  by 
stating,  in  a  speech  addressed  to  the  Reformer,  the  reasons  why 
the  queen  had  convened  him  before  her  nobility.  "  Let  him 
acknowledge  his  own  handwriting,"  said  the  queen, i(  and  then 
we  shall  judge  of  the  contents  of  the  letter."  A  copy  of  the 
circular  letter  being  handed  to  him,  he  looked  at  the  subscrip- 
tion, and  owned  that  it  was  his ;  adding,  that  though  he  had 
subscribed  a  number  of  blanks,  he  had  such  confidence  in  the 
fidelity  of  the  scribe,  that  he  was  ready  to  acknowledge  the  con- 
tents as  well  as  the  subscription.  "  You  have  done  more  than 
I  would  have  done,"  said  Maitland.  "Charity  is  not  suspi- 
cious," replied  the  Reformer.  "  Well,  well,"  said  the  queen, 
"read  your  own  letter,  and  then  answer  to  such  things  as  shall 
be  demanded  of  you." — "I  will  do  the  best  I  can,"  said 
he ;  and  having  read  the  letter  with  an  audible  voice,  re- 
turned it  to  the  queen's  advocate,  who  was  commanded  to  ac- 
cuse him. 

"  Heard  you  ever,  my  lords,  a  more  despiteful  and  treason- 
able letter?"  said  the  queen  looking  round  the  table.  "Mr. 
Knox,  are  you  not  sorry  from  your  heart,  and  do  you  not  re- 
pent that  such  a  letter  has  passed  your  pen,  and  from  you  has 
come  to  the  knowledge  of  others  ?"  said  Maitland.  "  My  lord 
secretary,  before  I  repent,  I  must  be  taught  my  offence." — 
«  Offence  !  if  there  were  no  more  but  the  convocation  of  the 
queen's  lieges,  the  offence  cannot  be  denied." — "Remember 
yourself,  my  lord ;  there  is  a  difference  between  a  lawful  con- 


264  LIFE    OF  JOHN    KNOX. 

vocation  and  an  unlawful.  If  I  have  been  guilty  in  this,  I  of- 
fended oft  since  I  came  last  into  Scotland ;  for  what  convocation 
of  the  brethren  has  ever  been  to  this  hour,  unto  which  my  pen 
served  not?" — "Then  was  then,  and  now  is  now,"  said  the 
secretary ;  "  we  have  no  need  of  such  convocations  as  some- 
times we  have  had." — "  The  time  that  has  been  is  even  now 
before  my  eyes,"  rejoined  the  Reformer ;  "  for  I  see  the  poor 
flock  in  no  less  danger  than  it  has  been  at  any  time  before,  ex- 
cept that  the  devil  has  got  a  vizor  upon  his  face.  Before,  he 
came  in  with  his  own  face,  discovered  by  open  tyranny,  seeking 
the  destruction  of  all  that  refused  idolatry ;  and  then,  I  think, 
you  will  confess  the  brethren  lawfully  assembled  themselves 
for  defence  of  their  lives ;  and  now  the  devil  comes  under  the 
cloak  of  justice,  to  do  that  which  God  would  not  suffer  him  to 

do  by  strength." 

"  What  is  this  ?"  interrupted  her  majesty,  who  was  offended 
that  he  should  be  allowed  such  liberty  of  speech,  and  thought 
that  she  could  bring  him  more  closely  to  the  question  than 
any  of  her  counsellors.  "  What  is  this  ?  Methinks  you  trifle 
with  him.  Who  gave  him  authority  to  make  convocation  of 
my  lieges?  Is  not  that  treason?" — "No,  madam,"  replied 
Lord  Ruthven,  displeased  at  the  keenness  which  the  queen 
shewed  in  the  cause ;  "  for  he  makes  convocation  of  the  people 
to  hear  prayers  and  sermon  almost  daily ;  and  whatever  your 
grace  or  others  will  think  thereof,  we  think  it  no  treason." — 
"  Hold  your  peace,"  said  the  queen, "  and  let  him  make  answer 
for  himself." — "  I  began,  madam,"  resumed  Knox,  "  to  reason 
with  the  secretary  (whom  I  take  to  be  a  better  dialectician  than 
your  grace)  that  all  convocations  are  not  unlawful ;  and  now 
my  Lord  Ruthven  has  given  the  instance." — "  I  will  say  no- 
thing against  your  religion,  nor  against  your  convening  to  your 
sermons ;  but  what  authority  have  you  to  convocate  my  subjects 
when  you  will,  without  my  commandment  ?"  He  answered, 
that  at  his  own  will  he  had  never  convened  four  persons  in 
Scotland,  but  at  the  orders  of  his  brethren  he  had  given  many 
advertisements,  and  great  multitudes  had  assembled  in  conse- 
quence of  them;  and  if  her  grace  complained  that  this  had 
been  done  without  her  command,  he  begged  leave  to  answer, 
that  the  same  objection  might  be  made  to  all  that  had  been  done 
respecting  the  reformation  of  religion  in  this  kingdom.  He  had 
never,  he  said,  loved  to  stir  up  tumults — never  been  a  preacher 
of  rebellion ;  on  the  contrary,  he  had  always  taught  the  people 
to  obey  princes  and  magistrates  in  all  their  lawful  commands.  If 
he  had  been  more  active  than  the  rest  of  his  brethren  in  calling 
extraordinary  assemblies  of  the  Protestants,  it  was  owing  to  a 
charge  which  he  had  received  from  the  Church  to  do  so,  as 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  265 

often  as  he  saw  a  necessity  for  such  meetings,  and  especially 
when  religion  was  exposed  to  danger ;  and  he  had  repeatedly 
requested  to  be  exonerated  from  this  irksome  and  invidious 
charge,  but  could  not  obtain  his  wish.  He  must  therefore  be 
convicted  by  a  just  law,  before  he  would  profess  sorrow  for  what 
he  had  done  :  he  thought  he  had  done  no  wrong. 

"  You  shall  not  escape  so,"  said  the  queen.  "  Is  it  not  treason, 
my  lords,  to  accuse  a  prince  of  cruelty  ?  I  think  there  be  acts 
of  parliament  against  such  whisperers."  Several  of  their  lord- 
ships said  that  there  were  such  laws.  "  But  wherein  can  I  be 
accused  of  this  ?  asked  Knox.  "  Read  this  part  of  your  own 
bill,"  said  the  queen,  who  shewed  herself  an  acute  prosecutor. 
She  then  ordered  the  following  sentence  to  be  read  from  his  letter : 
— "This  fearful  summons  is  directed  against  them  [the  two 
persons  who  were  indicted],  to  make  no  doubt  a  preparative  on 
a  few,  that  a  door  may  be  opened  to  execute  cruelty  upon  a 
greater  multitude."  "  Lo  !"  exclaimed  the  queen  exultingly  ; 
"  what  say  you  to  that  ?"  The  eyes  of  the  assembly  were  fixed 
on  the  Reformer,  and  all  were  anxious  to  know  what  answer 
he  would  make  to  this  charge. 

"  Is  it  lawful  for  me,  madam,  to  answer  for  myself?  or,  shall 
I  be  condemned  unheard  ?" — "  Say  what  you  can ;  for  I  think 
you  have  enough  to  do,"  said  the  queen.  "  I  will  first  then  de- 
sire of  your  grace,  madam,  and  of  this  most  honourable  audi- 
ence, whether  your  grace  knows  not,  that  the  obstinate  Papists 
are  deadly  enemies  to  all  such  as  profess  the  gospel  of  Jesus 
Christ,  and  that  they  most  earnestly  desire  the  extermination  of 
them,  and  of  the  true  doctrine  that  is  taught  within  this  realm  ?" 
Mary  was  silent ;  but  the  Lords,  with  one  voice,  exclaimed, 
"  God  forbid,  that  ever  the  lives  of  the  faithful,  or  yet  the  stay- 
ing of  the  doctrine,  stood  in  the  power  of  the  Papists  !  for  just 
experience  has  taught  us  what  cruelty  lies  in  their  hearts." — 
"  I  must  proceed,  then,"  said  the  Reformer.  "  Seeing  that  I 
perceive  that  all  will  grant,  that  it  was  a  barbarous  thing  to  de- 
stroy such  a  multitude  as  profess  the  gospel  of  Christ  within 
this  realm,  which  oftener  than  once  or  twice  they  have  attempt- 
ed to  do  by  force — they,  by  God  and  by  his  providence  being 
disappointed,  have  invented  more  crafty  and  dangerous  prac- 
tices, to  wit,  to  make  the  prince  a  party  under  colour  of  law ; 
and  so  what  they  could  not  do  by  open  force,  they  shall  perform 
by  crafty  deceit.  For  who  thinks,  my  lords,  that  the  insatiable 
cruelty  of  the  Papists  (within  this  realm  I  mean)  shall  end  in 
the  murdering  of  these  two  brethren,  now  unjustly  summoned 
and  more  unjustly  to  be  accused  ?  And  therefore,  madam,  cast 
up,  when  you  list,  the  acts  of  your  parliament,  I  have  offended 
nothing  against  them ;  for  I  accuse  not,  in  my  letter,  your  grace, 

23  12 


266  LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX. 

nor  yet  your  nature,  of  cruelty.  But  I  affirm  yet  again,  that 
the  pestilent  Papists,  who  have  inflamed  your  grace  against 
those  poor  men  at  this  present,  are  the  sons  of  the  devil,  and 
therefore  must  obey  the  desires  of  their  father,  who  has  been  a 
liar  and  manslayer  from  the  beginning."  "You  forget  your- 
self! you  are  not  now  in  the  pulpit,"  said  the  chancellor.  "I 
am  in  a  place  where  I  am  demanded  of  conscience  to  speak  the 
truth ;  and  therefore  the  truth  I  speak,  impugn  it  whoso  list." 
He  added,  again  addressing  the  queen,  that  persons  who  appear- 
ed to  be  of  honest,  gentle,  and  meek  natures,  had  often  been 
corrupted  by  wicked  counsel ;  and  that  the  Papists,  who  had 
her  ear,  were  dangerous  counsellors,  and  such  her  mother  had 
found  them  to  be. 

Mary,  perceiving  that  nothing  was  to  be  gained  by  rea- 
soning, began  now  to  upbraid  him  with  his  harsh  behaviour 
to  her,  at  their  last  interview.  He  spake  "fair  enough"  at 
present  before  the  lords,  she  said;  but  on  that  occasion  he 
caused  her  to  shed  many  salt  tears,  and  said,  "  he  set  not  by 
her  weeping."  This  drew  from  him  a  vindication  of  his 
conduct,  in  the  course  of  which  he  gave  a  narrative  of  that 
conference.  After  this,  the  secretary,  having  spoken  with  the 
queen,  told  Knox  that  he  was  at  liberty  to  return  home  for 
that  night.  "  I  thank  God  and  the  queen's  majesty,"  said  he, 
and  retired. 

When  Knox  had  withdrawn,  the  judgment  of  the  nobility 
was  taken  respecting  his  conduct.  All  of  them,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  immediate  dependents  of  the  court,  gave  it  as  their 
opinion,  that  he  had  not  been  guilty  of  any  breach  of  the  laws. 
The  secretary,  who  had  assured  the  queen  of  his  condemnation, 
was  enraged  at  this  decision.  He  brought  her  majesty,  who 
had  retired,  again  into  the  room,  and  proceeded  to  call  the  votes 
a  second  time.  This  attempt  to  overawe  them  incensed  the 
nobility.  "  What !"  said  they,  "  shall  the  laird  of  Lethington 
have  power  to  control  us  ?  or,  shall  the  presence  of  a  woman 
cause  us  to  offend  God,  and  to  condemn  an  innocent  man, 
against  our  consciences  ?"  They  then  repeated  the  vote  which 
they  had  already  given,  absolving  him  from  all  offence,  and,  at 
the  same  time,  praising  his  modest  appearance,  and  the  judicious 
manner  in  which  he  had  conducted  his  defence. 

Mary  was  unable  to  conceal  the  mortification  and  dis- 
pleasure which  she  felt  at  this  unexpected  acquittal.  When 
the  Bishop  of  Ross,  who  had  been  the  informer,  gave  his  vote 
on  the  same  side  with  the  rest,  she  taunted  him  openly  in 
the  presence  of  the  court.  "  Trouble  not  the  child  !"  said  she  ; 
"  I  pray  you  trouble  him  not !  for  he  is  newly  wakened  out 
of  his  sleep.  Why  should  not  the  old  fool  follow  the  foot- 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  267 

steps  of  those  that  have  passed  before  him?"  The  bishop 
replied  coldly,  that  her  majesty  might  easily  know,  that 
his  vote  was  not  influenced  by  partiality  to  the  person  ac- 
cused. "That  nicht  was  nyther  dancing  nor  fiddeling  in 
the  court ;  for  madam  was  disappoynted  of  hir  purpose, 
whilk  was  to  have  had  Johne  Knox  iu  hir  will,  by  vote  of 
her  nobility."* 

*  Knox,  Historic,  pp.  238—343.  Spotswood,  p.  188.  The  account  of  the 
trial  given  by  Calderwood,  in  his  MS.  has  been  compared  with  that  of  Knox, 
and  exactly  agrees  with  it. 


268  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 


PERIOD  VIII. 


FROM  DECEMBER  1563,  WHEN  HE  WAS  ACQUITTED  FROM  A  CHARGE 
OF  TREASON,  TO  THE  YEAR  1570,  WHEN  HE  WAS  STRUCK  WITH 
APOPLEXY. 

THE  indignation  of  the  queen  at  the  Reformer's  escape  from 
punishment  did  not  soon  abate  ;  *  and  the  effects  of  it  fell  upon 
the  courtiers  who  had  voted  for  his  exculpation,  and  upon  those 
who  had  been  unsuccessful  in  opposing  it.  The  Earl  of  Murray 
was  among  the  former,t  Maitland  among  the  latter.  In  order 
to  appease  her  wrath,  they  again  attempted  to  persuade  Knox 
to  soothe  her  by  some  voluntary  submission  ;  and  they  engaged 
that,  if  he  would  only  agree  to  go  within  the  walls  of  the  castle, 
he  should  be  allowed  to  return  immediately  to  his  own  house. 
To  this  he  refused  to  yield,  being  convinced,  that  by  such  a 
compliance,  he  would  throw  discredit  on  the  judgment  of  the 
nobility  who  had  acquitted  him,  and  confess  himself  to  have 
been  a  mover  of  sedition.  Disappointed  in  their  object,  they 
endeavoured  to  injure  him  by  whispers  and  detraction  ;  circu- 
lating that  he  had  no  authority  from  his  brethren  for  what  he 
had  done,  and  that  he  arrogated  a  papal  power  over  the  Scot- 
tish Church,  by  issuing  his  letters  at  pleasure,  and  exacting  an 
implicit  obedience  to  them.  These  charges  were  very  ground- 
less and  unjust ;  for  there  never  was,  perhaps,  an  individual  who 
possessed  as  much  influence,  and  at  the  same  time  was  so  care- 
ful to  avoid  all  appearance  of  assuming  superiority  over  his 
brethren,  or  of  acting  by  his  own  private  authority,  in  matters 
of  public  and  common  concern. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  General  Assembly,  held  in  the  close  of 
this  year,  he  declined  taking  any  share  in  the  deliberations ;  but 
after  the  public  business  had  been  disposed  of,  he  requested  lib- 
erty to  speak  on  an  affair  which  concerned  himself.  He  stated 
what  he  had  done  in  writing  the  late  circular  letter,  the  pro- 
ceedings to  which  it  had  given  rise,  and  the  surmises  which 

*  Keith,  248,  251. 

f  Sir  Thomas  Randolph,  in  a  letter  dated  27th  Feb.  1564,  mentions  "  some 
unkindness  between  Murray  and  the  Queen,  about  Knox,  whose  parte  he 
taketh."  Keith,  249. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  269 

were  still  circulating  to  his  prejudice  ;  and  he  insisted  that  the 
Church  should  now  examine  his  conduct  in  that  matter,  and 
particularly  that  they  should  declare  whether  or  not  they  had 
given  him  a  commission  to  advertise  the  brethren,  when  he 
foresaw  any  danger  threatening  their  religion,  or  any  difficult 
case  which  required  their  advice.  The  courtiers  strenuously 
opposed  the  discussion  of  this  question ;  but  it  was  taken  up, 
and  the  Assembly,  by  a  great  majority,  found  that  he  had  been 
charged  with  such  a  commission,  and  that,  in  the  advertisement 
which  he  had  lately  given,  he  had  not  exceeded  his  powers.* 

Knox  had  remained  a  widower  upwards  of  three  years. 
But  in  March  1564,  he  contracted  a  second  marriage  with  Mar- 
garet Stewart,  daughter  of  Lord  Ochiltree,  a  nobleman  of 
amiable  dispositions,  who  had  been  long  familiar  with  our  Re- 
former, and  had  steadily  adhered  to  him  when  he  was  deserted 
by  his  other  friends.t  She  continued  to  discharge  the  duties  of 
a  wife  to  him  with  the  most  pious  and  affectionate  assiduity 
until  the  time  of  his  death.  The  Popish  writers,  who  envied 
the  honours  of  the  Scottish  Reformer,  have  represented  this 
marriage  as  a  proof  of  his  great  ambition,  and,  in  the  excess  of 
their  spleen,  have  ridiculously  imputed  to  him  the  project  of 
aiming  to  raise  his  progeny  to  the  throne  of  Scotland,  because 
the  family  of  Ochiltree  was  of  the  blood  royal !  They  are  quite 
clear,  too,  that  he  gained  the  heart  of  the  young  lady  by  means 
of  sorcery,  and  the  assistance  of  the  devil !  But  it  seems  that, 
powerfully  as  he  was  seconded,  he  could  not  succeed  in  another 
attempt  which  he  had  previously  made  ;  for  the  same  writers 
inform  us,  that  he  paid  his  addresses  to  Lady  Barbara  Hamil- 
ton, eldest  daughter  of  the  Duke  of  Chastelherault,  and  widow 
of  Lord  Fleming,  by  whom  he  was  repulsed.  The  account  of 
the  appearance  that  he  made  at  the  time  of  his  marriage,  which 
shall  be  inserted  in  the  notes,  the  reader  will  receive  according 

*  Keith,  527,  528.    Knox,  344,  345. 

t  Randolph,  in  a  letter  to  Cecil,  18th  March,  1563—4,  says : — "  Knox  askt 
in  church  to  be  marryed  to  Margarett  Steward,  the  daughter  of  the  Lord 
Ochiltree ;"  referring  to  the  proclamation  of  banns.  Keith,  251.  Lord  Och- 
iltree was  descended  from  Robert  duke  of  Albany,  second  son  of  King  Ro- 
bert II.  His  father  exchanged  the  lands  and  title  of  Evandale  for  those  of 
Ochiltree.  Douglas's  Peerage,  522.  Crawfurd's  Renfrew  and  Royal 
House  of  Stewart,  by  Semple,  part  i.  pp.  92 — 94.  The  second  son  of  Lord 
Ochiltree,  and  brother-in-law  of  the  Reformer,  was  Sir  James  Stewart  of 
Bpthwell-muir,  afterwards  the  infamous  favourite  of  James  VI.  who  created 
him  Earl  of  Arran.  Crawfurd,  in  his  Officers  of  State  (p.  488),  has  pub- 
lished a  protestation  which  Arran  made  of  his  lineage  and  title  of  priority 
to  the  Duke  of  Lennox,  his  rival  in  James's  favour.  The  reformer's  father- 
in-law  was  usually  called  the  good  Lord  Ochiltree ;  and  was  "  a  man 
rather  borne  to  mak  peace  than  to  brag  upon  the  calsey."  Knox's  Historic, 
p.  301. 

23* 


270  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

to  the  degree  of  its  probability,  and  the  credit  he  may  think 
due  to  the  authorities  upon  which  it  rests.* 

The  country  continued  in  a  state  of  quietness  during  the  year 
1564;  but  the  same  jealousies  still  subsisted  between  the  Court 
and  the  Church.t  Her  majesty's  prejudices  against  the  reform- 
ed religion  were  unabated,  and  she  maintained  a  correspond- 
ence with  its  sworn  enemies  on  the  Continent,  which  could  not 
altogether  escape  the  vigilance  of  her  Protestant  subjects.:}: 
The  preachers,  on  their  side,  did  not  relax  in  their  zealous 
warnings  against  Popery,  and  as  to  the  dangers  which  they 
apprehended ;  while  they  complained  of  the  beggary  to  which 
the  greater  part  of  their  own  number  was  reduced,  and  of  the 
growing  lukewarmness  of  the  Protestant  courtiers.  The  latter 
felt  uneasy  under  these  reproaches,  and,  in  concert  with  the 
queen,  were  anxious  to  restrain  the  license  of  the  pulpit.  They 
began  by  addressing  themselves  privately  to  the  more  moderate 
and  complying  of  the  ministers,  whom  they  gained  over,  by 
their  persuasions,  to  a  partial  approbation  of  their  measures ; 
and  having  so  far  succeeded,  they  ventured  to  propose  the  mat- 
ter in  public,  and  to  request  the  sanction  of  the  leading  members 
of  the  General  Assembly. 

Without  intending  to  vindicate  the  latitude  which  was  taken 
by  particular  preachers  at  that  time,  it  may  be  said,  in  general, 
that  a  systematic  attempt  to  restrain  the  liberty  of  speech  in  the 
pulpit,  farther  than  the  correction  of  occasional  excesses  might 
require,  would  have  been  a  measure  fraught  with  danger  to 
the  Protestant  interest.  The  reformed  preachers  were  the 
most  vigilant  and  incorrupt  guardians  of  national  liberty ;  an 
honourable  distinction  which  their  successors  maintained  during 
the  remainder  of  that  century.  It  is  better  to  be  awaked  with 
rudeness,  or  even  by  a  false  alarm,  than  to  be  allowed  to  sleep 
on  in  the  midst  of  dangers.  Who  would  muzzle  the  mouth  of 
the  wakeful  animal  which  guards  the  house  against  thieves, 
because  the  inmates  are  sometimes  disturbed  by  his  nocturnal 

*  See  Note  HHH. 

t  Robertson's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  ii.  108.     Lond.  1809. 

|  In  a  letter  to  the  Council  of  Trent,  dated  18th  March  1563—4,  Mary  la- 
ments "  that  the  situation  of  her  affairs — hujus  temporis  tanta  injuria,"  did 
not  permit  her  to  send  some  of  her  prelates  to  that  council ;  and  assures 
them  of  her  great  and  unalterable  devotion  to  the  Apostolic  see — "  nostra 
perpetua  mente  ac  voluntate,  in  ejusdem  sedis  observantia  et  submissione." 
In  a  letter,  written  Jan.  3d  of  the  same  year,  she  entreats  the  Cardinal  of 
Lorrain  to  assure  the  pope  of  her  resolution  to  live  and  die  a  Catholic.  And 
on  the  last  day  of  the  same  month,  she  writes  to  his  holiness  himself,  lament- 
ing the  damnable  errors — "  damnabili  errori,"  in  which  she  found  her  sub- 
jects plunged,  and  informing  him  that  her  intention,  from  the  time  she  left 
France,  had  uniformly  been  to  re-establish  the  ancient  religion.  MS.  Let- 
ters, extracted  from  the  Barberini  Library,  in  Advoc.  Lib.  A.  2.  11. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  271 

vociferation  ?  or  substitute  in  his  place  a  "  dumb  dog,  that  can- 
not bark,  sleeping,  lying  down,  loving  to  slumber  ?" 

Knox,  the  freedom  and  sharpness  of  whose  censures  the 
courtiers  felt  most  deeply,  was  the  person  whom  they  chiefly 
wished  to  restrain  ;  but  it  was  no  easy  matter  either  to  overawe 
him  by  authority,  or  by  reasoning  to  procure  his  acquiescence 
in  their  proposals.  In  the  month  of  June,  a  conference  was 
held  between  the  principal  statesmen  and  ministers  of  the 
Church,  when  this  subject  was  discussed  ;  and  in  an  elaborate 
debate  with  Maitland,  Knox  defended  the  leading  points  of  his 
doctrine  which  had  given  offence  to  the  court.  This  debate 
"  admirably  displays  the  talents  and  character  of  both  the  dispu- 
tants ;  the  acuteness  of  the  former,  embellished  with  learning, 
but  prone  to  subtlety ;  the  vigorous  understanding  of  the 
latter,  delighting  in  bold  sentiments,  and  superior  to  all  fear."* 

Maitland  opened  the  conference  with  a  plausible  speech. 
He  set  forth  the  benefits  which  they  had  enjoyed  under  her 
majesty's  government,  and  dwelt  on  the  liberty  which  she  had 
granted  them  in  religious  matters  ;  he  urged  the  great  import- 
ance of  the  ministers  of  the  Church  cultivating  her  friendship 
by  every  good  office  in  their  power,  and  endeavouring  to  inspire 
the  people  with  a  favourable  opinion  of  her  person  and  adminis- 
tration; and  pointed  out  the  hurtful  effects  of  their  being 
observed  to  disagree  in  their  form  of  prayer  for  her,  and  in  their 
doctrine  concerning  the  duty  of  subjects.  Addressing  himself 
particularly  to  Knox,  he  told  him,  with  much  politeness  and 
address,  that  it  was  the  earnest  wish  of  the  council  that  he 
should  study  greater  caution  when  he  had  occasion  to  speak  of 
her  majesty  from  the  pulpit ;  not  that  they  were  afraid  of  his 
saying  any  thing  very  improper,  but  because  the  liberty  which 
he  used  would  be  taken  by  persons  less  modest  and  prudent. 
Knox  replied  to  the  secretary's  speech.  He  drew  a  very 
different  picture  of  the  state  of  affairs  since  the  queen  came  to 
the  country ;  stated  the  grievances  under  which  the  Church 
laboured,  and  which  were  daily  increasing,  instead  of  being 
redressed ;  and  added,  that  in  these  circumstances,  the  courtiers 
ought  not  to  be  surprised  at  the  complaints  of  the  ministers,  and 
the  liberties  which  they  took  in  rebuking  sins  which  were 
openly  committed  and  persisted  in  notwithstanding  all  due 
admonition.  At  the  same  time,  he  professed  his  readiness  to 
account  for  any  part  of  his  own  conduct  which  had  givert 
offence,  and  to  listen  to  the  objections  which  might  be  urged 
against  it. 

Maitland  specified  the  mode  in  which  the  Reformer  usually 
prayed  for  her  majesty,  as  one  thing  which  gave  offence  to  him 

*  Robertson,  Hist  of  Scotland,  vol.  ii.  p.  109. 


272  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

and  his  colleagues.  Prayers  and  tears,  it  has  often  been 
alleged,  are  the  only  arms  which  Christians  ought  to  employ 
against  injuries.  But  those  who  have  deprived  them  of  other 
weapons  have  usually  envied  them  the  use  of  these  also  ;  and 
if  their  prayers  have  been  smoothed  down  to  the  temper  of  their 
adversaries,  so  as  to  become  mere  compliments  to  princes  under 
colour  of  an  address  to  the  Almighty,  they  have  often  been  pro- 
nounced to  be  seditious  and  treasonable.*  Knox  repeated  his 
common  form  of  prayer  for  the  queen,  and  requested  to  be  in- 
formed in  what  respects  it  was  deserving  of  reprehension. 
"  Ye  pray  for  the  queen's  majesty  with  a  condition,"  replied 
Maitland,  "  saying,  <  Illuminate  her  heart,  if  thy  good  pleasure 
be.'  Where  have  ye  example  of  such  prayer  ?" — "  Wherever 
the  examples  are,"  rejoined  Knox,  "  I  am  assured  of  the  rule, 
6  If  we  shall  ask  any  thing  according  to  his  will,  he  will  hear 
us  ;'  and  Christ  commanded  us  to  pray,  <  Thy  will  be  done.'  " 
— "  But  in  so  doing  ye  put  a  doubt  in  the  people's  head  of  her 
conversion,"  said  Maitland. — "  Not  I,  my  lord  ;  but  her  own 
obstinate  rebellion  causes  more  than  me  to  doubt  of  her  conver- 
sion."— "  Wherein  rebels  she  against  God  ?" — "  In  all  the 
actions  of  her  life,  but  in  these  two  heads  especially :  that  she 
will  not  hear  the  preaching  of  the  blessed  evangel  of  Jesus 
Christ,  and  that  she  maintains  that  idol  the  mass." — "  She 
thinks  not  that  rebellion,  but  good  religion." — "  So  thought  they 
who  offered  their  children  to  Moloch,  and  yet  the  Spirit  of  God 
affirms  that  they  offered  them  unto  devils,  and  not  unto  God." 
— "  But  yet  ye  can  produce  the  example  of  none  that  has  so 
prayed  before  you,"  said  the  secretary,  pressing  his  former 
objection. — "  Well,  then,"  said  Knox,  "  Peter  said  these  words 
to  Simon  Magus, '  Repent  of  this  thy  wickedness,  and  pray  to 
God,  that,  if  it  be  possible,  the  thought  of  thine  heart  may  be 
forgiven  thee.'  And  think  ye  not,  my  lord  secretary,  that  the 
same  doubt  may  touch  my  heart  as  touching  the  queen's  con- 
version, that  then  touched  the  heart  of  the  apostle  ?" — «  I  would 
never  hear  you  or  any  other  call  that  in  doubt,"  replied  Mait- 
land.— "  But  your  will  is  no  assurance  to  my  conscience." — 
"  Why  say  ye  that  she  refuses  admonitions  ?"  said  Maitland  ; 
"  she  will  gladly  hear  any  man." — "  But  what  obedience 
ensues  ?  Or,  when  shall  she  be  seen  to  give  her  presence  to 
the  public  preaching  ?" — "  I  think  never,  so  long  as  she  is  thus 
entreated,"  replied  the  secretary. — "  And  so  long,"  rejoined  the 

*  During  the  reign  of  Mary  of  England,  the  manner  in  which  the  Pro- 
testants prayed  for  her  in  their  conventicles  was  declared  high  treason. 
Act.  Parl.  1  and  2,  Philip  and  Mary,  cap.  9.  Nor  did  the  Psalms  and  pray- 
ers of  the  primitive  Christians  escape  punishment  under  the  "  tolerant"  Em- 
peror Julian.  Works  of  the  Reverend  Samuel  Johnston,  p.  20 — 22.  Lon- 
don, 1713. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  273 

Reformer,  "  ye  and  all  others  must  be  content  that  I  pray  so  as 
I  may  be  assured  to  be  heard  of  my  God,  either  in  making  her 
comfortable  to  his  Church,  or,  if  he  has  appointed  her  to  be  a 
scourge  to  the  same,  that  we  may  have  patience,  and  she  may 
be  bridled." 

"  Well,  then,"  said  the  secretary,  "  let  us  corne  to  the  second 
head.  Where  find  ye  that  the  Scripture  calls  any  « the  bond 
slaves  of  Satan  ?'  or  that  the  prophets  spake  so  irreverently  of 
kings  and  princes?" — "If  the  sharpness  of  the  term  offend 
you,"  replied  the  Reformer,  "  I  have  not  invented  that  phrase 
of  speaking,  but  have  learned  it  out  of  God's  Scriptures ;  for 
these  words  I  find  spoken  unto  Paul,  <  Behold,  I  send  thee  unto 
the  Gentiles,  to  open  their  eyes,  that  they  may  turn  from  dark- 
ness to  light,  and  from  the  power  of  Satan  unto  God/  Mark 
thir  words,  my  lord,  and  stur  not  at  the  speaking  of  the  Holy 
Ghost." 

The  secretary,  who,  during  the  greater  part  of  the  dispute, 
had  leaned  on  the  Master  of  Maxwell's  breast,  said  that  he  was 
fatigued,  and  desired  some  other  person  to  reason  with  Knox 
on  the  point  which  remained  to  be  discussed,  respecting  the  au- 
thority of  magistrates  and  the  duty  of  subjects.  Chancellor 
Morton  ordered  George  Hay  to  perform  this  part.  Knox  was 
aware  that  the  object  of  the  Court  was,  if  possible,  to  divide 
the  ministers,  and  that  they  would  improve  any  appearance  of 
diversity  of  opinion  among  them  to  the  prejudice  of  the  com- 
mon cause.  He  therefore  told  Hay  that  he  had  no  objections 
to  reason  with  him,  knowing  him  to  be  a  man  of  learning  and 
modesty ;  but  he  should  be  sorry  to  think  that  they  opposed  each 
other,  like  two  scholars  of  Pythagoras,  to  shew  the  quickness 
of  their  parts  by  supporting  either  side  of  a  question ;  and  as 
he,  for  his  own  part,  protested  that  he  durst  no  more  support  a 
proposition  which  he  knew  to  be  untrue,  than  he  durst  teach 
false  doctrine  in  the  pulpit,  so  he  hoped  that  his  brother  would, 
on  the  present  occasion,  advance  or  maintain  nothing  but  what 
he  was  persuaded  of  in  his  conscience.  This  caution  had 
the  desired  effect,  and  Hay  declared,  before  the  whole  assembly, 
that  his  judgment  exactly  coincided  with  Knox's  on  the  subject 
proposed  for  discussion.  "  Marry,"  said  the  disappointed  sec- 
retary, "  ye  are  the  well  worst  of  the  two  ;  for  I  remember  our 
reasoning  when  the  queen  was  in  Carrick." 

Perceiving  that  none  of  the  company  was  disposed  to  enter 
the  lists  with  the  Reformer,  Maitland  again  returned  to  the 
charge,  and  engaged  to  defend  the  uncontrolable  authority  of 
rulers.  "  Well,"  said  he,  "  I  am  somewhat  better  provided  in 
this  last  head,  than  I  was  in  the  other  two.  Mr.  Knox,  yester- 
day we  heard  your  judgment  upon  the  13th  to  the  Romans; 
we  heard  the  mind  of  the  apostle  well  opened ;  we  heard  the 


274  LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX. 

causes  why  God  has  established  powers  upon  earth ;  we  heard 
the  necessity  that  mankind  has  of  the  same ;  and  we  heard  the 
duty  of  magistrates  sufficiently  declared.  But  in  two  things 
I  was  offended,  and  I  think  some  more  of  my  lords  that  then 
were  present :  The  one  was,  ye  made  difference  betwixt  the 
ordinance  of  God,  and  the  persons  that  are  placed  in  authority ; 
and  ye  affirmed,  that  men  might  resist  the  persons,  and  yet  not 
offend  God's  ordinance.  The  other  was,  that  subjects  were  not 
bound  to  obey  their  princes  if  they  commanded  unlawful  things, 
but  that  they  might  resist  their  princes,  and  were  not  ever  bound 
to  suffer."  Knox  said  that  the  secretary  had  given  a  correct 
statement  of  his  sentiments.  «  How  will  you  prove  your  di- 
vision and  difference,"  said  Maitland,  "and  that  the  person 
placed  in  authority  may  be  resisted,  and  God's  ordinance  not 
transgressed,  seeing  that  the  apostle  says,  <  He  that  resists  the 
power,  resists  the  ordinance  of  God  ?' '  Knox  replied,  that  the 
difference  was  evident  from  the  words  of  the  apostle,  and  that 
his  affirmative  was  supported  by  approved  examples.  For  the 
apostle  asserts,  that  the  powers  ordained  of  God  are  for  the  pre- 
servation of  quiet  and  peaceable  men,  and  for  the  punishment  of 
malefactors ;  whence  it  is  plain,  that  God's  ordinance  is  wholly 
intended  for  the  preservation  of  mankind,  the  punishment  of 
vice,  and  the  maintenance  of  virtue ;  but  the  persons  placed  in 
authority  are  often  corrupt,  unjust,  and  oppressive.  Having  re- 
ferred to  the  conduct  of  the  people  of  Israel  in  rescuing  Jona- 
than from  the  hands  of  Saul,  which  is  recorded  with  approba- 
tion, and  to  the  conduct  of  Doeg,  in  putting  to  death  the  priests 
at  the  command  of  that  monarch,  which  is  recorded  with  dis- 
approbation in  Scripture,  he  proceeded  thus  :  "  And  now,  my 
lord,  in  answer  to  the  place  of  the  apostle,  I  say,  that (  the  pow- 
er' in  that  place  is  not  to  be  understood  of  the  unjust  com- 
mandment of  men,  but  of  the  just  power  wherewith  God  has 
armed  his  magistrates  to  punish  sin  and  to  maintain  virtue.  As 
if  any  man  should  enterprise  to  take  from  the  hands  of  a  law- 
ful judge  a  murderer,  an  adulterer,  or  any  other  malefactor  that 
by  God's  law  deserved  the  death,  this  same  man  resisted  God's 
ordinance,  and  procured  to  himself  vengeance  and  damnation, 
because  that  he  stayeth  God's  sword  to  strike.  But  so  it  is 
not,  if  that  men,  in  the  fear  of  God,  oppose  themselves  to  the 
fury  and  blind  rage  of  princes ;  for  so  they  resist  not  God,  but 
the  devil,  who  abuses  the  sword  and  authority  of  God." — "  I 
understand  sufficiently,"  said  Maitland,  "  what  you  mean ;  and 
unto  the  one  part  I  will  not  oppose  myself,  but  I  doubt  of  the 
other.  For  if  the  queen  would  command  me  to  slay  John 
Knox,  because  she  is  offended  at  him,  I  would  not  obey  her ; 
but  if  she  would  command  others  to  do  it,  or  yet  by  a  colour 
of  justice  take  his  life  from  him,  I  cannot  tell  if  I  be  bound  to 


LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX.  275 

defend  him  against  the  queen,  and  against  her  officers. " — 
"  Under  protestation/'  replied  the  Reformer, " that  the  auditory 
think  not  that  1  speak  in  favours  of  myself,  I  say,  my  lord,  that 
if  ye  be  persuaded  of  my  innocence,  and  if  God  hath  given 
you  such  power  or  credit  as  might  deliver  me,  and  yet  ye  suffer 
me  to  perish,  that  in  so  doing  ye  should  be  criminal,  and  guilty 
of  my  blood." — "  Prove  that,  and  win  the  plea,"  said  Maitland. 
"Well,  my  lord,"  answered  Knox,  "remember  your  promise, 
and  I  shall  be  short  in  my  probation."  He  then  produced  the 
example  of  Jeremiah,  who,  when  accused  by  the  priests  and 
false  prophets,  said  to" the  princes,  "Know  ye  for  certain,  that 
if  ye  put  me  to  death,  ye  shall  surely  bring  innocent  blood  upon 
yourselves,  and  upon  this  city,  and  upon  the  inhabitants  thereof." 
— "  The  cases  are  not  like,"  said  Maitland.  "  And  I  would 
learn,"  said  Knox,  "wherein  the  dissimilitude  stands." — 
"  First,"  replied  Maitland,  "  the  king  had  not  condemned  him 
to  death.  And  next,  the  false  prophets,  the  priests,  and  the 
people,  accused  him  without  a  cause,  and  therefore  they  could 
not  but  be  guilty  of  his  blood." — "  Neither  of  these  fights  with 
my  argument,"  said  Knox ;  "  for,  albeit  neither  the  king  was 
present,  nor  yet  had  condemned  him,  yet  were  the  princes  and 
chief  councillors  there  sitting  in  judgment,  who  represented 
the  king's  person  and  authority.  And  if  ye  think  that  they 
should  all  have  been  criminal  only  because  they  all  accused  him, 
the  plain  text  witnesses  the  contrary ;  for  the  princes  defended 
him,  and  so,  no  doubt,  did  a  great  part  of  the  people,  and  yet 
he  boldly  affirms  that  they  should  be  all  guilty  of  his  blood,  if 
that  he  should  be  put  to  death." — "  Then  will  ye,"  said  the 
secretary,  "  make  subjects  to  control  their  princes  and  rulers  ?" 
— "  And  what  harm,"  asked  the  Reformer,  "  should  the  com- 
monwealth receive,  if  the  corrupt  affections  of  ignorant  rulers 
were  moderated,  and  so  bridled,  by  the  wisdom  and  discretion 
of  godly  subjects,  that  they  should  do  wrong  or  violence  to  no 
man?"' 

The  secretary,  finding  himself  hard  pushed,  said  that  they 
had  wandered  from  the  argument ;  and  he  professed  that  if  the 
queen  should  become  a  persecutor,  he  would  be  as  ready  as 
any  within  the  realm  to  adopt  the  doctrine  of  the  Reformer. 
"  But  our  question,"  said  he,  "  is,  whether  that  we  may,  and 
ought,  suppress  the  queen's  mass.  Or,  whether  that  her  idolatry 
should  be  laid  to  our  charge." — "  Idolatry  ought  not  only  to  be 
suppressed,"  said  Knox,  "but  the  idolater  ought  to  die  the 
death." — "I  know,"  answered  Maitland,  "that  the  idolater 
ought  to  die  the  death;  but  by  whom!" — "By  the  people," 
rejoined  the  Reformer ;  "  for  the  commandment  was  made  to 
Israel,  as  ye  may  read,  <  Hear,  0  Israel,  saith  the  Lord,  the  stat- 
utes and  commandments  of  the  Lord  thy  God.' " — "  But  there 


276  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

is  no  commandment  given  to  the  people  to  punish  their  king, 
if  he  be  an  idolater." — "  I  find  no  privilege  granted  unto  kings," 
said  Knox,  "  more  than  unto  the  people,  to  offend  God's  majes- 
ty."— "  I  grant,"  said  the  secretary  ;  "  but  yet  the  people  may 
not  be  judge  unto  their  king,  to  punish  him  albeit  he  be  an 
idolater.  The  people  may  not  execute  God's  judgment,  but 
must  leave  it  unto  himself,  who  will  either  punish  it  by  death, 
by  war,  by  imprisonment,  or  by  some  other  kind  of  plagues." 
— "  I  know,"  replied  Knox,  "  the  last  part  of  your  reason  to  be 
true  ;  but,  for  the  first,  I  am  assured  ye  have  no  other  warrant 
except  your  own  imagination,  and  the  opinion  of  such  as  more 
fear  to  offend  princes  than  God." 

"  Why  say  you  so  ?"  said  Maitland.  "  I  have  the  judgments 
of  the  most  famous  men  within  Europe,  and  of  such  as  ye  your- 
self will  confess  both  godly  and  learned."  Upon  which  he 
produced  a  bundle  of  papers,  and  read  extracts  from  the  writ- 
ings of  the  principal  reformed  divines  against  resistance  to 
rulers  ;  adding,  that  he  had  bestowed  more  labour  on  the  collec- 
tion of  these  authorities  than  on  the  reading  of  commentaries 
for  seven  years.  Knox  replied,  that  it  was  a  pity  he  had  given 
himself  so  much  labour,  for  none  of  the  extracts  which  he  had 
read  bore  upon  the  question  under  discussion ;  some  of  them 
being  directed  against  the  Anabaptists,  who  denied  that  Chris- 
tians should  be  subject  to  magistrates,  or  that  it  was  lawful  for 
them  to  hold  the  office  of  magistracy  ;  and  the  rest  referring  to 
the  case  of  a  small  number  of  Christians  scattered  through 
heathen  and  infidel  countries,  which  was  the  situation  of  the 
primitive  church.  In  this  last  case,  he  said,  he  perfectly  agreed 
with  the  writers  whom  Maitland  had  quoted ;  but  when  the 
majority  of  a  nation  were  professors  of  the  true  religion,  the 
case  was  very  different.  While  the  posterity  of  Abraham  were 
few  in  number,  and  while  they  sojourned  in  different  countries, 
they  were  merely  required  to  avoid  all  participation  in  the 
idolatrous  rites  of  the  heathen  ;  but  as  soon  as  they  «  prospered 
into  a  kingdom,"  and  obtained  possession  of  Canaan,  they  were 
strictly  charged  to  suppress  idolatry,  and  to  destroy  all  its  mon- 
uments and  incentives.  The  same  duty  was  now  incumbent 
on  the  professors  of  the  true  religion  in  Scotland,  whose  release 
from  bondage,  temporal  and  spiritual,  was  no  less  wonderful 
than  the  redemption  of  the  Israelites  from  Egypt.  Formerly, 
when  not  more  than  ten  persons  in  a  country  were  enlightened, 
and  when  these  were  called  to  seal  their  testimony  to  the  truth, 
by  giving  their  bodies  to  the  flames,  it  would  have  been  foolish- 
ness to  have  demanded  of  the  nobility  the  suppression  of  idola- 
try. But  now,  when  knowledge  had  increased,  and  God  had 
given  such  a  signal  victory  to  the  truth,  that  it  had  been  public- 
ly embraced  by  the  realm,  if  they  suffered  the  land  to  be  again 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  277 

defiled,  both  they  and  their  queen  should  drink  of  the  cup  of 
divine  indignation.  She,  because,  amidst  the  great  light  of  the 
Gospel,  she  continued  obstinately  addicted  to  idolatry,  and  they, 
because  they  tolerated,  and  even  countenanced  her  in  such 
conduct. 

Maitland  challenged  his  opponent  to  prove  that  the  apostles 
or  prophets  ever  taught  that  subjects  might  suppress  the  idola- 
try of  their  rulers.  Knox  appealed  to  the  conduct  of  the  pro- 
phet Elisha  in  anointing  Jehu,  and  giving  him  a  charge  to  pun- 
ish the  idolatry  and  bloodshed  of  the  royal  family  of  Ahab. 
"  Jehu  was  a  king  before  he  put  any  thing  in  execution,"  said 
the  secretary.  "  My  lord,  he  was  a  mere  subject,  and  no  king, 
when  the  prophet's  servant  came  to  him  ;  yea,  and  albeit  that 
his  fellow  captains,  hearing  of  the  message,  blew  the  trumpet, 
and  said,  <  Jehu  is  king,'  yet  I  doubt  not  but  Jezebel  both 
thought  and  said  he  was  a  traitor,  and  so  did  many  others  in 
Israel  and  Samaria." — "Besides  this,"  said  Maitland,  "the 
fact  is  extraordinary,  and  ought  not  to  be  imitated." — "  It  had 
the  ground  of  God's  ordinary  judgment,  which  commands  the 
idolater  to  die  the  death,"  answered  Knox. — "We  are  not 
bound  to  imitate  extraordinary  examples,"  rejoined  Maitland, 
"  unless  we  have  like  commandment  and  assurance."  Knox 
granted  that  this  was  true  when  the  example  was  repugnant  to 
the  ordinary  precept  of  the  law,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Israelites 
borrowing  from  the  Egyptians  without  repayment.  But  when 
the  example  agreed  with  the  law,  he  insisted  that  it  was  imita- 
ble  ;  and  of  this  kind  was  the  instances  to  which  he  had  appeal- 
ed. But,  said  Maitland,  *<  whatsoever  they  did,  was  done  at 
God's  commandment." — "  That  fortifies  my  argument,"  retort- 
ed the  Reformer  ;  "  for  God,  by  his  commandment,  has  approved 
that  subjects  punish  their  princes  for  idolatry  and  wickedness 
by  them  committed." — "  We  have  not  the  like  commandment," 
said  the  secretary.  "  That  I  deny ;  for  the  commandment,  that 
the  idolater  shall  die  the  death,  is  perpetual,  as  ye  yourself  have 
granted  ;  ye  doubted  only  who  should  be  the  executioner,  and 
I  have  sufficiently  proven  that  God  has  raised  up  the  people, 
and  by  his  prophet  has  anointed  a  king,  to  take  vengeance  upon 
the  king  and  his  posterity,  which  fact  God  since  that  time  has 
never  retracted." — "  Ye  have  produced  but  one  example,"  said 
Maitland.  "  One  sufficeth  ;  but  yet,  God  be  praised,  we  lack 
not  others,  for  the  whole  people  conspired  against  Amaziah, 
king  of  Judah,  after  he  had  turned  away  from  the  Lord." — "  I 
doubt  whether  they  did  well,  or  not,"  said  Maitland.  "  God 
gave  sufficient  approbation  of  their  fact,  for  he  blessed  them 
with  victory,  peace,  and  prosperity,  the  space  of  fifty-two  years 
after." — "  But  prosperity  does  not  always  prove  that  God 
approves  the  facts  of  men." — "  Yes,  when  the  facts  of  men 
24 


278  LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX. 

agree  with  the  law  of  God,  and  are  rewarded  according  to  his 
promise,  I  say  that  the  prosperity  succeeding  the  fact  is  a  most 
infallible  assurance  that  God  has  approved  the  fact.  And  now, 
my  lord,  I  have  but  one  example  to  produce,  and  then  I  will 
put  an  end  to  my  reasoning,  because  I  weary  longer  to  stand." 
The  lords  desired  him  to  take  a  chair ;  but  he  declined  it,  say- 
ing, « that  melancholic  reasons  needed  some  mirth  to  be  inter- 
mixed with  them."  After  a  short  dispute  on  the  resistance  of 
the  priests  to  Uzziah,  the  Reformer  recapitulated  the  proposi- 
tions which  he  thought  had  been  established  in  the  course  of 
the  debate.  «  Well,"  said  Maitland,  «  I  think  ye  shall  not  have 
many  learned  men  of  your  opinion."  Knox  replied,  that  the 
truth  ceased  not  to  be  the  truth,  because  men  misunderstood  or 
opposed  it,  and  yet  he  did  not  want  the  suffrages  of  learned 
men  to  his  opinions.  Upon  which  he  presented  a  copy  of  the 
Apology  of  Magdeburgh,  desiring  the  secretary  to  look  at  the 
names  of  the  ministers  who  had  approved  of  the  defence  of  that 
city  against  the  emperor,  and  subscribed  the  proposition,  that 
to  resist  a  tyrant  is  not  to  resist  the  ordinance  of  God.  "  Hom- 
ines obscuri  !"*  said  Maitland,  slightingly,  after  perusing  the 
list.  "  Dei  tamen  servi  !"t  replied  the  Reformer. 

The  secretary  now  insisted  that  the  questions  which  they  had 
discussed  should  be  put  to  the  vote,  and  that  the  determination 
of  the  meeting  should  fix  a  rule  for  uniformity  of  doctrine 
among  the  ministers.  Knox  protested  against  this  motion,  and 
reminded  their  lordships  that  the  General  Assembly  had  agreed 
to  the  present  conference  upon  the  express  condition  that  noth- 
ing should  be  voted  or  decided  at  it.  At  last  it  was  agreed,  that 
the  opinions  of  those  who  were  present  should  be  taken,  but 
that  they  should  not  be  considered  as  decisive.  Winram,  sup- 
erintendent of  Fife,  and  Douglas,  rector  of  the  university  of  St. 
Andrews,  were  the  principal  persons  among  the  ministers,  who 
agreed  in  sentiment  with  the  courtiers.  Knox's  colleague,  in 
delivering  his  opinion,  took  occasion  to  give  an  account  of  a 
public  dispute  at  which  he  had  been  present  in  Bologna,  upon 
the  question,  Whether  subjects  have  a  right  to  control  and  re- 
form their  rulers,  when  they  have  been  guilty  of  violating  their 
oaths  of  office.  Thomas  de  Finola,  rector  of  the  University, 
and  Vincentius  de  Placentia,  persons  celebrated  for  their 
learning,  maintained  the  affirmative  on  this  question,  and  their 
opinion  was  adopted  after  long  discussion.  "  Ye  tell  us  what 
was  done  in  Bologna,"  exclaimed  one  of  the  courtiers ;  "  we 
are  in  a  kingdom,  and  they  are  but  a  commonwealth." — "  My 
lord,"  replied  Craig,  "  my  judgment  is,  that  every  kingdom  is 
a  commonwealth,  or  at  least  should  be,  albeit  that  every  com- 

*  Men  of  no  note.  t  Servants  of  God,  however. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  279 

monwealth  is  not  a  kingdom ;  and  therefore  I  think  that  in  a 
kingdom  no  less  diligence  ought  to  be  taken  that  laws  be  not 
violated  than  in  a  commonwealth,  because  the  tyranny  of 
princes  who  continually  reign  in  a  kingdom,  is  more  hurtful  to 
the  subjects  than  the  misgovernment  of  those  that  from  year  to 
year  are  changed  in  free  commonwealths."  He  added,  that  the 
dispute  to  which  he  had  referred  was  conducted  on  general 
principles,  applicable  equally  to  monarchies  and  republics ;  and 
that  one  of  the  conclusions  adopted  was,  that,  although  laws 
contrary  to  the  law  of  God,  and  to  the  true  principles  of 
government,  had  been  introduced,  through  the  negligence  of 
the  people  or  the  tyranny  of  princes,  yet  the  same  people,  or 
their  posterity,  had  a  right  to  demand  that  all  things  should  be 
reformed  according  to  the  original  institution  of  kings  and  com- 
monwealths.* 

The  speech  of  Craig  alarmed  the  courtiers  as  to  the  issue  of 
the  vote  ;  and  the  clerk  register  took  occasion  to  observe  that, 
at  a  former  conference,  it  had  been  agreed  that  Knox  should 
write  to  Calvin  to  obtain  his  opinion  on  this  question.  Knox 
corrected  this  statement,  by  saying  that  the  secretary  had 
undertaken  to  consult  that  reformer,  but  although  repeatedly 
reminded  of  his  promise,  had  never  fulfilled  it.  Maitland 
acknowledged  this,  and  said  that  upon  mature  deliberation  he 
durst  not,  considering  his  station,  ask  advice  respecting  any 
controversy  between  the  queen  and  her  subjects,  without  her 
majesty's  consent.  It  was  now  proposed  that  Knox  should 
write  to  Calvin ;  but  he  refused  to  be  employed  in  the  business. 
Before  he  returned  to  the  kingdom,  he  said,  he  had  obtained 
the  judgment  of  the  most  eminent  foreign  divines  on  that  ques- 
tion, and  he  could  not  renew  his  application  to  them,  without 
exposing  himself  to  the  charge  of  forgetfulness  or  inconsistency. 
The  proper  course  was  for  them  to  write,  complaining  that  he 
had  taught  such  doctrines  as  he  had  now  defended,  and  reques- 
ting Calvin  to  communicate  his  judgment  respecting  them. 
This  proposal  was  thought  reasonable,  but  none  would  under- 
take the  task  ;  and  the  conference  broke  up  without  any  deter- 
minate resolution  being  adopted.t 

The  reader  must  be  struck  with  the  difference  between  this 
dispute,  and  that  which  Knox  formerly  maintained  with  the 

*  Craig,  who  was  rather  facile  in  his  disposition,  and  apt  to  be  moulded  by 
those  who  were  about  him,  seems  afterwards  to  have  recanted  the  principle 
which  he  maintained  on  this  occasion.  For  I  suppose  he  is  the  person  who 
preached  the  sermon  at  Linlithgow,  mentioned  by  Hume  of  Godscroft,  in  his 
History  of  the  House  of  Douglas  and  Angus,  ii.  383,  385.  That  historian 
has  inserted  some  very  ingenious  observations  on  the  subject,  by  way  of 
strictures  on  the  sermon. 

f  Knox,  Historic,  pp.  348—366. 


280  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

abbot  of  Crossraguel.  Although  long,  it  was  kept  up  by  the 
disputants  with  great  spirit ;  nor  did  they  take  refuge  under 
those  ambiguities  of  speech,  or  those  sophistical  forms  of  argu- 
ment, of  which  persons  trained  to  wrangle  in  the  schools  were 
ever  ready  to  avail  themselves,  to  perplex  an  adversary,  or  to 
conceal  their  own  defeat.  Few  secretaries  of  state  in  modern 
times  would,  it  is  presumed,  be  able  to  acquit  themselves  so  well 
as  Maitland  did,  on  questions  which  were  decided  chiefly  by  an 
appeal  to  the  Scriptures.  But  learned  and  acute  as  he  was, 
Knox  was  fully  a  match  for  him,  and,  on  the  greater  part  of  the 
topics  introduced  into  the  debate,  evidently  had  the  advantage, 
according  to  the  principles  held,  and  the  concessions  made,  by 
his  opponent.  For  both  parties  maintained,  that  idolatry  ought 
to  be  punished  by  death ;  a  sentiment  which  they  were  led  to 
adopt  in  consequence  of  their  holding  the  untenable  opinion, 
that  Christian  nations  are  bound  to  enact  the  same  penalties 
against  all  breaches  of  the  moral  law,  which  were  enjoined  by 
the  judicial  laws  of  Moses.*  This  being  taken  for  granted,  the 
dispute  between  them  resolved  itself  entirely  into  a  question 
respecting  the  prerogatives  of  princes  and  the  rights  and  duties 
of  subjects.  It  may  be  questioned,  too,  whether  Knox's  rea- 
soning from  extraordinary  examples,  qualified  as  it  was  by  him, 
is  sufficiently  guarded  and  correct ;  for  the  instances  in  which 
punishment  was  inflicted  in  an  extraordinary  way  on  criminals, 
although  the  punishment  itself  was  merited  and  agreeable  to 
law,  cannot  be  pleaded  as  precedents  in  ordinary  cases.  But 
even  when  we  cannot  approve  of  his  reasonings,  we  are  com- 
pelled to  admire  the  openness  with  which  he  avowed,  and  the 
boldness  with  which  he  defended,  sentiments  so  opposite  to 
those  which  were  generally  received  in  that  age. 

In  the  month  of  August,  Knox  went,  by  appointment  of  the 
General  Assembly,  as  visiter  of  the  churches,  to  Aberdeen  and 


*  This  was  an  opinion  generally  entertained  among  the  Reformers  ;  and 
-it  was  one  ground  (though  not  the  only  one,  as  we  have  seen,  pp.  221 — 22), 
upon  which  they  vindicated  the  penal  statutes  against  the  mass  and  image 
worship.  At  the  same  time,  while  they  laboured  to  restrain  these  evils, 
they  discovered  no  disposition  to  proceed  to  capital  punishment,  even  when 
it  was  completely  in  their  power.  I  never  read  nor  heard  of  an  instance, 
in  the  time  of  our  Reformer,  of  a  person  being  put  to  death  for  performing 
any  part  of  the  Roman  Catholic  worship.  If  the  reason  of  this  disconformity 
between  their  opinion  and  their  practice  be  asked,  I  can  only  answer, — their 
aversion  to  blood.  "  God,"  says  our  Reformer,  addressing  the  Popish  princes 
who  persecuted  the  Protestants,  "  will  not  use  his  sai rites  and  chosen  chil- 
dren to  punish  you.  For  with  them  is  alwaies  mercie,  yea,  even  althogh  God 
have  pronounced  a  curse  and  malediction  ;  as  in  the  history  of  Josua  is  plaine. 
But  as  ye  have  pronounced  wrong  and  cruel  judgment  without  mercie,  so 
will  he  punish  you  by  such  as  in  whom  there  is  no  mercie."  Answer  to  the 
Cavillations  of  an  Anabaptist,  p.  449. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  281 

other  parts  of  the  north,  where  he  remained  six  or  seven  weeks.* 
At  the  subsequent  meeting  of  Assembly,  he  received  a  similar 
appointment  to  Fife  and  Perthshire.! 

Our  Reformer's  predictions  at  the  last  meeting  of  parliament 
were  now  fully  realized.  Another  parliament  was  held  in  the 
end  of  1564,  but  nothing  was  done  for  securing  the  Protestant 
religion.:}:  The  queen's  marriage  had  long  engaged  the  anxious 
attention  of  her  ministers,  and  had  been  the  subject  of  much 
negotiation  with  England  and  at  foreign  courts ;  but  the  vari- 
ous proposals  which  had  been  made  with  a  view  to  it,  and  the 
political  intrigues  to  which  they  gave  rise,  were  all  thwarted  by 
the  sudden  and  strong  passion  which  Mary  conceived  for  Hen- 
ry, Lord  Darnley,  the  son  of  the  Earl  of  Lennox.  As  this 
young  nobleman,  so  far  as  he  had  discovered  any  religious  sen- 
timents, was  inclined  to  Popery,§  the  match  could  not  be  very 
agreeable  to  the  great  body  of  the  nation,  who  had  already 
testified  the  strongest  jealousy  at  the  queen's  attachment  to  that 
religion.  It  was,  therefore,  natural  for  the  nobility,  in  the 
prospect  of  this  event,  to  provide  additional  securities  for  the 
Protestant  Church,  and  to  insist  that  the  royal  sanction  hitherto 
withheld,  should  now  be  granted  to  its  legal  establishment. 
Upon  this  condition,  they  promised  their  consent  to  the  mar- 
riage. ||  The  queen  agreed  to  summon  a  parliament  to  settle  this 
important  affair,  but  she  found  some  pretext  for  proroguing  its 
meeting  ;1F  and,  having  gained  a  number  of  the  nobility  by 
favours  and  promises,  she  proceeded,  in  July  1565,  not  only  to 
solemnize  the  nuptials,  but  to  proclaim  her  husband  king,  with- 
out the  consent  of  the  estates  of  the  kingdom. 

The  dissatisfaction  produced  by  these  precipitate  and  illegal 
steps  was  heightened  by  the  conduct  of  Darnley.  Naturally 
vain,  rash,  and  vindictive,  his  unexpected  prosperity  rendered 
him  insolent  and  overbearing ;  and  it  required  all  the  prudence 
of  the  queen  to  preserve  him  from  falling  into  contempt,  even 
before  their  marriage.**  Although  he  could  not  have  come  to 
Scotland,  and  his  father  could  not  have  been  restored  to  his 
honours  and  possessions,  considering  the  opposition  made  by  the 
house  of  Hamilton,  without  the  concurrence  and  interest  of  the 
Earl  of  Murray ;  yet  he  no  sooner  found  himself  seated  in  the 

*  The  magistrates  of  Edinburgh,  understanding  that  Mr.  Christopher 
Goodman  was  appointed  to  preach  during  the  absence  of  their  own  ministers, 
directed  a  committee  of  their  number  to  wait  upon  him,  and  to  "  offer  him, 
in  their  names,  all  honourabill  entertenment,  and  cause  the  Stewart  of 
Jhonne  Knox  house  to  keep  table  to  him  upoun  the  town's  expensis."  Re- 
cords of  Town  Council  for  23d  August  1564. 

t  Keith,  535,  537,  540.  \  Knox,  Historic,  p.  368. 

$  Keith,  p.  278,  note  (a).  ||  Knox,  p.  373. 

*1  Keith,  279.    Knox,  374,  378.         **  Keith,  329.    Robertson,  ii.  125. 
24*  L2 


282  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

affections  of  Mary,  than  he  exerted  his  influence  to  deprive  that 
nobleman  of  her  favour,  represented  the  honours  which  she  had 
conferred  on  him  as  excessive,  and  leagued  with  those  who 
were  hostile  to  him  and  to  the  reformed  religion.  Lennox, 
Athole  and  David  Rizzio,  a  low-bred  Italian,  who  had  insinua- 
ted himself  into  the  good  graces  of  Mary,  now  ruled  the  court, 
to  the  exclusion  of  the  most  able  counsellors.*  Murray  had 
been  urged  in  private  to  sign  an  approbation  of  the  intended 
marriage,  but  refused  to  do  it  until  the  nobility  were  consulted.! 
His  refusal  to  gratify  the  queen,  by  forwarding  a  match  on 
which  she  was  passionately  bent,  obliterated  the  memory  of  all 
his  past  services,  and  drew  upon  him  the  furious  resentment  of 
Darnley.  Having  declined  to  attend  a  convention  at  Perth, 
from  just  apprehensions  of  personal  danger,  he  was  summoned 
to  court  by  the  queen.  The  summons  was  repeated  three  days 
after  her  marriage,  and  because  he  refused  to  intrust  his  person, 
on  her  safe-conduct,  to  a  court  where  the  influence  of  his  de- 
clared enemies  prevailed,  he  was  immediately  proclaimed  an 
outlaw.^  In  the  mean  time,  the  persons  who  had  discovered 
the  greatest  hostility  to  him  were  openly  encouraged.  Bothweli 
was  invited  to  return ;  Lord  George  Gordon  was  set  at  liberty, 
and  the  earldom  of  Huntly  restored  to  him ;  and  the  Earl  of 
Sutherland  was  recalled  from  banishment.  §  The  lords  who 
were  dissatisfied  with  the  late  proceedings,  assembled  at  Stir- 
ling, and,  after  agreeing  to  request  the  protection  of  Elizabeth, 
retired  to  their  houses  ;||  but  the  queen  taking  the  field  with  all 
the  forces  which  she  could  collect,  they  were  at  last  compelled 
to  arm  in  their  own  defence.lf  Even  after  they  were  driven 
to  this  extremity,  they  neglected  no  means  of  conciliation. 
They  professed  their  steadfast  loyalty  to  the  queen.  They  de- 
clared that  their  sole  desire  was,  that  the  reformed  religion 
should  be  secured  against  the  dangers  to  which  it  was  exposed, 
and  that  the  administration  of  public  affairs  should  be  put  into 
the  hands  of  those  whom  the  nation  could  trust.  And  they 
offered  to  submit  their  own  cause  to  be  tried  by  the  laws  of 
their  country.**  But  the  queen  spurned  all  their  offers  of  sub- 
mission, refused  to  listen  to  any  intercession  in  their  favour,  and, 
advancing  against  them  with  an  army,  obliged  them  to  take 
refuge  in  England.tt 

*  Knox,  372, 374.    Robertson,  ii.  114,  120.  f  Knox,  372. 

\  Ibid.  379.    Keith,  309,  310.     Append.  108—110. 
\  Knox,  368,  379,  386.     Keith,  309,  310.     Gordon's  Genealog.  Hist,  of 
the  Earldom  of  Sutherland,  143 — 4. 
||  Keith,  300.  804,  306. 

IT  Robertson,  ii.  131.     Laing,  History  of  Scotland. 
**  Knox,  Historic,  382,  384,  386.  tt  Ibid.  388. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  283 

While  her  marriage  with  Darnley  was  in  dependence,  and 
she  laboured  to  surmount  the  opposition  made  to  it  by  the  no- 
bility, Mary  had  condesended  to  court  the  Protestant  ministers. 
Having  sent  for  the  superintendents  of  Lothian,  Glasgow,  and 
Fife  (for  Knox  could  not  now  be  admitted  to  her  presence),  she 
amused  them  with  fair  words.  She  was  not  yet  persuaded  she 
said,  of  the  truth  of  their  religion,  but  was  willing  to  hear  con- 
ference and  reasoning  on  the  subject ;  she  was  also  content  to 
attend  the  public  sermons  of  some  of  them ;  and, "  above  all 
others,  she  would  gladly  hear  the  superintendent  of  Angus,  for 
he  was  a  mild  and  sweet-natured  man,  with  true  honesty  and 
uprightness,  Sir  John  Erskine  of  Dun."*  She  even  went  so 
far  as  to  be  present  at  a  sermon  preached  by  one  of  the  minis- 
ters in  Callender  house,  at  the  baptism  of  a  child  of  Lord  Liv- 
ingston.t  But  as  soon  as  her  marriage  was  accomplished,  she 
told  the  commissioners  of  the  Church,  in  very  plain  and  de- 
termined language, "  her  majesty  neither  will  nor  may  leave  the 
religion  wherein  she  has  been  nourished  and  brought  up."J 
And  there  was  no  farther  proposals  of  attending  either  sermon 
or  conference. 

The  friendship  between  the  Earl  of  Murray  and  the  Refor- 
mer had  been  renewed  in  the  beginning  of  1565.  Knox  was 
placed  in  a  very  delicate  predicament  by  the  insurrection  under 
Murray,  and  the  other  lords  who  opposed  the  queen's  marriage. 
His  father-in-law  was  one  of  their  number.  They  professed 
that  the  security  of  the  Protestant  religion  was  the  principal 
ground  of  their  taking  arms;  and  they  came  to  Edinburgh 
to  collect  men  to  their  standard.  But  whatever  favour  he 
might  have  for  them,  he  kept  himself  clear  from  any  engage- 
ment^ If  he  had  taken  part  in  this  unsuccessful  revolt,  we 
need  not  doubt  that  her  majesty  would  have  embraced  the  op- 
portunity of  punishing  him  for  it,  when  his  principal  friends 
had  fled  the  kingdom. 

We  find,  in  fact,  that  she  immediately  proceeded  against  him 
on  a  different,  but  far  more  slender  ground.  The  young  king, 
who  could  be  either  Papist  or  Protestant,  as  it  suited  him,  went 
sometimes  to  mass  with  the  queen,  and  sometimes  attended  the 
reformed  sermons.  ||  To  silence  the  suspicions  of  his  alienation 
from  the  Protestant  religion,  circulated  by  the  insurgent  lords, 
he,  on  the  19th  of  August,  made  a  solemn  appearance  in  St. 
Giles's  Church,  sitting  on  a  throne  which  had  been  prepared  for 

*  Knox,  Historie,  373,  374.  f  Ibid.  377.  J  Id.  376. 

9  Goodall  says,  that  Knox  was  engaged  with  the  Earl  of  Murray  in  a  plot 
for  seizing  Darnley  ;  but  he  has  produced  no  evidence  of  his  assertion.  Life 
of  Queen  Mary,  i.  207—209. 

H  Keith,  301—2. 


284  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

his  reception.  Knox  preached  that  day,  and  happened  to  pro- 
long the  service  beyond  his  usual  time.  In  one  part  of  the  ser- 
mon, he  quoted  these  words  of  Scripture,  "  I  will  give  children 
to  be  their  princes,  and  babes  shall  rule  over  them ; —  in  another 
part  of  it,  he  mentioned  that  God  punished  Ahab  because  he 
did  not  correct  his  idolatrous  wife  Jezebel.*  Though  no  par- 
ticular application  was  made  by  the  preacher,  the  king 
applied  these  passages  to  himself  and  the  queen,  and,  returning 
to  the  palace  in  great  wrath,  refused  to  taste  dinner.  The  Papists 
who  had  accompanied  him  to  church,  inflamed  his  resent- 
ment and  that  of  the  queen  by  their  representations. 

That  very  afternoon  Knox  was  taken  from  bed,t  and  carried 
before  the  privy  council.  Some  respectable  inhabitants  of  the 
city,  understanding  his  citation,  accompanied  him  to  the  palace. 
He  was  told  that  he  had  offended  the  king,  and  must  desist  from 
preaching  as  long  as  their  majesties  were  in  Edinburgh.  He 
replied,  that  "  he  had  spoken  nothing  but  according  to  his  text; 
and  if  the  Church  should  command  him  to  speak  or  abstain,  he 
would  obey,  so  far  as  the  word  of  God  would  permit  him."}; 
Spots  wood  says,  that  he  not  only  stood  to  what  he  had  said  in 
the  pulpit,  but  added,  "  That  as  the  king,  for  the  queen's  plea- 
sure, had  gone  to  mass,  and  dishonoured  the  Lord  God,  so 
should  He  in  his  justice  make  her  the  instrument  of  his  over- 
throw. This  speech,"  continues  the  archbishop's  manuscript, 
"  esteemed  too  bold  at  the  time,  came  afterwards  to  be  remem- 
bered, and  was  reckoned  among  other  his  prophetical  sayings, 


*  Sermon  on  Isa.  xxvL  13,  14.  History  of  the  Reformation,  Edin.  1644, 
4to.  App.  pp.  120,  128.  Spotswood  says,  that  Knox,  in  his  sermon  (either 
doubting  the  king's  sincerity,  or  favouring  the  faction  of  the  noblemen),  "  fell 
upon  him  with  a  bitter  reproof."  History,  191.  But  the  archbishop  does 
not  seem  to  have  read  the  sermon,  which  contains  no  reproof  of  the  king, 
either  bitter  or  mild.  Indeed,  the  preacher  appears,  on  that  occasion,  to  have 
used  less  freedom  than  ordinary  in  the  application.  Strype,  Annals,  i.  527, 
23d  August  1565. 

f  Preface  to  the  Sermon,  ut  supra. 

|  Ibid.  Records  of  Town  Council.  Knox,  Historic,  p.  381.  Being  call- 
ed before  the  privy  council,  he  wrote  out  the  sermon,  as  exactly  according 
to  what  he  had  preached  as  possible,  and  sent  it  to  the  press,  to  let  the  im- 
partial see,  "  upon  how  small  occasions  great  offence  is  now  taken."  At  the 
end  of  it  is  this  postscript : — "  Lord,  into  thy  hands  I  commend  my  spirit ;  for 
the  terrible  roaring  of  gunnes,  and  the  noise  of  armour,  do  so  pierce  my 
heart,  that  my  soul  thirsteth  to  depart."  On  the  margin  are  these  words": 
— "  The  castle  of  Edinburgh  was  shooting  against  the  exiled  for  Christ 
Jesus'  sake."  Then  follows  the  date  at  which  the  writing  was  finished. 
"  The  last  day  of  August  1565,  at  four  of  the  clock  in  the  afternoon,  written 
indigestly,  but  yet  truly,  so  farre  as  memory  would  serve,  of  those  things 
that  in  publike  I  spake  on  Sunday  August  19,  for  the  which  I  was  dis- 
charged to  preach  for  a  time.  Be  mercifull  to  thy  flock,  O  Lord,  and  at  thy 
pleasure  put  end  to  my  misery.  John  Knox." 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  285 

which  certainly  were  marvellous.  The  queen,  enraged  at  this 
answer,  burst  forth  into  tears."* 

The  report  of  the  inhibition  laid  upon  the  Reformer  created 
great  agitation  in  the  city.  His  colleague,  who  was  appointed 
to  supply  his  place  during  his  suspension,  threatened  to  desist 
entirely  from  preaching.  The  town  council  met,  and  appointed 
a  deputation  to  wait  on  their  majesties,  and  request  the  reversal 
of  the  sentence ;  and  at  a  second  meeting  held  on  the  same  day, 
they  came  to  a  unanimous  resolution,  that  they  would  "  in  no 
manner  of  way  consent  or  grant  that  his  mouth  be  closed/'  but 
that  he  should' be  desired,  «  at  his  pleasure,  and  as  God  should 
move  his  heart,  to  proceed  forward  to  true  doctrine  as  before, 
which  doctrine  they  would  approve  and  abide  at  to  their  life's 
end."t 

It  does  not  appear  that  he  continued  any  time  suspended  from 
preaching.  For  the  king  and  queen  left  Edinburgh  before  next 
Sabbath, £  and  the  prohibition  extended  only  to  the  time  of  their 
residence  in  the  city.  Upon  their  return,  it  is  probable  that 
they  judged  it  advisable  not  to  enforce  an  order  which  had  al- 
ready created  much  discontent,  and  might  alienate  the  minds  of 
the  people  still  farther  from  the  present  administration.  Ac- 
cordingly, we  find  him  exercising  his  ministry  in  Edinburgh 
with  the  same  boldness  as  formerly.  Complaints  were  made 
to  the  council  of  the  manner  in  which  he  prayed  for  the  exiled 
noblemen ;  but  secretary  Maitland,  who  had  formerly  found  so 
much  fault  with  his  prayers,  defended  them  on  the  present  oc- 
casion, saying,  that  he  had  heard  them,  and  they  were  such  as 
nobody  could  blame. § 

Christopher  Goodman  had  officiated,  with  much  approbation, 
as  minister  of  St.  Andrews,  since  the  year  1560 ;  but  he  was 
prevailed  on,  by  the  solicitations  of  his  friends  in  England,  to 
return  about  this  time  to  his  native  country.  ||  The  commission- 
ers from  St.  Andrews  were  instructed  to  petition  the  General 
Assembly,  which  met  in  December  this  year,  that  Knox  should 

*  Spotswood,  191,  192.  Keith,  546,  547.  Keith  calls  in  question  the 
archbishop's  narrative  ;  because  Knox,  in  his  History,  does  not  say  that  the 
queen  was  present,  and  does  not  mention  the  prediction,  although  "  fond 
enough  to  catch  at  and  force  such  things  upon  his  readers."  But  Knox  did 
not  write  this  part  of  the  History  ;  the  fifth  book  having  been  compiled  after 
his  death,  and  not  being  found  in  old  MSS.  See  Advertisement,  prefixed  to 
the  edition  of  his  Historie,  Edin.  1732.  It  must  be  confessed,  however,  that 
Spotswood's  account  of  this  affair  is  inaccurate  in  a  number  of  particulars. 
David  Buchanan  says,  that  the  king  had  "  cast  the  psalme  book  in  the  fire," 
which  was  the  cause  of  Knox's  denunciation  against  him.  Life  of  Knox 
prefixed  to  History  of  the  Reformation. 

f  .Records  of  Town  Council,  23d  August  1565.    Keith,  547. 

}  Knox,  Historie,  p.  381.  $  Ibid.  p.  389. 

II  See  Note  III, 


286  LIFE    OF  JOHN   KNOX. 

be  translated  from  Edinburgh  to  their  city.  They  claimed  a 
right  to  him,  as  he  had  commenced  his  ministry  among  them  ; 
and  they  might  think  that  the  dissensions  in  which  he  was  in- 
volved with  the  court  would  induce  him  to  prefer  a  more 
retired  situation.  But  their  petition  was  refused.* 

This  Assembly  imposed  on  him  several  important  services. 
He  was  commissioned  to  visit  the  churches  in  the  south  of  Scot- 
land, and  appointed  to  write  "  a  comfortable  letter"  to  encou- 
rage the  ministers,  exhorters,  and  readers,  throughout  the  king- 
dom, to  persevere  in  the  discharge  of  their  functions,  which 
many  of  them  were  threatening  to  abandon,  on  account  of  the 
non-payment  of  their  stipends ;  and  to  excite  the  people  among 
whom  they  laboured  to  relieve  their  necessities.!  He  had  for- 
merly received  an  appointment  to  draw  up  the  Form  of 
Excommunication  and  of  Public  Repentance.^  And  he  was 
now  required  to  compose  a  Treatise  of  Fasting.  The  Assem- 
bly, having  taken  into  consideration  the  troubles  of  the  country, 
and  the  dangers  which  threatened  the  whole  Protestant  interest, 
had  appointed  a  general  fast  to  be  kept  through  the  kingdom. 
The  form  and  order  to  be  observed  on  that  occasion  they  left 
to  be  drawn  out  by  Knox  and  his  colleague  ;  and  as  nothing 
had  been  hitherto  published  expressly  on  this  subject,  they  were 
authorized  to  explain  the  duty,  as  well  as  to  state  the  reasons, 
which  at  that  period  called  for  this  solemn  exercise.  This 
treatise  does  credit  to  the  compilers,  both  as  to  matter  and  form. 
It  is  written  in  a  perspicuous  and  nervous  style.  In  the 
grounds  assigned  for  fasting,  the  critical  state  of  all  reformed 
churches,  the  late  decree  of  the  council  of  Trent  for  the  extirpa- 
tion of  the  Protestant  name,  the  combination  of  the  Popish 
princes  for  carrying  it  into  execution,  and  the  persecutions 
suffered  by  their  brethren  in  different  countries,  are  all  held 
forth  as  a  warning  to  the  Protestants  of  Scotland,  and  urged  as 
calls  to  repentance  and  prayer. 

The  following  may  serve  as  a  specimen : — "  Supposing,  we 
say,  that  wee  had  none  of  these  foresaid  causes  to  moove  us,  yet 
is  there  one  which,  if  it  moove  us  not  to  humiliation,  wee  show 
ourselves  more  than  insensible.  For  now  is  Satan  so  enlarged 
against  Jesus  Christ,  and  so  odious  is  the  light  of  his  gospel  unto 

*  Keith,  562.  f  Keith,  538. 

I  This  appointment  was  laid  upon  him  in  June  1563.  Keith,  525.  He 
does  not  seem  to  have  executed  it  till  1567,  which  is  the  date  subjoined  to  a 
prayer  at  the  end  of  the  treatise.  Then  follows  a  postscript :  "  This  booke 
is  thought  necessary  and  profitable  for  the  Church,  and  commanded  to  be 
printed  by  the  Generall  Assemblie."  The  order  for  printing  it  seems  to 
have  been  first  given  by  the  Assembly  in  1568,  and  renewed  in  1571. 
Psalms  in  meeter,  &c.  (commonly  called  Knox's  Liturgy,)  printed  by  Andro 
Hart,  A.  1611,  pp.  28,  67.  Dunlop's  Confessions,  ii.  705,  747. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  287 

the  Romaine  antichrist,  that  to  suppresse  it  in  one  province, 
realme,  or  nation,  he  thinketh  it  nothing,  unlesse  that,  in  all  Eu- 
rope the  godly,  and  such  as  abhorre  the  papisticall  impietie,  be 
therewith  also  utterlie  destroyed,  and  so  rased  from  the  face  of 
the  earth,  that  no  memory  of  them  shal  after  remaine.  If  any 
thinks  that  suche  crueltie  cannot  fall  into  the  hearts  of  men,  we 
send  them  to  be  resolved  of  those  fathers  of  the  last  councel  of 
Trent,  who,  in  one  of  their  sessions,  have  thus  concluded  :  All 
Lutherans,  Calvinists,  and  such  as  are  of  the  new  religion,  shall 
utterly  be  rooted  out.  The  beginning  shall  be  in  France,  by  con- 
ducting of  the  Catholike  king,  Philip  of  Spaine,  and  by  some 
of  the  nobilitie  of  France ;  which  matter  (they  say)  put  in  exe- 
cution, the  whole  power  of  both,  together  with  the  pope's  armie, 
and  force  of  the  Duke  of  Savoy  and  Ferrar,  shall  assault 
Geneva,  and  shall  not  leave  it  till  that  they  have  put  it  to  sacke, 
saving  in  it  no  living  creature.  And  with  the  same  mercie 
shall  so  many  of  France  as  have  tasted  of  the  new  religion  be 
served.  From  thence  expedition  shall  be  made  against  the 
Germanes,  to  reduce  them  to  the  obedience  of  the  apostolike 
seate.  And  so  shall  they  proceed  to  other  realmes  and  nations, 
never  ceasing  till  that  all  be  rooted  out  that  will  not  make 
homage  to  that  Romane  idoll.  How  fearefull  a  beginning  this 
conclusion  and  determination  had,  France  will  remember  moe 
ages  than  one.  For  how  manie,  above  a  hundredth  thousand 
men,  women,  babes,  virgines,  matrones,  and  aged  fathers  suffer- 
ed, some  by  sworde,  some  by  water,  some  by  fire,  and  other 
torments,  the  verie  enemies  themselves  are  compelled  to  acknow- 
ledge. And  albeit  that  God  of  his  mercie  in  part  disappoynted 
their  cruell  enterprises,  yet  let  us  not  thinke  that  their  will  is 
changed,  or  their  malice  asswaged.  No ;  let  us  be  assured,  that 
they  abide  but  opportunitie  to  finish  the  worke  that  cruellie 
against  God,  against  his  trueth,  and  the  true  professors  of  the 
same,  they  have  begunne,  the  whisperings  whereof  are  not  se- 
creete,  neither  yet  the  tokens  obscure.  For  the  traffike  of  that 
dragon  now  with  the  princes  of  the  earth,  his  promises  and 
flattering  enticements,  tende  to  none  other  ende,  but  to  inflame 
them  against  Jesus  Christ,  and  against  the  true  professours  of 
his  gospel.  For  who  can  thinke  that  the  pope,  cardinals,  and 
horned  bishops,  will  offer  the  greatest  portion  of  their  rents,  for 
sustaining  of  a  warre,  whereof  no  commoditie  should  redound 
(as  they  suppose)  to  themselves  ?"  Having  quoted  that  part  of 
the  decree  of  the  council  which  relates  to  the  assessment  imposed 
on  the  clergy,  for  carrying  on  this  holy  war,  the  compilers  of  the 
treatise  add  :  "  But  let  us  hear  their  conclusion :  France  and  Ger- 
manie  (say  they)  being  by  these  meanes  so  chastised,  abased, 
and  brought  to  the  obedience  of  the  holy  Romane  Church,  the 
fathers  doubt  not  but  time  shall  provide  both  counsell  and 


288  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

commoditie,  that  the  rest  of  the  realmes  about  may  be  reduced 
to  one  flocke,  and  one  apostolike  governour  and  pastour. — 
But  some  shall  say,  they  are  yet  far  from  the  end  of  their  pur- 
pose, and  therefore  wee  neede  not  be  so  fearefull  nor  so 
troubled.  We  answere,  the  danger  may  be  nearer  than  we 
beleeve,  yea,  perchance  a  part  of  it  hath  bene  nearer  to  our 
neckes  than  we  have  considered.  But  how  so  ever  it  be, 
seeing  that  God  of  his  mercie  hath  brought  foorth  to  light  their 
cruell  and  bloodie  counsell,  in  which  we  neede  not  to  doubt  but 
still  they  continue,  it  becummeth  us  not  to  be  negligent  or 
slouthful."* 

Strong  as  their  apprehensions  were,  the  danger  was  nearer 
to  them  than  they  imagined.  The  most  zealous  and  powerful 
of  the  Protestant  nobles  being  exiled,  the  queen  determined  to 
carry  into  execution  the  design  of  which  she  had  never  lost 
sight ;  and  while  she  amused  the  nation  with  proclamations 
against  altering  the  received  religion,  and  tantalized  the  minis- 
ters with  offers  of  more  adequate  support,  was  preparing  for 
the  speedy  restoration  of  the  Roman  Catholic  worship.  No 
means  were  left  unattempted  for  gaining  over  the  nobility  to 
the  ancient  religion.  The  king  openly  professed  himself  a  con- 
vert to  it,  and  officiated  in  some  of  its  most  superstitious  rites. 
The  Earls  of  Lennox,  Cassilis,  and  Caithness,  with  Lords 
Montgomery  and  Seton,  followed  his  example.!  The  friars 
were  employed  to  preach  at  Holyroodhouse,  and,  to  gain  the 
favour  of  the  people,  endeavoured  to  imitate  the  popular 
method  of  the  Protestant  preachers.:}:  In  the  beginning  of 
February  1566,  a  messenger  arrived  from  the  Cardinal  of 
Lorraine,  with  a  copy  of  the  Catholic  league  for  extirpating  the 
Protestants,  and  instructions  to  obtain  the  queen's  subscription 
to  it,  and  to  urge  the  propriety  of  adopting  the  most  rigorous 
measures  against  the  exiled  noblemen.  Mary  scrupled  not  to 
set  her  hand  to  the  league. §  Previous  to  this,  it  is  said  that  she 
was  inclined  to  yield  to  the  intercessions  made  in  behalf  of  the 
exiles  ;  but  if  ever  she  felt  such  a  disposition,  it  is  certain  that, 

*  Treatise  of  Fasting,  in  Knox's  Liturgy,  p.  157—160.  edit.  1611 ;  and  in 
Dunlop's  Confessions,  ii.  661—664. 

T  Robertson,  Append.  No.  14.  Keith,  Append,  pp.  165,  167.  Knox,  389 
—391. 

t  The  friars  were  so  little  esteemed,  that  they  soon  wearied  of  preaching. 
They  boasted  that  they  would  dispute  with  the  Protestant  ministers ;  but 
when  the  commissioners  of  the  General  Assembly  waited  on  their  majesties, 
and  requested  that  this  might  be  granted  in  their  presence,  the  queen  re- 
plied, that  "  sche  wald  not  jeopard  her  religioun  upon  sick  as  were  thare 
present ;  for  sche  knew  weill  enouch,  that  the  Protestants  wer  more  learn- 
ed." Knox,  Historic,  p.  391. 

§  Keith,  p.  326.  Append.  167.  Melvil's  Memoires,  63,  64.  Robertson, 
Append.  No.  14. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  289 

from  the  arrival  of  this  embassy,  the  door  of  mercy  was  shut. 
Murray  and  his  associates  were  immediately  summoned  to  ap- 
pear before  the  parliament  which  was  to  meet  on  the  twelfth 
of  March.  The  lords  of  the  Articles  were  chosen  according  to 
the  queen's  pleasure  ;  the  Popish  ecclesiastics  were  restored  to 
their  place  in  parliament ;  and  the  altars  to  be  erected  in  St. 
Giles's  Church,  for  the  celebration  of  the  Roman  Catholic  wor- 
ship, were  already  prepared.* 

But  these  measures,  when  ripe  for  execution,  were  blasted, 
in  consequence  of  a  secret  engagement  which  the  king  had  en- 
tered into  with  some  of  the  Protestant  nobles.  The  first  effect 
produced  by  this  engagement  was  the  well  known  assassination 
of  Rizzio,  the  unworthy  favourite  of  the  queen,  who  was  the 
principal  instigator  of  the  measures  against  the  Protestant  reli- 
gion and  the  banished  lords,  and  had  now  incurred  the  jealousy 
of  the  king,  as  well  as  the  contempt  of  the  nobility  and  the  hat- 
red of  the  people.  To  have  removed  this  minion  from  her 
majesty's  counsels  and  presence  by  legitimate  means  would 
have  been  meritorious  ;  but  the  manner  in  which  it  was  accom- 
plished was  equally  inconsistent  with  law  and  humanity,  and 
fixes  a  deep  stigma  on  the  characters  of  those  who  perpetrated 
the  deed.t 

A  complete  change  on  the  state  of  the  court  succeeded  this 
event.  The  Popish  counsellors  fled  from  the  palace  ;  the  exiled 
lords  returned  out  of  England ;  and  the  parliament  was  pro- 
rogued, without  accomplishing  any  of  the  objects  for  which  it 
had  been  assembled.  But  Mary  soon  persuaded  the  weak  and 
uxorious  king  to  desert  the  noblemen  whom  he  had  made  the 
instruments  of  his  revenge,  to  retire  with  her  to  Dunbar,  and  to 
issue  a  proclamation,  disowning  his  consent  to  the  late  attempt ; 
by  which  he  exposed  himself  to  the  contempt  of  the  nation, 
without  regaining  her  affection.  Having  collected  an  army, 
she  returned  to  Edinburgh,  threatening  to  inflict  the  most  ex- 

*  Knox,  392,  394.  Keith,  Append.  126.  The  queen's  letter  to  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Glasgow,  apud  Keith,  331.  Goodall  and  Blackwood,  apud  Robert- 
eon,  ii.  145.  Lond.  1809. 

f  The  noblemen  wished  to  bring  Rizzio  to  a  public  trial ;  but  the  king 
would  not  wait  for  this,  and  determined  that  he  should  be  seized  in  the 
queen's  presence,  although  she  was  big  with  child,  that  he  might  upbraid 
her  for  the  wrongs  which  he  had  suffered.  Keith,  App.  121,  122.  Robert- 
son, iii.  318.  App.  No.  15.  Douglas  of  Lochleven,  who  was  engaged  in  the 
combination  against  Rizzio,  says,  that  it  was  their  purpose  to  have  "  punist 
him  be  order  of  justice ;  hot  men  proponit  and  God  disponit  udir  wais,  be  sic 
extraordinar  means,  quhilk  truly  my  aune  hart  aborit  quhan  I  saw  him ;  for 
I  never  consen tit  that  he  suld  haiifbeen  usit  by  [beside]  justice,  nather  was 
it  in  ony  nobellman  his  mind."  Speaking  of  Rizzio's  influence,  Douglas 
says,  "  1  causit  offer  to  him,  gif  he  wald  stay  the  Erie  of  Murray's  forfaltour, 
he  suld  haifF  5  thowsand  pundis  Scottis ;  his  answer  was,  20  thowsand  and 
that  wer  all  alik ;  it  wald  not  be."  MS.  papers  of  the  Laird  of  Lochleven. 
25  M2 


290  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

emplary  vengeance  on  all  who  had  been  accessory  to  the  mur- 
der of  her  secretary,  and  the  indignity  shown  to  her  person. 
She  found  herself,  however,  unable  to  resume  her  former  plans ; 
and,  while  the  conspirators  against  Rizzio  were  forced  to  flee 
to  England,  the  Earl  of  Murray,  and  the  other  lords  who  had 
opposed  her  marriage,  were  allowed  to  remain  in  the  country, 
and  soon  after  pardoned. 

When  the  queen  returned  to  Edinburgh,  Knox  left  it,  and 
retired  to  Kyle.  There  is  no  reason  to  think  that  he  was  privy 
to  the  conspiracy  which  proved  fatal  to  Rizzio.  But  it  is  pro- 
bable that  he  had  expressed  his  satisfaction  at  an  event  which 
contributed  to  the  safety  of  religion  and  the  commonwealth,  if 
not  also  his  approbation  of  the  object  of  the  conspiracy.*  At 
any  rate,  he  was  sufficiently  obnoxious  to  the  queen  on  other 
grounds;  and  as  her  resentment,  on  the  present  occasion, 
was  exceedingly  inflamed,  it  was  deemed  prudent  for  him  to 
withdraw.! 

Having,  at  last, « got  quit"  of  one  who  had  so  long  been 
troublesome  to  her,  Mary  was  determined  to  prevent  his  return 
to  the  capital.  The  town  council  and  inhabitants,  who  had 
formerly  refused  to  acquiesce  in  his  suspension  from  preaching 
for  a  short  time,  exerted  themselves  to  obtain  his  restoration  ; 
and  powerful  intercession  was  made  in  his  behalf  by  many  of 
the  nobility  and  gentry.  But  the  queen  was  deaf  to  all  entreat- 
ies. She  was  even  unwilling  that  he  should  find  a  refuge  with- 
in the  kingdom,  and  wrote  to  a  nobleman  in  the  west  country, 
with  whom  he  resided,  to  banish  him  from  his  house.J  It  does 
not  appear  that  he  returned  to  Edinburgh,  or,  at  least,  that  he 
resumed  his  ministry  in  it,  until  the  queen  was  deprived  of 
the  government. 

Being  banished  from  his  flock,  he  judged  this  a  favourable 
opportunity  for  paying  a  visit  to  England.  Parental  affection 
increased  the  desire  which  he  had  long  felt  to  accomplish  this 
journey.  His  two  sons  had  been  lately  sent  by  him  into  that 

*  King  James  VI.  having  found  great  fault  with  Knox  for  approving  of  the 
assassination  of  Rizzio,  one  of  the  ministers  said,  "  that  the  slaughter  of 
David  (Rizzio),  so  far  as  it  was  the  work  of  God,  was  allowed  by  Mr.  Knox, 
and  not  otherwise."  Cald.  MS.  ad.  ann.  1591.  Knox  himself  does  not, 
however,  state  this  qualification,  when  he  mentions  the  subject  incidentally. 
Historic,  86.  Robertson,  ii.  161—2. 

t  Knox,  Historic,  395.    Answer  to  Tyrie,  A.  iiij. 

|  Letter  from  Archbishop  Grindal  to  Bullinger,  17th  August  1566 : 
Strype's  Grindal,  Append.  20.  Letter  from  Bishop  Parkhurst,  written  in 
December  1566 :  Burnet's  Hist,  of  Reform,  iii.  Append.  No.  91.  In  the 
Assembly  which  met  in  June  this  year,  Craig  desired  that  "  John  Carnes, 
who  had  read  prayers  and  exhorted  four  years  and  more  in  Edinburgh,  and 
had  weill  profited,  might  be  joyned  with  him  as  colleague  in  the  kirk  of 
Edinburgh,  in  respect  he  was  alone."  Keith,  560. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  291 

kingdom,  to  reside  with  some  of  their  mother's  relations,  and  to 
obtain  their  education  in  the  English  seminaries.  Having  pro- 
cured the  safe-conduct  of  Elizabeth,  he  applied  to  the  General 
Assembly,  which  met  in  December  1566,  for  their  permission 
to  remove.  This  was  readily  granted  by  them,  upon  condition 
of  his  returning  against  the  time  of  their  next  meeting  in  June. 
The  Assembly  likewise  gave  him  a  most  ample  and  honourable 
testimonial,  in  which  they  describe  him  as  "  a  true  and  faithful 
minister,  in  doctrine  pure  and  sincere,  in  life  and  conversation 
in  our  sight  inculpable/'  and  one  who  "  has  so  fruitfully  used 
that  talent  granted  to  him  by  the  Eternal,  to  the  advancement 
of  the  glory  of  his  godly  name,  to  the  propagation  of  the  king- 
dom of  Jesus  Christ,  and  edifying  of  them  who  heard  his 
preaching,  that  of  duty  we  must  heartily  praise  His  godly  name, 
for  that  so  great  a  benefit  granted  unto  him  for  our  utility  and 
profit."* 

Knox  was  charged  with  a  letter  from  the  General  Assembly 
to  the  bishops  and  ministers  of  England,  interceding  for  lenity 
to  such  of  their  brethren  as  scrupled  to  use  the  sacerdotal  dress 
enjoined  by  the  laws.  The  controversy  on  that  subject  was  at 
this  time  carried  on  with  great  heat  among  the  English  clergy. 
It  is  not  improbable  that  the  Assembly  interfered  in  this  busi- 
aess  at  the  desire  of  Knox,  to  whom  the  composition  of  the 
letter  was  committed.!  He  could  not  have  forgotten  the  trou- 
ble which  he  had  himself  suffered  on  a  similar  ground,  and  he 
had  a  high  regard  for  many  of  the  scruplers.  This  interposi- 
tion did  not  procure  them  any  relief.  Though  the  superior 
clergy  had  been  more  zealous  to  obtain  it  than  they  were,  Eliza- 
beth was  inflexible,  and  would  listen  neither  to  the  supplications 
of  her  bishops,  nor  to  the  advice  of  her  counsellors.  Knox's  good 
opinion  of  the  English  queen  does  not  seem  to  have  been  im- 
proved by  this  visit,  f 

He  performed  one  important  piece  of  public  service  before 
undertaking  this  journey  to  England.  On  the  23d  of  Decem- 
ber, the  queen  granted  a  commission,  under  the  privy  seal,  to 
the  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews,  restoring  him  to  his  ancient 
jurisdiction,  which  had  been  abolished  in  1560,  by  act  of  par- 

*  Keith,  56. 

f  Ibid.  565,  566.  Knox,  402,  403.  Spotswood,  198,  199.  The  letter  was 
subscribed  by  "  John  Davidson,  for  James  Nicoldson,  writer  and  clarke  of 
the  church  of  Edinborough."  Strype's  Life  of  Archbishop  Parker,  Append. 
p.  88. 

{  Speaking  of  England,  he  says,  "  And  yet  is  sche  that  now  rigneth  over 
thame  nether  gude  Protestant,  nor  yet  resolute  Papist ;  let  the  world  juge 
quhilk  is  the  third."  Historic,  p.  277.  By  comparing  this  with  p.  269,  it 
appears  that  it  was  written  by  him  in  1567,  and  consequently  after  his  re- 
turn from  England. 


292  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

lia merit.*  This  step  was  taken,  partly  to  prepare  for  the  re- 
storation of  the  Popish  religion,  and  partly  to  facilitate  another 
dark  design  which  was  soon  after  disclosed.  The  Protestants 
could  not  fail  to  be  both  alarmed  and  enraged  at  this  daring 
measure.  Moved  by  his  own  zeal  no  less  than  by  the  advice 
of  his  brethren,  the  Reformer  addressed  a  circular  letter  to  the 
principal  Protestants  in  the  kingdom,  requesting  their  immediate 
advice  on  the  measures  most  proper  to  be  adopted  on  this  occa- 
sion, and  enclosing  a  copy  of  a  proposed  supplication  to  the 
queen.  This  letter  discovers  all  the  ardour  of  the  writer's  spirit, 
called  forth  by  such  an  alarming  occurrence.  After  mentioning 
the  late  acts  for  the  provision  of  the  ministry ,t  by  which  the 
queen  attempted  to  blind  them,  he  says,  "  How  that  any  such 
assignation,  or  any  promise  made  thereof,  can  stand  in  any  sta- 
ble assurance,  when  that  Roman  antichrist,  by  just  laws  once 
banished  from  this  realm,  shall  be  intrusted  above  us,  we  can 
no  ways  understand.  Yea,  farther,  we  cannot  see  what  assu- 
rance can  any  within  this  realm,  that  hath  professed  the  Lord 
Jesus,  have  of  life,  or  inheritance,  if  the  head  of  that  odious 
beast  be  cured  among  us.  As  from  the  beginning  we  have 
neither  spared  substance  nor  life,  so  mind  we  not  to  faint  unto 
the  end,  to  maintain  the  same,  so  long  as  we  can  find  the  con- 
currence of  brethren ;  of  whom  (as  God  forbid)  if  we  be  desti- 
tute, yet  we  are  determined  never  to  be  subject  to  the  Roman 
antichrist,  neither  yet  to  his  usurped  tyranny ;  but  when  we  can 
do  no  farther  to  suppress  that  odious  beast,  we  mind  to  seal  it 
with  our  blood  to  our  posterity,  that  the  bright  knowledge  of 
Jesus  Christ  hath  banished  that  Man  of  Sin,  and  his  venomous 
doctrine,  from  our  hearts  and  consciences.  Let  this  our  letter 
and  request  bear  witness  before  God,  before  his  Church,  before 
the  world,  and  before  your  own  consciences."!  The  suppli- 
cation of  the  General  Assembly  to  the  lords  of  the  privy  coun- 
cil, on  the  same  subject,  also  bears  marks  of  the  Reformer's 
pen.§ 

During  the  time  that  Knox  was  in  England,  that  tragedy,  so 
well  known  in  Scottish  history,  was  acted,  which  led  to  a  com- 
plete revolution  in  the  government  of  the  kingdom,  and,  con- 
trary to  the  designs  of  the  principal  actors,  threw  the  power 
wholly  into  the  hands  of  the  Protestants.  Mary's  affection  for 

*  Reg.  Seer.  Sig.  lib.  xxxv.  f.  99.  Laing's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  i, 
75,  76,  2d  edit.  This  historian  has  refuted  the  charges  of  forgery  which 
Whitaker  had  brought  against  Knox  and  Calderwood  on  this  head.  Ibid.  pp. 
78,  79. 

f  Keith,  pp.  561,  562.  The  occurrence  which  had  taken  place  helps  to  ex- 
plain the  coldness  with  which  the  Assembly  received  the  information  of 
these  acts  in  their  favour.  Ibid.  p.  563. 

J  Cald.  MS.  apud  Keith,  556—7.  $  Ibid.  567—8. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX.  293 

her  husband,  which  had  cooled  soon  after  their  marriage,  was, 
from  the  time  of  Rizzio's  assassination,  converted  into  a  fixed 
hatred,  which  she  was  at  little  pains  to  conceal.  The  birth  of 
an  heir  to  the  crown  produced  no  reconciliation  between  the 
royal  parents ;  the  king  was  not  allowed  to  be  present  at  the 
baptism  of  his  own  son,  and  was  treated  with  such  marked  dis- 
respect, even  by  the  servants,  that  he  abandoned  the  court,  and 
shut  himself  up  in  his  father's  house.  In  proportion  as  the 
queen's  mind  was  alienated  from  her  husband,  the  unprincipled 
Earl  of  Bothwell  grew  in  her  favour.  He  engrossed  the  whole 
management  of  public  affairs,  was  loaded  with  honours,  and 
treated  by  her  majesty  with  every  mark  of  personal  regard  and 
affection.  In  these  circumstances,  the  neglected,  unhappy  king, 
was  decoyed  to  Edinburgh,  lodged  in  a  solitary  dwelling  at  the 
extremity  of  the  city,  and  murdered  on  the  morning  of  the  10th 
of  February  1567 ;  the  house  in  which  he  lay  being  blown  up 
with  gunpowder. 

It  would  be  unsuitable  to  the  nature  of  the  present  work  to 
enter  into  the  controversy  respecting  the  authors  of  this  mur- 
der, which  has  been  agitated  with  uncommon  keenness  from 
that  day  to  the  present  time.  The  accusation  of  the  Earl  of 
Murray  as  a  party  to  the  deed,  is  destitute  of  all  proof,  and 
utterly  incredible.  It  was  at  first  circulated  with  the  evident  de- 
sign of  turning  away  the  public  mind  from  the  real  perpetra- 
tors ;  it  was  insinuated,  and  afterwards  directly  brought  forward, 
in  the  conferences  at  York  and  Westminster,  as  a  retaliation 
upon  him  for  the  charge  which  he  exhibited  against  the  queen; 
and  it  is  now  kept  up  only  by  the  most  blind  and  bigoted  of  her 
partisans.  That  Bothwell  was  the  prime  contriver  and  agent 
in  the  murder,  cannot  admit  of  a  doubt  with  any  impartial  and 
judicious  inquirer.  And  that  Mary  was  privy  to  the  design, 
and  accessory  to  its  execution  by  permission  and  approbation, 
there  is,  I  think,  all  the  evidence,  moral  and  legal,  which  could 
reasonably  be  expected  in  a  case  of  this  kind.  The  whole  of 
her  behaviour  towards  the  king,  from  the  time  that  she  brought 
him  from  Glasgow  till  she  left  him  on  the  fatal  night ;  the  re- 
missness  which  she  discovered  in  inquiring  into  the  murder ;  the 
shameful  manner  in  which  she  suffered  the  farce  of  Bothwell 's 
trial  to  be  conducted ;  the  glaring  act  (which  struck  the  whole 
of  Europe,  and  even  her  own  friends,  with  horror)  of  taking  to 
her  bed,  with  indecent  haste,  the  man  who  was  stigmatized  as 
the  murderer  of  her  husband ;  and  the  manner  in  which  she 
refused  to  defend  herself,  and  broke  off  the  conference  to  which 
she  had  agreed,  as  soon  as  the  charge  of  accession  to  the  mur- 
der was  brought  against  her, — afford  the  strongest  presumptions 
of  her  guilt ;  and,  when  taken  in  connexion  with  the  direct  ev- 
idence arising  from  letters  and  depositions,  would  have  been 
25* 


294  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

sufficient  long  ago  to  shut  the  mouths  of  any  but  the  defenders 
of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots.* 

Knox  was  absent  from  Edinburgh  at  the  time  of  the  queen's 
marriage  with  Bothwell ;  but  his  colleague  ably  supported  the 
honour  of  his  place  and  order  on  that  occasion,  when  the  whole 
nobility  of  Scotland  preserved  a  passive  and  disgraceful  silence. 
Being  required  by  both  the  parties  to  publish  the  banns,  Craig 
reluctantly  complied,  after  taking  the  advice  of  his  session ;  but, 
at  the  same  time,  he  protested  from  the  pulpit,  on  three  several 
days,  and  took  heaven  and  earth  to  witness,  that  he  abhorred 
and  detested  the  intended  marriage  as  unlawful  and  scandalous, 
and  solemnly  charged  the  nobility  to  use  their  influence  to  pre- 
vent the  queen  from  taking  a  step,  which  would  inevitably  cover 
her  with  infamy,  and  involve  her  in  ruin.  Being  called  before 
the  council,  and  accused  of  having  exceeded  the  bounds  of  his 
commission,  he  boldly  replied,  that  the  bounds  of  his  commis- 
sion were  the  word  of  God,  good  laws,  and  natural  reason,  to 
all  of  which  the  proposed  marriage  was  contrary.  And  Both- 
well  being  present  he  charged  him  with  the  crime  of  adultery, 
the  precipitancy  with  which  the  process  of  divorce  had  been 
carried  through,  and  the  suspicions  entertained  of  collusion 
between  him  and  his  wife,  of  his  having  murdered  the  king, 
and  ravished  the  queen,  all  of  which  would  be  confirmed  if 
they  carried  their  purpose  into  execution. t 

The  events  which  followed  in  rapid  succession  upon  this  in- 
famous marriage — the  confederation  of  the  nobility  for  reveng- 
ing the  king's  death,  and  preserving  the  person  of  the  infant 
prince ;  the  flight  of  Bothwell ;  the  surrender  and  imprison- 
ment of  Mary ;  her  resignation  of  the  government ;  the  coro- 
nation of  her  son ;  and  the  appointment  of  the  Earl  of  Murray 

*  Those  who  wish  to  see  the  proof  of  these  assertions,  may  consult  Mr. 
Hume's  History  of  the  period,  with  the  Notes;  Dr.  Robertson's,  with  his 
Dissertation ;  and  especially  Mr.  Laing's  Dissertation  on  the  subject.  This 
last  writer  has  examined  the  point  with  great  calmness,  accuracy,  and  acute- 
ness,  has  established  the  genuineness  of  the  letters  to  Bothwell,  and  cleared 
the  whole  evidence  from  the  objections  and  cavils  of  the  fantastical  Whita- 
ker,  a  late  author,  who  has  equalled  any  of  his  predecessors  in  prejudice,  and 
exceeded  all  of  them  in  the  illiberal  and  virulent  abuse  with  which  he  has 
treated  the  most  respectable  of  his  opponents.  The  principal  writers  who  in 
modern  times  have  undertaken  the  defence  of  Mary,  are  Goodall,  Tytler, 
Stuart,  and  Whitaker. 

t  Buik  of  the  Universal  Kirk,  pp.  85,  87,  103.  Anderson's  Collections,  ii. 
278—283.  Knox,  405,  408.  Spotswood,  202,  203.  Craig  gave  in  a  narra- 
tive and  defence  of  his  conduct  to  the  General  Assembly,  30th  Dec.  1567 ; 
but  it  was  not  until  the  6th  July  1569,  that  the  Assembly  overtook  the  for- 
mal consideration  of  that  affair,  when  they  declared  that  "  he  had  done  the 
dewtie  of  a  faith  full  minister." 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  295 

as  regent  during  his  minority,  are  all  well  known  to  the  readers 
of  Scottish  history. 

Knox  seems  to  have  returned  to  his  charge  at  the  time  that 
the  queen  fled  with  Bothwell  to  Dunbar.  He  was  present  in 
the  General  Assembly  which  met  at  Edinburgh  on  the  25th  of 
June,  and  was  delegated  by  them  to  go  to  the  west  country,  and 
endeavour  to  persuade  the  Hamiltons,  and  others  who  stood 
aloof  from  the  confederated  lords  to  join  with  them  in  settling 
the  distracted  affairs  of  the  country,  and  to  attend  a  general 
convention  of  the  delegates  of  the  churches,  to  be  held  on  the 
20th  of  July  following.*  In  this  negotiation  he  was  unsuccess- 
ful. But  the  convention  was  held,  and  the  nobles,  barons,  and 
commissioners  of  boroughs,  who  were  present,  subscribed  a 
number  of  important  articles,  with  reference  to  religion  and  the 
state  of  the  nation.! 

On  the  29th  of  July  1567,  the  Reformer  preached  the  sermon 
at  the  coronation  of  James  VI.  in  the  parish  church  of  Stir- 
ling.:]: He  objected  to  the  ceremony  of  unction,  as  a  Jewish 
rite  abused  under  the  Papacy ;  but  it  was  deemed  inexpedient, 
on  the  present  occasion,  to  depart  from  the  accustomed  ceremo- 
nial. It  was  therefore  performed  by  the  bishop  of  Orkney; 
the  superintendents  of  Lothian  and  Angus  assisting  him  to  place 
the  crown  on  the  king's  head.§  After  the  coronation,  Kriox, 
along  with  some  others,  took  instruments,  and  craved  extracts 
of  the  proceedings.  || 

When  the  queen  was  confined  by  the  lords  in  the  castle  of 
Loch!  even,  they  had  not  resolved  in  what  manner  they  should 
dispose  of  her  person  for  the  future.  Some  proposed  that  she 
should  be  allowed  to  leave  the  kingdom ;  some  that  she  should 
be  imprisoned  during  life  ;  while  others  insisted  that  she  ought 
to  be  capitally  arraigned.  Of  this  last  opinion  was  Knox,  with 
almost  all  the  ministers,  and  the  great  body  of  the  people. 

*  Keith,  574,  577.    Knox,  410. 

f  Keith,  581—583.    Knox,  411.     Spotswood,  209,  210. 
|  Knox,  412.     Buchanan  calls  it  luculentam  concionem.    Hist.  lib.  xviii. 
Oper.  torn.  i.  p.  366. 

§  Cald.  MS.  ii.  67,  68.  Anderson's  Collections,  ii.  249.  One  author  says 
that  Knox  was  employed  in  putting  the  crown  on  the  king's  head.  "  Diade- 
ma  Joannis  Knoxii  manibus  capiti  regio  impositum."  Archibaldus  Simso- 
nus,  Annales  Eccles.  Scotican.  p.  9.  MS.  in  the  possession  of  Thomas 
Thomson,  Esq. 

||  Keith,  439.  Keith  expresses  his  surprise  at  Knox's  taking  instruments 
in  the  name  of  the  estates,  as  he  "  could  properly  belong  to  no  estate  at  all." 
Hist.  p.  440.  But  the  record  does  not  say  that  he  took  instruments  in  the 
name  of  the  estates.  It  is  evident  that  he  acted  in  the  name  of  the  Church, 
which  was  considered  as  having  an  interest  in  the  transaction,  as,  by  one 
clause  of  the  coronation  oath,  the  king  engaged  to  maintain  the  reformed 
religion,  and  the  privileges  of  the  Protestant  Church.  Ibid.  p.  438. 


296  LIFE    OF  JOHN    KNOX. 

The  chief  ground  upon  which  they  insisted  for  this,  was  not 
her  maladministration  in  the  government,  or  the  mere  safety 
and  peace  of  the  commonwealth ;  which  were  the  reasons  upon 
which  the  parliament  of  England,  in  the  following  century, 
proceeded  to  the  execution  of  her  grandson.  But  they  founded 
their  opinion  upon  the  personal  crimes  with  which  Mary  was 
charged.  Murder  and  adultery,  they  reasoned,  were  crimes  to 
which  the  punishment  of  death  was  allotted  by  the  law  of  God 
and  of  nations.  From  this  penalty  persons  of  no  rank  could 
plead  exception.  The  ordinary  forms  of  judicial  procedure 
made  no  provision  for  the  trial  of  a  supreme  magistrate,  be- 
cause the  laws  did  not  suppose  that  such  enormous  crimes  could 
be  committed  by  him;  but  extraordinary  cases  required  ex- 
traordinary remedies,  and  new  offences  gave  birth  to  new  laws. 
There  are  examples  in  Scripture  of  the  capital  punishment 
of  princes,  nor  are  precedents  of  it  wanting  in  the  history  of 
Scotland.* 

Upon  these  grounds,  Knox  scrupled  not  publicly  to  maintain, 
that  the  estates  of  the  kingdom  ought  to  bring  Mary  to  a  trial ; 
and,  if  she  was  found  guilty  of  the  murder  of  her  husband,  and 
an  adulterous  connection  with  Bothwell,  that  she  ought  to  be 
put  to  death.  Throkmorton,  the  English  ambassador,  held  a 
conference  with  him,  with  the  view  of  mitigating  the  rigour  of 
this  judgment;  but  though  he  acquiesced  in  the  resolution 
adopted  by  the  nobility  to  detain  her  in  prison,  he  retained  his 
own  sentiments,  and,  after  the  civil  war  was  kindled  by  her 
escape  from  confinement,  repeatedly  said,  that  he  considered  the 
nation  as  suffering  for  their  criminal  lenity.t 

Though  the  Earl  of  Murray,  after  his  return  from  banish- 
ment, had  been  pardoned,  and  re-admitted  to  his  place  in  the 
privy  council,  he  did  not  regain  the  confidence  of  her  majesty. 
Perceiving  the  ruinous  tendency  of  the  course  on  which  she 
was  bent,  and  despairing  of  being  able  to  prevent  it  by  his  ad- 
vice, he  declined  taking  any  active  part  in  the  management  of 
public  affairs,  and  appeared  very  seldom  at  court,  Soon  after 
the  king  was  murdered,  he  obtained  liberty  to  leave  the  king- 
dom, and  retired  to  France,  where  he  remained  till  recalled  by 
a  message  from  the  confederated  lords,  after  Mary  had  sub- 
scribed the  instruments  by  which  she  resigned  the  crown,  and 
appointed  him  regent  during  the  minority  of  her  son.  Having 
arrived  in  Scotland,  he  was  formally  invested  with  the  regency, 
on  the  22d  of  August  1567.  No  sooner  was  he  confirmed  in 
the  government,  than  he  exerted  himself  with  great  zeal  and 

*  Keith,  421, 422, 423.  Throkmorton's  Letters,  14th  and  18th  July.  Rob- 
ertson, Append.  No.  21.  "  The  women,"  says  the  ambassador,  "  be  most 
furious  and  impudent  against  the  queen,  and  yet  the  men  be  mad  enough." 

t  CaW.  MS.  ii.  73.     Bannatyne's  Journal,  p.  113. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  297 

prudence  to  secure  the  peace  of  the  kingdom,  and  settle  the 
affairs  of  the  Church.  A  parliament  being  summoned  to  meet 
in  the  middle  of  December,  he,  with  the  advice  of  the  privy 
council,  previously  nominated  certain  barons,  and  commission- 
ers of  boroughs,  to  consult  upon  and  digest  such  overtures  as 
were  proper  to  be  laid  before  that  assembly.  With  these  he 
joined  Knox,  and  four  other  ministers,  to  assist  in  matters 
which  related  to  the  Church.  This  committee  met  in  the  be- 
ginning of  December,  and  sat  until  the  opening  of  the  parlia- 
ment. The  record  of  their  proceedings,  both  as  to  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  affairs,  has  been  preserved  ;  and,  as  many  of  their 
propositions  were  not  adopted  by  the  parliament,  it  is  valuable 
as  a  declaration  of  the  sentiments  of  a  number  of  the  most  able 
men  in  the  kingdom.* 

On  the  1 5th  of  December,  Knox  preached  at  the  opening  of 
the  parliament,  and  exhorted  them  to  begin  with  the  affairs  of 
religion,  in  which  case  they  would  find  better  success  in  their 
other  business.  The  parliament  ratified  all  the  acts  which  had 
been  passed  in  1560,  in  favour  of  the  Protestant  religion  and 
against  Popery.  New  statutes  of  a  similar  kind  were  added. 
It  was  provided,  that  no  prince  should  afterwards  be  admitted 
to  the  exercise  of  authority  in  the  kingdom,  without  taking  an 
oath  to  maintain  the  Protestant  religion  ;  and  that  none  but 
Protestants  should  be  admitted  to  any  office,  with  the  exception 
of  those  that  were  hereditary  or  held  for  life.  The  ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction,  exercised  by  the  assemblies  of  the  Church,  was 
formally  ratified,  and  commissioners  appointed  to  define  more 
exactly  the  causes  which  came  within  the  sphere  of  their  judg- 
ment. The  thirds  of  benefices  were-  appointed  to  be  paid  at 
first  hand  to  collectors  nominated  by  the  Church,  who,  after 
paying  the  stipends  of  the  ministers,  were  to  account  to  the  ex- 
chequer for  the  surplus.  And  the  funds  of  provostries,  pre- 
bendaries, and  chaplainries,  were  appropriated  to  maintain  bur- 
sars in  colleges.! 

In  the  act  ratifying  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Church,  Knox  was 
appointed  one  of  the  commissioners  for  drawing  out  the  parti- 
cular points  which  pertained  to  ecclesiastical  judgment,  to  be 
presented  to  next  meeting  of  parliament.  The  General  Assem- 
bly, which  met  about  the  same  time,  gave  him  a  commission, 
along  with  some  others,  to  act  for  them  in  this  matter,  and,  in 
general,  to  consult  with  the  regent  and  council  on  such  ecclesi- 
astical questions  as  might  occur  after  their  dissolution.  He  was 
also  appointed  to  assist  the  superintendent  of  Lothian  in  his 


*  See  Note  KKK. 

t  Act.  Parl.  Scot.  iii.  pp.  14—25.     Cald.  MS.  ad  ann.  1567. 

N2 


298  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

visitation,  and  afterward  to  visit  the  churches  in  Kyle,  Carrick, 
and  Cunningham.* 

During  the  regency  of  Murray  there  were  no  jars  between 
the  Church  and  the  Court,  nor  any  of  those  unpleasant  com- 
plaints which  had  been  made  at  every  meeting  of  the  General 
Assembly  before  that  period,  and  which  were  renewed  under 
the  succeeding  regents.t  All  the  grievances  of  which  they 
complained  were  not,  indeed,  redressed ;  and  the  provision  made 
by  law  was  still  inadequate  for  the  support  of  such  an  ecclesias- 
tical establishment  as  the  nation  required,  including  the  semina- 
ries of  education.  But  the  regent  not  only  received  the  ad- 
dresses of  the  General  Assemblies  in  a  "  manner  very  different 
from  that  to  which  they  had  been  accustomed  ;"  but  shewed  a 
disposition  to  grant  their  petitions,  whenever  it  was  in  his 
power.  It  was  chiefly  through  his  influence  that  the  favour- 
able arrangement  concerning  the  thirds  of  benefices  was  made  ; 
and  he  endeavoured,  though  unsuccessfully,  to  obtain  the  con- 
sent of  parliament  to  the  dissolution  of  the  prelacies,  and  the 
appropriation  of  their  revenues  to  the  common  fund  of  the 
Church.:j: 

Our  Reformer  had  now  reached  the  point  from  which 
he  could  take  a  calm  and  deliberate  view  of  the  bustling  scene 
through  which  he  had  passed,  and  of  the  arduous  struggle 
which  he  had  been  so  long  engaged  in,  and  had  at  length 
brought  to  a  happy  termination.  Papal  superstition  and 
tyranny  were  suppressed  and  abolished  by  law ;  the  Protestant 
religion  was  established ;  the  supreme  government  of  the  na- 
tion was  in  the  hands  of  one  in  whose  wisdom  and  integrity  he 
had  the  greatest  confidence  ;  the  Church  was  freed  from  many 
of  those  grievances  under  which  she  had  hitherto  groaned,  and 
enjoyed  the  prospect  of  obtaining  the  redress  of  such  as  still  re- 

*  Cald.  ut  supra.    Keith,  585,  586. 

f  Dr.  Robertson  says,  that  the  regulation  respecting  the  thirds,  made  by 
the  parliament  in  December  1567,  did  not  produce  any  considerable  change  in 
the  situation  of  the  clergy,  and  speaks  of  them  as  still  "  groaning  under  ex- 
treme poverty,  unable  to  obtain  any  thing  but  fair  words  and  liberal  pro- 
mises." History  of  Scotland,  ii.  250,  312.  London,  1809.  But  the  law 
which  gave  power  to  the  collectors  appointed  by  the  Church  to  uplift  the 
thirds,  and  to  pay  the  stipends,  before  any  thing  was  allowed  to  the  court, 
was  certainly  a  very  considerable  benefit.  The  Church  herself  viewed  it  in 
this  light.  Calderwood  says,  that  "  the  ministers  were  now  refreshed  with 
the  allowance  made  by  last  parliament."  MS.  ad  ann.  1567.  And  the 
Assembly,  in  their  letter  inviting  Willock  to  return  from  England,  express- 
ly say,  "  Our  enemies,  praised  be  God,  are  dashed ;  religion  established ; 
sufficient  provision  made  for  ministers,"  &c.  Keith,  590.  The  account 
which  I  have  given  in  the  text  is,  I  think,  supported  by  the  register  of  the 
five  General  Assemblies  which  were  held  during  the  regency  of  Murray. 

|  Letter  from  the  Regent  to  the  General  Assembly,  ult.  June,  1569,  in 
Appendix.  Buik  of  Universal  Kirk,  pp.  45 — 47. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  299 

rnained.  The  work  on  which  his  heart  had  been  so  ardently- 
set  for  such  a  long  period,  and  for  the  success  of  which  he  had 
so  often  trembled,  had  prospered  beyond  his  utmost  expectation. 
He  now  congratulated  himself  on  the  prospect  of  being  released 
from  all  burden  of  public  affairs,  and  of  spending  the  remainder 
of  his  days  in  religious  meditations,  and  in  preparation  for  that 
event  of  whose  near  approach  he  was  daily  admonished  by  the 
increasing  infirmities  of  his  body.*  He  even  secretly  cherished 
the  wish  of  resigning  his  charge  in  Edinburgh,  and  of  retiring 
to  that  privacy  from  which  he  had  been  drawn  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  Scottish  Reformation.  Speaking  of  the 
congregation  of  which  he  had  been  pastor  at  Geneva,  he  says, 
in  one  of  his  confidential  letters,  "  God  comfort  that  dispersed 
little  flock,  among  whom  I  lived  with  quietness  of  conscience 
and  contentment  of  heart;  and  amongst  whom  I  would  be 
content  to  end  my  days,  if  so  it  might  stand  with  God's  good 
pleasure.  For,  seeing  it  hath  pleased  his  majesty,  above  all 
men's  expectations,  to  prosper  the  work  for  the  performing 
whereof  I  left  that  company,  I  would  even  as  gladly  return 
to  them,  if  they  stood  in  need  of  my  labours,  as  ever  I  was 
glad  to  be  delivered  from  the  rage  of  mine  enemies.  I  can  give 
you  no  reason  that  I  should  so  desire,  other  than  that  my  heart  so 
thirsteth."t 

But  "  the  way  of  man  is  not  in  himself."  Providence  had 
allotted  him  further  trials  of  a  public  nature  ;  he  was  yet  to  see 
the  security  of  the  reformed  religion  endangered,  and  the  coun- 
try involved  in  another  civil  war,  even  more  distressing  than  the 
former,  inasmuch  as  the  principal  persons  on  both  sides  were 
professed  Protestants. 

From  the  time  that  the  queen  was  imprisoned,  and  the  go- 
vernment transferred  to  the  young  prince  under  the  regency  of 
Murray,  a  considerable  number  of  the  nobility  had  withheld 
their  approbation  of  these  proceedings.  The  Popish  party 
were  decidedly  attached  to  Mary,  and  inimical  to  a  revolution, 
which  crushed  the  hopes  which  they  had  all  along  cherished  of 
accomplishing  the  restoration  of  the  ancient  religion.  Others, 
though  professed  Protestants,  were  induced  by  various  motives 
to  oppose  the  new  government.  Argyle  was  at  this  time  alien- 
ated from  Murray  by  a  family  quarrel.^  The  house  of  Hamil- 
ton followed  that  line  of  narrow  and  interested  policy  which 
they  had  adopted  on  former  occasions  of  a  similar  kind.  They 
were  jealous  lest  th,e  late  settlement  of  the  crown  should  in- 
validate the  right  of  their  chief,  the  Duke  of  Chastelherault,  to 

*  Cald.  MS.  ii.  108.  j 

f  Letter  to  John  Wood,  14th  of  February,  1568  ;  Cald.  MS.  ii.  91.  [ 

|  Throkmorton  to  Elizabeth,  22d  August  1567 :  Keith,  450. 


300  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

the  succession;  and  they  were  offended  that  the  regency 
which  they  considered  as  due  to  him,  should  have  been  con- 
ferred on  Murray.*  No  governor  can  gratify  the  expectations 
of  all ;  and  some  of  those  who  were  early  friends  of  the  regent, 
or  had  contributed  to  his  advancement,  thought  that  they  were 
not  sufficiently  rewarded.  The  very  means  which  he  found  it 
necessary  to  employ,  to  restore  tranquillity  and  order  to  the 
kingdom,  created  him  enemies.  During  the  late  confusions, 
many  parts  of  the  country  had  fallen  into  a  state  of  anarchy ; 
and  the  northern  counties  and  the  borders  presented  nothing  but 
scenes  of  rapine  and  bloodshed.  It  was  impossible  to  repress 
these  disorders  without  making  severe  examples  of  the  most 
guilty ;  and  the  turbulent  and  licentious  naturally  sought  the 
overthrow  of  a  government  by  which  they  felt  themselves 
overawed  and  restrained.!  But  the  abilities  of  the  regent 
enabled  him  to  overcome  these  difficulties ;  and  he  was  daily 
receiving  submissions  from  the  most  powerful  of  the  opposite 
party,  when,  on  the  2d  of  May  1568,  the  queen  escaped  from 
her  confinement  in  Lochleven.  The  discontented  nobles  im- 
mediately joined  her  standard,  and,  having  mustered  a  large 
force,  avowed  their  determination  to  restore  her  to  the  exercise 
of  that  authority  which  she  had  renounced  by  constraint.  This 
formidable  insurrection  was  defeated  by  the  promptitude  of 
the  regent ;  and,  in  consequence  of  the  battle  of  Langside, 
Mary  was  driven  into  England,  and  her  party  broken.  Eliza- 
beth having  procured  herself  to  be  chosen  umpire  between  the 
two  parties,  the  conferences  were  protracted  during  so  long  a 
period,  and  the  conduct  of  the  English  court  was  so  equivocal 
and  contradictory,  that  the  friends  of  Mary  were  encouraged  to 
renew  their  attempts  to  restore  her  by  force  of  arms.  But  al- 
though the  Duke  of  Chastelherault  returned  from  France  with  a 
large  sum  of  money  contributed  by  the  Popish  princes,  and  came 
into  Scotland  in  the  character  of  lieutenant  of  the  queen,:}:  the 
regent,  by  his  vigilance,  and  his  vigorous  measures,  prevented 

*  Throkmorton's  letters  of  14th,  16th,  18th,  and  19th  July  1567;  Robert- 
son, Append.  No.  21.  Laing,  ii.  Appen.  No.  31,  p.  125.  Keith,  p.  423. 
The  protestation  taken  at  the  coronation  of  James  VI.  by  Arthur  Hamilton 
of  Meriton,  in  the  name  of  the  duke,  is  confined  to  the  point  of  his  succession 
to  the  crown,  and  does  not  allude,  in  the  slightest  degree,  to  the  right  of  the 
queen.  Keith,  437.  Of  the  same  strain  was  the  protest  which  was  intend- 
ed to  have  been  made  at  the  parliament  held  in  December  1567 ;  a  copy  of 
which,  and  a  minute  of  a  conversation  on  the  subject  between  the  regent  and 
Arthur  Hamilton,  are  preserved  among  the  Hamilton  MSS. 

f  Buchanan,  Oper.  i.  346.     Keith,  407. 

|  Spotswood,  216.  Letter,  Knox  to  Wood,  10th  September  1568,  pub- 
lished in  the  Appendix. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  301 

any  insurrection,  and  preserved  the  kingdom  in  obedience  to  the 
young  king's  authority. 

Despairing  to  accomplish  their  darling  object  during  his  life, 
the  partisans  of  Mary  resolved  to  cut  off  Murray  by  private 
means.  During  the  year  1568,  two  persons  were  employed 
to  assassinate  him ;  but  the  design  was  discovered  and  pre- 
vented.* This  did  not  hinder  new  machinations.  Hamilton 
of  Bothwellhaugh,  a  nephew  of  the  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews, 
undertook  to  perpetrate  the  deed.  He  was  one  of  the  prison- 
ers taken  at  the  battle  of  Langside ;  but,  after  being  arraigned, 
condemned,  and  brought  out  to  execution,  he  had  his  life  given 
him  by  the  regent,  and  was  soon  after  set  at  liberty  along  with 
the  other  prisoners.t  It  is  said  that  he  was  actuated  by  re- 
venge, on  account  of  an  injury  which  he  had  received,  by  de- 
taining one  of  his  forfeited  estates,  or  by  the  cruel  manner  in 
which  his  wife  had  been  dispossessed  of  it.$  Whether  this  was 
really  the  case,  or  whether  it  was  afterwards  alleged  to  diminish 
the  odium  of  his  crime,  and  turn  it  away  from  his  party,  can- 
not perhaps  be  now  certainly  determined.  But  it  does  not  ap- 
pear that  any  part  of  the  regent's  conduct  towards  him  was 
such  as  to  afford  the  slightest  alleviation  of  a  crime,  in  the 
commission  of  which  he  burst  the  ties  of  gratitude,  as  well  as 
of  humanity  and  justice.  On  the  other  hand,  there  is  ample 
proof  that  he  was  incited  to  make  the  attempt  by  the  political 
party  with  which  he  was  connected.  §  Having  formed  his  res- 

*  The  Hist,  of  James  the  Sext,  p.  48.  Birrel's  Diary,  17  in  Dalyell's 
Fragments  of  Scottish  History.  Laing,  ii.  269.  See  also  Letter,  Knox  to 
Wood,  10th  September  1568,  ut  supra. 

t  Hist,  of  King  James  the  Sext,  pp.  43,  63. 

\  This  story  is  related  in  very  different  ways.  One  account  makes  the 
revenge  to  turn  solely  upon  the  treatment  of  his  wife,  who,  expecting  to  be 
allowed  to  remain  in  her  house  of  Woodislie,  was  "  uncourtouslie  and  un- 
mercifullie  put  thairfra,  all  her  gudis  tane  fra  hir,  and  schoe  left  stark  naked. 
The  gentilwoman,  quhat  for  grief  of  mynd  and  exceeding  cald,  that  schoe 
had  then  contractit,  conceaved  sic  madness  as  was  almost  incredible."  His- 
toric of  King  James  the  Sext,  p.  74.  Spotswood's  account  is  different.  He 
says,  that  Bothwellhaugh  had  redeemed  his  life  by  yielding  up  the  lands  of 
Woodhouselie,  which  were  given  to  the  Justice-Clerk,  and  he  refusing  to 
part  with  them,  Bothwellhaugh  "  made  his  quarrel  to  the  regent  \i.  e.  re- 
venged himself  upon  the  regent],  who  was  most  innocent,  and  had  restored 
him  to  life  and  liberty."  Spotsw.  Hist.  233.  Crawfurd,  in  his  Memoirs  of 
the  affairs  of  Scotland,  p.  140, 1st  edit,  says,  that  "  Murray  sent  some  officers 
to  take  possession  of  the  house,  who  not  only  turned  the  gentlewoman  out 
of  doors,  but,"  &c.  This  is  the  authority  which  has  been  relied  upon  by  all 
those  writers  who  have  charged  the  regent  with  cruelty  in  this  transaction ; 
yet  it  is  now  discovered  that  the  interpolation  of  Murray's  name  in  this 
place  is  one  of  those  forgeries  by  which  that  work  is  disgraced  from  begin- 
ning to  end.  Hist,  of  King  James  the  Sext,  preface,  and  p.  74. 

\  This  is  clear  from  many  considerations.  Within  a  few  days  after  the 
26 


302  LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX. 

olution,  he  deliberately  followed  the  regent  in  his  progress  to 
Glasgow,  Stirling,  and  Linlithgow  ;  and,  finding  an  opportunity 
in  the  last  of  these  places,  shot  him  through  the  body  with  a 
musket-ball.  The  wound  proved  mortal,  and  the  regent  died 
the  same  evening.  While  some  of  his  friends,  who  stood  round 
his  bed,  lamented  the  excessive  lenity  which  he  had  shown  to 
his  enemies,  and  particularly  to  his  murderer,  he  replied,  with 
a  noble  and  Christian  spirit,  that  nothing  would  ever  make  him 
repent  of  an  act  of  clemency.* 

The  consternation  which  is  usually  produced  by  the  fall  of 
a  distinguished  leader,  was  absorbed  in  the  deep  distress  which 
the  tidings  of  the  regent's  murder  spread  through  the  nation. 
The  common  people,  who  had  experienced  the  beneficial  effects 
of  his  short  administration,  to  a  degree  altogether  unprecedent- 
ed in  the  country,  felt  as  if  each  had  lost  a  father,  and  loudly 
demanded  vengeance  upon  the  authors  of  the  parricide. 
Many  who  had  envied  or  hated  him  during  his  life,  were  now 
forward  to  do  justice  to  his  virtues.  Those  who  had  not  been 
able  to  conceal  their  satisfaction  on  the  first  intelligence  of  his 
death,  became  ashamed  of  the  indecent  exultation  which  they 
had  so  imprudently  expressed.  The  Hamiltons  were  anxious 
to  clear  themselves  from  the  imputation  of  a  crime  which  they 
saw  to  be  universally  detested.  They  dismissed  the  murderer, 
who  was  glad  to  escape  from  ignominy  by  condemning  him- 
self to  perpetual  banishment.  The  only  one  of  his  crimes  for 
which  the  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews  afterwards  expressed 
contrition  before  his  execution,  was  his  accession  to  the  mur- 
der of  the  regent.t  Nor  were  these  feelings  confined  to  Scot- 
land; the  sensation  was  general  through  England,  and  the 
expressions  of  grief  and  condolence  from  that  country  evin- 
ced the  uncommon  esteem  in  which  he  was  held  by  all 
ranks. 

regent's  assassination,  his  secretary,  Mr.  John  Wood,  was  murdered  in  Fife. 
Anderson's  Col.  iii.  84.  The  house  in  which  Bothwellhaugh  concealed  him- 
self, while  he  committed  the  murder,  belonged  to  the  Archbishop  of  St.  An- 
drews, who  acknowledged  that  he  was  privy  and  accessory  to  the  deed. 
Historic  of  King  James  the  Sext,  p.  117.  The  horse  on  which  the  mur- 
derer escaped  belonged  to  John  Hamilton,  Abbot  of  Arbroath,  one  of  the 
duke's  sons.  Cald.  ad  ann.  1570.  He  rode  immediately  to  Hamilton, 
where  he  was  "  received  with  great  applause."  Ibid.  Nay,  grounds  are 
not  wanting  for  strong  suspicion,  that  Maitland,  and  even  Kircaldy  of  Grange, 
who  had  long  been  the  bosom  friend  of  the  regent,  was  acquainted  with 
the  conspiracy  against  his  life.  Ibid.  Bannatyne's  Journal,  p.  429.  Bu- 
chan.  i.  384. 

*  Cald.  ut  supra.    Buchanani  Oper.  i.  385.     Spotswood,  233. 

f  Bannatyne,  p.  121.  "  To  the  thrid  head"  (his  participation  in  the  mur- 
der of  the  regent)  the  archbishop  "  answerit  thus :  That  he  not  only  knew 
thairof,  and  wald  not  stopp  it,  bot  rather  furtherit  the  deed  thairof,  quhilk  he 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  303 

It  was  the  happiness  of  the  regent,  that,  in  his  youth,  he 
fell  into  the  company  of  men,  who  cultivated  his  vigorous  un- 
derstanding, gave  a  proper  direction  to  his  activity,  and  instil- 
led into  his  mind  the  principles  of  religion  and  virtue.  His 
early  adoption  of  the  reformed  sentiments,  the  steadiness  with 
which  he  adhered  to  them,  the  uniform  correctness  of  his  mor- 
als, his  integrity,  sagacity,  and  enterprising  but  cool  courage, 
soon  placed  him  in  the  first  rank  among  those  who  embarked 
in  the  struggle  for  the  reformation  of  religion,  and  the  main- 
tenance of  national  liberties,  and  secured  to  him  their  cordial 
and  unbounded  confidence.  The  honours  which  Mary  confer- 
red on  him  were  not  too  great  for  the  services  which  he  per- 
formed; and  had  she  continued  to  act  by  his  advice,  those 
measures  would  have  been  avoided  which  brought  on  her  ruin. 
He  was  repeatedly  placed  in  a  situation  which  would  have 
tempted  the  ambition  of  persons  possessed  of  far  inferior  abili- 
ties; yet  he  shewed  no  disposition  to  grasp  at  the  supreme 
authority.  When  he  accepted  the  regency,  it  was  in  compli- 
ance with  the  decided  and  uncorrupted  choice  of  the  acting 
majority  in  the  kingdom,  pointing  him  out  as  the  person  for 
occupying  that  high  station;  and  his  conduct,  in  one  of  the 
most  delicate  and  embarrassing  situations  in  which  a  governor 
was  ever  placed,  shewed  that  his  countrymen  were  not  mista- 
ken in  their  choice.  He  united,  in  no  ordinary  degree,  those 
qualities,  which  are  rarely  combined  in  the  same  individual,  and 
which  form  the  character  of  an  accomplished  prince.  Excel- 
ling equally  in  the  arts  of  war  and  peace,  he  reduced  the  coun- 
try to  obedience  by  his  military  skill  and  valour,  and  preserved 
it  in  a  state  of  tranquillity  and  order  by  the  wise  and  impartial 
administration  of  justice.  Successful  in  all  his  warlike  enter- 
prises, he  never  once  tarnished  the  laurels  of  victory  by  cruelty 
or  unnecessary  rigour  to  the  vanquished.  He  knew  how  to 
maintain  the  authority  of  the  laws,  and  to  bridle  the  licentious, 
by  salutary  severity,  and  at  the  same  time  to  temper  the  rigour 
of  justice  by  the  interposition  of  mercy.  He  used  to  sit  person- 
ally in  the  courts  of  judicature,  and  exerted  himself  to  obtain 
for  all  the  subjects  an  easy  and  expeditious  decision  of  litigated 

repentit,  and  askit  God  mercie  for  the  same."  Hist,  of  James  the  Sext,  p. 
117.  "  Jhon  Hamilton,  Bishop  of  Sanctandros,  enemie  to  thy  kirk  and  to 
the  kingis  autoritie,  confessit  at  his  daith  of  the  knawledge  of  Erie  of 
Morray  regent's  murther,  and  that  he  myght  haif  stayit  the  same  giff  he 
plesit"  MS.  Papers  of  the  Laird  of  Lochleven.  Yet  an  author,  in  the 
nineteenth  century,  can  write  of  this  deed  in  the  following  terms  : — "  The 
heiress  of  Woodhouselie  fell  a  sacrifice  to  the  corrupt  tyranny  of  the  regent 
Murray.  Her  husband,  Hamilton  of  Bothwellhaugh,  put  the  guilty  tyrant 
to  death  as  'base-born  Murray  rode  through  old  Linlithgow's  crowded 
town.'  "  Chalmers's  Caledonia,  ii.  571. 


304  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

causes.  His  hospitality,  his  unostentatious  charity,  his  uncom- 
mon liberality  to  the  learned,  and  the  anxiety  he  shewed  to 
confer  his  favours  in  the  manner  least  calculated  to  hurt 
their  feelings,  have  heen  celebrated  by  one  who  had  the  best 
opportunities  of  becoming  acquainted  with  these  amiable  traits 
of  his  character.*  Nor  has  the  breath  of  calumny,  which  has 
attempted  in  many  ways  to  blast  his  reputation,  ever  insinuated 
that  he  oppressed  or  burdened  the  public,  during  his  regency, 
in  order  to  enrich  himself  or  his  family.  Add  to  all  these  qual- 
ities, his  exemplary  piety,  the  only  source  of  genuine  and  exal- 
ted virtue.  His  family  was  so  regulated  as  to  resemble  a  church 
rather  than  a  court.  Not  a  profane  or  lewd  word  was  to  be 
heard  from  any  of  his  domestics.  A  chapter  of  the  Bible  was 
always  read  at  table  after  dinner  and  supper ;  and  it  was  his 
custom  on  such  occasions,  to  require  his  chaplain,  or  some 
learned  man  present,  to  give  his  opinion  upon  the  passage,  for 
his  own  instruction  and  that  of  his  family.  "A  man  truly 
good,"  says  Archbishop  Spotswood,  "and  worthy  to  be  ranked 
among  the  best  governors  that  this  kingdom  hath  enjoyed,  and, 
therefore,  to  this  day  honoured  with  the  title  of  The  Good 
Regent."t 

This  may  perhaps  be  deemed  by  some  readers  an  improper 
digression.  But  though  it  had  been  less  connected  with  the 
subject  of  this  work  than  it  is,  and  though  the  familiarity  and 
co-operation  between  the  regent  and  the  Reformer  had  been 
less  intimate  and  cordial  than  they  really  were,  I  could  not  have 
denied  myself  the  satisfaction  of  paying  a  small  tribute  to  the 
memory  of  one  of  the  greatest  men  of  his  age,  who  has  been 
traduced  and  vilified  in  a  most  unjustifiable  manner,  and 
whose  character  has  been  drawn  with  unfavourable,  and,  in 
my  opinion,  with  unfair  colours,  by  the  most  moderate  and 
impartial  of  our  historians.  All  that  I  have  attempted,  is  to 
sketch  the  more  prominent  features  of  his  character.  That  he 
was  faultless,  I  am  far  from  wishing  to  insinuate;  but  the 
principal  charges  which  have  been  brought  against  him,  I 
consider  as  either  irrelevant,  or  unproved,  or  greatly  exaggerated. 
That  his  exaltation  to  the  highest  dignity  in  the  state  which  a 
subject  could  enjoy,  produced  no  unfavourable  change  on  his 
temper  and  behaviour,  is  what  none  can  be  prepared  to  affirm ; 
but  I  have  not  seen  the  contrary  established.  The  confidence 
which  he  reposed  in  his  friends  was  great,  and  he  was  in- 
clined to  pay  much  deference  to  their  advice ;  but  that  he  be- 
came the  dupe  of  worthless  favourites,  and  fell  by  listening  to 
their  flattery,  and  refusing  to  hearken  to  wholesome  advice,  and 
not  by  the  treachery  of  his  friends  and  the  malice  of  his  enemies, 

*  Buchanan.  Oper.  i.  385.  t  History,  234. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  305 

are  assertions  which  have  been  repeated  upon  the  authority  of 
a  single  witness,  unsupported  by  facts,  and  capable  of  being  dis- 
proved.* 

The  regent  died  on  the  evening  of  Saturday,  the  23d  of  Jan- 
uary 1570;  and  the  intelligence  of  his  murder  was  conveyed 
early  next  morning  to  Edinburgh.  It  is  impossible  to  describe 
the  anguish  which  the  Reformer  felt  on  this  occasion.  The  loss 
of  a  noble  and  endeared  friend  was  the  least  evil  which  he  had 
to  deplore.  Of  all  the  Scottish  nobility,  he  placed  the  greatest 
confidence  in  Murray's  attachment  to  religion ;  and  his  conduct 
after  his  elevation  to  the  regency,  had  served  to  heighten 
the  good  opinion  which  he  formerly  entertained  of  him.  He 
looked  upon  his  death  as  the  greatest  calamity  which  could 
befall  the  nation,  and  as  a  forerunner  of  many  evils.t  When 
the  shock  produced  by  the  melancholy  tidings  had  subsided,  the 
first  thought  that  rushed  into  his  mind  was,  that  he  had  himself 
been  the  instrument  of  obtaining,  from  his  clemency,  a  pardon 
to  the  man  who  had  become  his  murderer ;  a  thought  which 
naturally  produced  a  very  different  impression  on  him  from  what 
it  did  on  the  mind  of  the  dying  regent.J 

In  his  sermon  that  day,  he  introduced  the  melancholy  sub- 
ject ;  and  after  saying,  that  God  in  his  great  mercy  raised  up 
pious  rulers,  and  took  them  away  in  his  displeasure,  on  account 
of  the  sins  of  a  nation,  he  thus  poured  out  the  sorrows  of  his 
heart :  "  0  Lord,  in  what  misery  and  confusion  found  he  this 
realm  !  To  what  rest  and  quietness  now  by  his  labours,  sud- 
denly he  brought  the  same,  all  estates,  but  especially  the  poor 
commons,  can  witness.  Thy  image,  0  Lord,  did  so  clearly 
shine  in  that  personage,  that  the  devil,  and  the  people  to  whom 
he  is  prince,  could  not  abide  it ;  and  so  to  punish  our  sins  and 
our  ingratitude  (who  did  not  rightly  esteem  so  precious  a  gift), 
thou  hast  permitted  him  to  fall,  to  our  great  grief,  in  the  hands 
of  cruel  and  traitorous  murderers.  He  is  at  rest,  0  Lord ;  we 
are  left  in  extreme  misery."§ 

Only  a  few  days  before  this,  and  after  the  plan  of  the  mur- 

*  See  Note  LLL. 

f  Smetoni  Responsio  ad  Hamiltonii  Dialogum,  p.  116. 

I  "  Upon  the  22  of  Maii,  the  Sherife  of  Linlithgow,  the  Laird  of  Inner- 
week,  James  Hamilton  of  Bothelhaugh,  and  six  others,  were  put  to  an  as- 
syse  ;  their  hands  hound  ;  and  pardoned  at  the  request  of  Mr.  Knox,  whereol 
he  sore  repented ;  for  Bothwelhaugh  killed  the  regent  shortlie  after." 
Cald.  MS.  ad  ann.  1568. 

§  Cald.  MS.  ii.  150.  He  is  said  to  have  added  this  to  his  usual  prayers 
after  dinner  and  supper.  But  in  a  volume  of  Calderwood's  History,  in  the 
Advocates'  Library  in  Edinburgh  (which  has  been  transcribed  more  early, 
than  any  copy  which  I  have  seen),  these  words  are  scored  out ;  and  it  is 
introduced  as  the  prayer  which  he  offered  up  in  public,  on  the  day  on  which 
he  was  informed  of  the  regent's  death. 

26  *  02 


\ 
306  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

der  was  fully  concerted,  Gavin  Hamilton,  Abbot  of  Kil winning, 
applied  to  Knox  to  intercede  with  the  regent  in  behalf  of  some 
of  his  kinsmen,  who  were  confined  for  practising  against  the 
government.  He  signified  his  readiness  to  do  all  in  his  power 
for  the  relief  of  any  of  that  family  who  were  willing  to  own 
the  authority  of  the  king,  but  entreated  the  abbot  not  to  abuse 
him  by  employing  his  services,  if  his  relations  intended  to  do 
any  mischief  to  the  regent  ;*  for  "  I  protest,"  said  he  «  before 
God,  who  is  the  only  witness  now  betwixt  us,  that  if  there  be 
any  thing  attempted,  by  any  of  that  surname,  against  the  per- 
son of  that  man,  in  that  case  I  discharge  myself  to  you  and 
them  for  ever."  After  the  assassination,  the  abbot  sent  to  de- 
sire another  interview ;  but  Knox  refused  to  see  him,  and  de- 
sired the  messenger  to  say, "  I  have  not  now  the  regent  to  make 
suit  unto  for  the  Hamiltons."t 

At  this  time  there  was  handed  about  a  fabricated  account  of 
a  pretended  conference  held  by  the  late  regent  with  Lord  Lind- 
say, Wishart  of  Pittarrow,  the  tutor  of  Pitcur,  James  Macgill, 
and  Knox ;  in  which  they  were  represented  as  advising  him  to 
set  aside  the  young  king,  and  place  the  crown  on  his  own  head. 
To  give  it  the  greater  air  of  credibility,  the  modes  of  expression 
peculiar  to  each  of  the  persons  were  carefully  imitated  in  the 
speeches  put  into  their  mouths.  The  evident  design  of  circu- 
lating it  at  this  time,  was  to  lessen  the  odium  of  the  murder, 
and  the  veneration  of  the  people  for  the  memory  of  Murray ; 
but  it  was  universally  regarded  as  an  impudent  and  gross  for- 
gery. The  person  who  fabricated  it  was  Thomas  Maitland,  a 
young  man  of  talents,  but  corrupted  by  his  brother  the  secretary, 
who  had  previously  engaged  himself  to  the  queen's  party,  and 
was  suspected  of  having  had  a  deep  hand  in  the  plot  for  assas- 
sinating the  regent.:}: 

On  the  day  on  which  the  weekly  conference  was  held  in  Ed- 
inburgh, the  same  person  slipped  into  the  pulpit  a  schedule,  con- 
taining words  to  this  effect :  "  Take  up  now  the  man  whom  you 
accounted  another  God,  and  consider  the  end  to  which  his  am- 
bition hath  brought  him."  It  was  Knox's  turn  to  preach  that 
day.  On  entering  the  pulpit  he  took  up  the  %paper,  supposing 
it  to  be  a  note  requesting  the  prayers  of  the  congregation  for  a 
sick  person,  and  having  read  it,  laid  it  aside  without  any  appar- 
ent emotion.  But  towards  the  conclusion  of  his  sermon,  after 
deploring  the  loss  which  the  Church  and  commonwealth  had 
recently  sustained,  and  declaring  the  account  of  the  conference, 
which  had  been  circulated,  to  be  false  and  calumnious,  he  said 

*  Great  apprehensions  of  this  were  entertained  by  the  regent's  friends. 
Bannatyne,  428—9. 
|  Cald.  MS.  ad  aim.  1570.  }  Ibid.  ii.  151—157. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  307 

that  there  were  persons  who  rejoiced  at  the  treasonable  murder, 
and  scrupled  not  to  make  it  the  subject  of  their  merriment ;  arid 
particularly,  there  was  one  present  who  had  thrown  into  the 
pulpit  a  paper  exulting  over  an  event  which  was  the  cause  of 
grief  to  all  good  men :  "  that  wicked  man,  whosoever  he  be, 
shall  not  go  unpunished,  and  shall  die  where  there  shall  be  none 
to  lament  him."  Maitland,  after  he  went  home,  said  to  his  sis- 
ter, that  the  preacher  was  raving,  when  he  spake  in  such  a  man- 
ner of  a  person  who  was  unknown  to  him ;  but  she,  suspecting 
that  her  brother  had  written  the  line,  reproved  him,  saying  with 
tears,  that  none  of  that  man's  denunciations  were  wont  to  prove 
idle.  Spotswood  (who  had  his  information  personally  from  the 
mouth  of  that  lady)  says,  that  Maitland  died  in  Italy,  "  having 
no  known  person  to  attend  him."* 

On  Tuesday  the  14th  of  February  the  regent's  corpse  was 
brought,  from  the  palace  of  Holyroodhouse,  and  interred  in  the 
south  aisle  of  the  collegiate  Church  of  St.  Giles.  Before  the 
funeral,  Knox  preached  a  sermon  on  these  words, "  Blessed  are 
the  dead  which  die  in  the  Lord."  Three  thousand  persons 
were  dissolved  in  tears  before  him,  while  he  described  the  vir- 
tues of  the  regent,  and  bewailed  his  loss.t  Buchanan  paid  a 
tribute  to  the  memory  of  his  deceased  patron,  by  writing  the 
inscription  placed  on  his  monument,  with  that  expressive  sim- 
plicity and  brevity  which  are  dictated  by  genuine  grief.J  A 
convention  of  the  nobility  was  held  after  the  funeral,  at  which  it 
was  resolved  to  avenge  his  death ;  but  different  opinions  were 
entertained  as  to  the  mode  of  doing  this,  and  the  commons  com- 
plained loudly  of  the  remissness  with  which  the  resolution  was 
prosecuted.  The  General  Assembly,  at  their  first  meeting,  testi- 
fied their  detestation  of  the  crime,  by  ordering  the  assassin  to  be 
publicly  excommunicated  in  all  the  chief  towns  of  the  kingdom, 
and  by  appointing  the  same  process  to  be  used  against  all  who 
should  afterwards  be  convicted  of  accession  to  the  murder.  § 

*  Spotswood,  p.  234.  Mackenzie  labours  to  discredit  the  archbishop's 
narrative  of  this  affair.  Lives  of  Scottish  Writers,  iii.  195,  196.  But  what- 
ever opinion  we  may  form  about  the  prediction,  it  cannot  be  doubted  that 
Spotswood  had  the  best  means  of  information  respecting  the  facts  which  he 
relates.  Nor  has  Mackenzie  any  other  authority  for  what  he  says  about  tho 
death  of  Maitland  than  the  archbishop's. 

f  Cald.  MS.  ii.  157. 

|  The  inscription,  engraved  on  brass,  is  yet  preserved ;  and  a  copy  of  it 
will  be  found  in  Note  MMM.  But  Buchanan  has,  in  his  History,  reared  to 
the  regent  "  a  monument  more  durable  than  brass,"  which  will  preserve  his 
memory  as  long  as  the  language  in  which  it  is  written  shall  continue  to  be 
understood,  and  as  long  as  a  picture  taken  from  life  shall  be  preferred  to  the 
representations  of  fancy  or  of  prejudice.  Nor  has  he  neglected  to  celebrate 
him  in  his  verses.  Epigram,  lib.  ii.  29,  iii.  7,  9, 18. 

§  Spotswood,  235. 


308  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

During  the  sitting  of  the  convention,  Knox  received  a  number 
of  letters  from  his  acquaintances  in  England,  expressive  of  their 
high  regard  for  the  character  of  the  regent,  and  their  sorrow  at 
so  grievous  a  loss.*  One  of  these  was  from  Christopher  Good- 
man, and  another  from  John  Willock,  who  either  had  not  com- 
plied with  the  invitation  of  the  General  Assembly,  or  had  again 
returned  to  England.!  The  other  letters  were  from  English- 
men, who  had  no  immediate  connexion  with  Scotland.  Dr. 
Laurence  Humphrey  J  urged  Knox  to  write  a  memoir  of  the  de- 
ceased. Had  he  done  this,  his  intimate  acquaintance  with  the 
regent  would,  no  doubt,  have  enabled  him  to  communicate 
many  particulars  of  which  we  must  now  be  content  to  remain 
ignorant ;  but  though  he  had  been  disposed  to  undertake  this 
task,  the  state  of  his  health  would  have  prevented  its  execu- 
tion. 

The  grief  which  he  indulged  on  account  of  this  mournful 
event,  and  the  confusions  which  followed  it,  preyed  upon  his 
spirits,  and  injured  his  health. §  In  the  month  of  October,  he 
had  a  stroke  of  apoplexy,  which  affected  his  speech  to  a  consid- 
erable degree.  On  this  occasion  his  enemies  exulted  and  circu- 
lated the  most  exaggerated  tales  respecting  his  disorder.  The 
report  ran  through  Scotland  and  England,  that  John  Knox 
would  never  preach  or  speak  more, — that  his  face  was  turned 
into  his  neck, — that  he  was  become  the  most  deformed  creature 

*  Cald.  ut  supra. 

t  A  late  author  has  very  wantonly  attempted  to  load  the  memory  of  this 
excellent  man  with  a  capital  crime.  He  gives  the  following  extract  from 
the  Paper  Office,  22d  April  1590 : — "  Twa  men,  the  ane  namyt  Johnne  Gib- 
sone,  Scottishman,  preacher,  and  the  other  Johnne  Willokis,  now  baith  lying 
in  prison  at  Leicester,  were  convicted  by  a  jury  of  robbery."  The  last  of 
these  convicts,  says  he,  was  "  the  reforming  coadjutor  of  Knox."  Chalmers's 
Life  of  Ruddiman,  p.  207.  What  evidence  has  the  author  for  saying  so  1 
Nothing  but  the  sameness  of  the  name !  Just  as  if  a  person,  on  reading  in 
the  public  papers  of  one  George  Chalmers  who  was  convicted  of  a  robbery 
(no  unlikely  thing)  should  immediately  take  it  into  his  head  that  this  was, 
and  could  be,  no  other  than  the  author  of  the  Life  of  Ruddiman,  and  Cale- 
donia !  It  is  evident  that  the  second  convict  was  no  preacher,  else  this 
designation  would  have  been  added  to  his  name,  as  well  as  to  that  of  the 
first.  It  is  probable  that  Willock,  who  was  a  preacher  as  early  as  1540, 
was  not  alive  in  1590 :  it  is  utterly  incredible  that  he  should  then  have  been 
in  a  condition  to  act  as  a  robber.  But  it  is  paying  too  much  regard  to  such 
a  charge  to  bring  exculpatory  proof. 

|  In  the  copy  of  Cald.  MS.  belonging  to  the  Church  of  Scotland,  the 
name  is  written  Winfrid ;  but  in  the  copy  in  the  Advocates'  Library,  it  is 
Umfrede.  The  person  meant  is  evidently  Dr.  Laurence  Humphrey  (Um- 
fredius)  Professor  of  Divinity,  and  Head  of  one  of  the  colleges,  in  the  Uni- 
versity of  Oxford.  This  learned  man  was  a  puritan,  but  enjoyed  the  pa- 
tronage of  Secretary  Cecil.  Strype's  Annals,  i.  421,  430 — 432. 

§  Smetoni  Respons,  ad  Hamilt.  p.  116. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  309 

ever  seen, — that  he  was  actually  dead  ;*  a  most  unequivocal 
proof  of  the  high  consideration  in  which  he  was  held,  which 
our  Reformer  received  in  common  with  other  great  men  of  his 
age.t 

*  Bannatyne's  Journal,  p.  54.  Cald  MS,  ii.  206.  Bannatyne,  says,  "  the 
disorder  was  a  kynd  ofapoplexia,  called  by  the  phisitiones  resolutione ;" 
probably  a  more  gentle  stroke  of  the  disorder,  attended  with  relaxation  of 
the  system. 

f  In  1556,  Calvin  was  suddenly  seized  in  the  pulpit  with  a  fever,  which 
confined  him  to  his  bed  for  a  considerable  time,  and  from  which  it  was  not 
thought  he  would  recover.  On  hearing  this,  the  Popish  clergy  of  Noyon, 
his  native  city,  met,  and  rather  prematurely  gave  public  thanks  to  God  for  his 
death.  Melch.  Adam.  Vita\  Exter.  Theol.  p.  93. — "Plusieurs  grands 
hommes  (says  Senebier)  ont  partage  cet  honneur  avec  Calvin,  et  ont  eu 
comme  lui,  la  satisfaction  de  connoitre  la  profonde  estime  qu'  on  avoit  con9ue 
pour  eux."  Histoire  Litteraire  de  Geneve,  torn,  i.  p.  228.  Luther,  having 
received  in  1545  a  copy  of  an  account  of  his  own  death,  printed  at  Naples, 
caused  it  to  be  reprinted  with  this  note  :  "  I,  Doctor  Martin  Luther,  attest 
that  I  received  this  frantic  fable  on  this  21st  of  March,  and  am  delighted  be- 
yond measure  to  understand  that  the  devil  and  his  spawn  the  pope  and  pa- 
pists, hate  me  so  heartily."  Seckendorf.  Hist.  Lutheran,  lib.  iii.  p.  581. 


310  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 


PERIOD  IX. 


FROM  OCTOBER  1570,  WHEN  HE  WAS  STRUCK  WITH  APOPLEXY,  TO 
HIS  DEATH,  IN  NOVEMBER  1572. 

THOSE  who  flattered  themselves  that  the  Reformer's  disorder 
was  mortal  were  disappointed ;  for  he  was  restored  to  the  use 
of  his  speech,  and  was  able,  in  the  course  of  a  few  days,  to  re- 
sume preaching,  at  least  on  Sabbath  days.*  He  never  recover- 
ed, however,  from  the  debility  which  was  produced  by  the 
apoplectic  stroke. 

The  confusions  which  he  had  augured  from  the  death  of  the 
good  regent  soon  broke  out,  and  again  spread  the  flames  of  civil 
discord  through  the  nation.  The  Earl  of  Lennox,  who  was  the 
natural  guardian  of  his  grandson,  was  advanced  to  the  regency ; 
but  he  was  deficient  in  the  talents  which  were  requisite  for  so 
difficult  a  station,  and  the  knowledge  of  his  weakness  embolden-' 
ed  and  increased  the  party  which  was  attached  to  the  queen. 
The  Hamiltons  openly  raised  her  standard,  and  were  strength- 
ened by  the  influence  and  abilities  of  Maitland.  William  Kir- 
caldy  of  Grange,  whom  Murray  had  made  governor  of  the  cas- 
tle of  Edinburgh,  after  concealing  his  defection  for  some  time 
under  the  flag  of  neutrality,  declared  himself  on  the  same  side, 
and  became  a  principal  agent  in  attempting  to  overturn  that 
government  which  he  had  been  so  zealous  in  erecting.  Mait- 
land's  tergiversation  surprised  nobody;  but  the  defection  of 
Kircaldy  was  deeply  felt  by  those  with  whom  he  had  been  so 
long  associated.  It  proved  a  source  of  the  keenest  distress  to 
Knox,  The  acquaintance  which  they  had  formed  in  the  castle 
of  St.  Andre ws,t  grew  into  intimacy  during  their  confinement 
in  the  French  galleys ;  and  Knox  could  never  forget  the  services 
which  Kircaldy  performed  during  the  subsequent  struggle  for 
reformation,  and  continued  to  the  last  to  cherish  the  hope 


\ 
*  Bannatyne's  Journal,  p.  55. 


f  James  Kircaldy  of  Grange  was  restored  to  his  lands,  &c.  at  the  request 
and  special  desire  of  Henry  II.  of  France,  by  letters  under  the  signet  and 
privy  seal  of  Queen  Mary,  dated  at  Paris,  26th  February  1556.  William 
Kircaldy  of  Grange,  son  and  heir  to  the  former,  was  restored  by  letters  dated 
the  13th  of  February  1561.  Reg.  Seer.  Sig.  Lib.  xxxi.  f.  16. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  311 

that  he  was  at  heart  a  friend  to  religion.  Under  the  influence 
of  these  feelings,  he  spared  no  pains  in  endeavouring  to  prevent 
him  from  renouncing  his  fidelity  to  the  king,  and  afterwards  to 
reclaim  him  from  his  apostasy.  But  in  both  attempts  he  was 
unsuccessful. 

In  the  end  of  the  year  1570,  he  was  personally  involved  in  a 
disagreeable  quarrel  with  Kircaldy.  One  of  the  soldiers  belong- 
ing to  the  castle  having  been  imprisoned  by  the  magistrates  on 
a  charge  of  murder,  the  governor  sent  a  party  from  the  garrison, 
who  broke  open  the  tolbooth,  and  carried  off  the  prisoner.  In 
his  sermon  on  the  following  Sabbath,  Knox  condemned  this  riot, 
and  violation  of  the  house  of  justice.  Had  it  been  done  by  the 
authority  of  a  bloodthirsty  man,  or  one  who  had  no  fear  of 
God,  he  would  not,  he  said,  have  been  so  much  moved  at  it ; 
but  he  was  affected  to  think  that  one  of  whom  all  good  men 
had  formed  so  great  expectations,  should  have  fallen  so  far  as  to 
act  such  a  part ;  one  too,  who,  when  formerly  in  prison,  had 
refused  to  purchase  his  own  liberty  by  the  shedding  of  blood. * 
An  erroneous  and  exaggerated  report  of  this  censure  being 
conveyed  to  the  castle,  the  governor,  in  a  great  rage,  made  his 
complaint,  first  to  Knox's  colleague,  and  afterwards  formally 
to  the  kirk-session,  that  he  had  been  calumniated  as  a  murderer, 
and  required  that  his  character  should  be  vindicated  as  publicly 
as  it  had  been  traduced.  Knox,  understanding  that  his  words 
had  been  misrepresented,  embraced  the  first  opportunity  of 
explaining  and  vindicating  them  from  the  .pulpit.  On  a  sub- 
sequent day,  Kircaldy,  who  had  absented  himself  from  church 
nearly  a  whole  year,  came  down  to  St.  Giles's  accompanied  with 
a  number  of  the  persons  who  had  been  active  in  the  murder 
and  riot.  Regarding  this  as  an  attempt  to  overawe  the  author- 
ities, and  set  public  opinion  at  defiance,  the  Reformer  dwelt 
particularly,  in  his  discourse,  upon  the  sinfulness  of  forgetting 
benefits  received  from  God,  and  warned  his  hearers  against 
confiding  in  the  divine  mercy,  while  they  were  knowingly  trans- 
gressing any  of  the  commandments,  or  proudly  defending  their 
transgression. 

Kircaldy  was  much  incensed  at  this  admonition,  which  he 
considered  as  levelled  at  him,  and  made  use  of  very  threatening 
language  in  speaking  of  the  preacher.  The  report  spread  that 
the  governor  of  the  castle  was  become  a  sworn  enemy  to 
Knox,  and  intended  to  kill  him.  Upon  this,  several  noblemen 
and  gentlemen  of  Kyle  and  Cunningham  sent  a  letter  to 
Kircaldy,  in  which,  after  reminding  him  of  his  former  appear- 
ances for  religion,  and  mentioning  the  reports  which  had 
reached  their  ears,  they  warned  him  against  doing  any 

*  See  above,  p.  60. 


312  LIFE    OF  JOHN    KNOX. 

thing  to  the  hurt  of  that  man,  whom  "  God  had  made  the  first 
planter  and  chief  waterer  of  his  church  among  them/'  and 
protested  that  "  his  death  and  life  were  as  dear  to  them  as  their 
own."* 

Knox  was  not  to  be  deterred  from  doing  what  he  considered 
to  be  his  duty.  He  persisted  in  warning  his  hearers  to  avoid 
all  participation  with  those  who  prevented  the  punishment  of 
atrocious  crimes,  by  supporting  the  pretensions  of  the  queen, 
and  who  exposed  the  reformed  religion  to  the  utmost  hazard, 
by  opposing  the  king's  authority.  When  the  General  Assem- 
bly met  in  March  1571,  anonymous  libels  were  thrown  into 
the  house  where  they  were  sitting,  and  placards  affixed  to  the 
church  doors,  accusing  him  of  seditious  railing  against  their 
sovereign,  the  queen,  refusing  to  pray  for  her  welfare  and  con- 
version, representing  her  as  a  reprobate  whose  repentance  was 
hopeless,  and  uttering  imprecations  against  her.  One  of  the 
placards  concluded  with  a  threat  that,  if  the  Assembly  did  not 
restrain  him  by  their  authority  from  using  such  language  the 
complainers  would  themselves  apply  a  remedy  to  the  evil 
"  with  greater  unquietness."  The  Assembly  having,  by  public 
intimation,  required  the  complainers  to  come  forward  and  sub- 
stantiate their  charges,  another  anonymous  writing  appeared, 
promising  that  accusers  should  not  be  wanting  against  next  As- 
sembly, if  the  preacher  continued  his  offensive  speeches,  and 
was  "  then  law-byding,  and  not  fugitive,  according  to  his  ac- 
customed manner." 

Several  of  his  friends  dealt  with  him  to  pass  over  these  unau- 
thenticated  libels  in  silence,  but  he  refused  to  comply  with  this 
advice  considering  that  the  credit  of  his  ministry  was  implicated. 
Accordingly,  he  produced  them  in  the  pulpit,  and  returned  a 
particular  answer  to  the  accusations  which  they  contained. 
That  he  had  charged  the  late  queen  with  the  crimes  of  which 
she  had  been  notoriously  guilty,  he  granted, — that  he  had  railed 
against  her,  he  denied ;  nor  would  they  be  able  to  substantiate 
this  charge  against  him,  without  at  the  same  time  proving 
Jsaiah,  Jeremiah,  and  other  inspired  writers,  to  have  been  rail- 
ers.  "  From  them  he  had  learned  plainly  and  boldly  to  call 
wickedness  by  its  own  terms,  a  fig,  a  fig,  and  a  spade,  a  spade." 
He  never  called  the  queen  reprobate  nor  said  that  her  repent- 
ance was  impossible ;  but  he  had  affirmed  that  pride  and  re- 
pentance could  not  remain  long  together  in  one  heart.  He  had 
prayed,  that  God,  for  the  comfort  of  his  Church,  would  oppose 
his  power  to  her  pride,  and  confound  her  and  her  assistants  in 
their  impiety :  this  prayer,  let  them  call  it  imprecation  or  exe- 
cration as  they  pleased,  had  stricken,  and  would  yet  strike, 

*  Bannatyne's  Journal,  pp.  67 — 87. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  313 

whoever  supported  her.  To  the  charge  of  not  praying  for  the 
queen,  he  answered,  "  I  am  not  bound  to  pray  for  her  in  this 
place,  for  sovereign  to  me  she  is  not ;  and  I  let  them  understand 
that  I  am  not  a  man  of  law  that  has  my  tongue  to  sell  for  sil- 
ver, or  favour  of  the  world."*  What  title  she  now  had,  or 
ever  had  to  the  government,  he  would  not  dispute ;  the  estates 
had  deprived  her  of  it,  and  it  belonged  to  them  to  answer  for 
this  :  as  for  him,  he  had  hitherto  lived  in  obedience  to  all  lawful 
authority  within  the  kingdom.  To  the  threatening  against 
his  life,  and  the  insinuation  that  he  might  not  be  "  law-byding, 
but  fugitive,'7  against  next  Assembly,  he  replied,  that  his  life 
was  in  the  custody  of  Him  who  had  hitherto  preserved  him 
from  many  dangers,  that  he  had  reached  an  age  at  which  he 
was  not  apt  to  flee  far,  nor  could  any  yet  accuse  him  of  hav- 
ing left  the  people  committed  to  his  charge,  except  at  their  own 
command. 

After  these  answers,  his  enemies  fled,  as  their  last  resort,  to 
an  attack  upon  his  Blast  of  the  Trumpet,  and  accused  him  of 
inconsistency  in  writing  against  female  government,  and  yet 
praying  for  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  seeking  her  support  against 
his  native  country.  This  accusation  he  also  met  in  the  pulpit, 
and  refuted  with  great  spirit.  After  vindicating  his  consisten- 
cy, he  concluded  in  the  following  manner : — "  One  thing  in  the 
end  I  may  not  pretermit,  that  is,  to  give  him  a  lie  in  his  throat 
that  either  dare  or  will  say,  that  ever  I  sought  support  against 
my  native  country.  What  I  have  been  to  my  country, 
albeit  this  unthankful  age  will  not  know,  yet  the  ages  to  come 
will  be  compelled  to  bear  witness  to  the  truth.  And  thus 
I  cease,  requiring  of  all  men  that  has  to  oppose  any  thing 
against  me,  that  he  will  do  it  so  plainly  as  I  make  myself  and 
all  my  doings  manifest  to  the  world ;  for  to  me  it  seems  a  thing 
most  unreasonable,  that  in  my  decrepit  age,  I  shall  be  com- 
pelled to  fight  against  shadows,  and  howlets  that  dare  not  abide 
the  light."t 

The  conduct  of  our  Reformer  at  this  period  affords  a  striking 
display  of  the  unextinguishable  ardour  of  his  mind.  Previous 
to  the  breaking  out  of  the  late  disturbances,  he  had  given  up  at- 

*  Crawford  in  his  Memoirs  of  Scotland  (p.  186,  Edin.  anno  1706),  among 
other  things  disgraceful  to  our  Reformers,  says  that  they  openly  avowed  on 
this  occasion,  "  That  to  pray  for,  or  forgive  our  real  or  reputed  enemies, 
was  no  part  of  a  Christian's  duty."  It  is  sufficient  to  say,  that  there  is  not 
one  word  of  this  in  the  "  authentick  MS.."  from  which  he  profesess  that  his 
Memoirs  were  "  faithfully  published."  See  History  and  Life  of  King 
James  the  Sext,  pp.  113,  114.  The  public  are  under  great  obligations  tc 
Mr.  Malcolm  Laing,  for  exposing  this  literary  forgery,  which  had  continued 
so  long  to  impose  upon  our  most  acute  and  industrious  historians. 

f  The  accusation  and  defence  may  be  seen  at  full  length  in  Bannatyne's 
Journal,  pp.  190—210. 

27  P2 


314  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

tendance  on  church  courts.  He  never  went  abroad  except  on 
Sabbath-day,  to  preach  in  the  forenoon.  He  was  so  debilita- 
ted as  to  be  unable  to  go  to  the  pulpit  without  assistance."*  He 
had  weaned  his  heart  from  the  world,  and  expressed  his  resolu- 
tion to  take  no  more  part  in  public  aifairs.  In  answer  to  a 
letter  of  his  esteemed  friend,  Sir  William  Douglas  of  Lochleven, 
who  had  informed  him  of  an  intended  attempt  on  the  castle  of 
St  Andrews  by  Archbishop  Hamilton,  and  requested  his  good 
offices  for  certain  preachers,  we  find  him,  on  the  31st  of  March 
1570,  writing  as  follows : — "  How  such  troublers  may  be  stayed 
in  their  enterprises,  I  commit  to  God,  to  whose  counsels  I  com- 
mit you  in  that  and  all  other  causes  worldly,  for  I  have  taken 
my  good-night  of  it ;  and  therefore  bear  with  me,  good  sir,  al- 
beit I  write  not  to  the  superintendent  of  Fife  in  the  action  that 
ye  desire,  t"  But  whenever  he  saw  the  church  and  common- 
wealth seriously  in  danger,  he  forgot  his  infirmities  and  his  re- 
solutions, and  entered  into  the  cause  with  all  the  keenness  of 
his  more  vigorous  days.  Whether  the  public  proceedings  of 
the  nation,  or  his  own  conduct,  were  arraigned, — whether  the 
attacks  upon  them  were  open  or  clandestine,  he  stood  prepared 
to  repel  them,  and  convinced  the  adversaries,  that  they  could 
not  accomplish  their  designs  without  opposition,  as  long  as  he 
was  able  to  move  or  speak.J 

His  situation  became  very  critical  in  April  1571,  when  Kir- 
caldy  received  the  Hamiltons,  with  their  forces,  into  the  castle. 
Their  inveteracy  against  him  was  so  great,  that  his  friends 
were  obliged  to  watch  his  house  during  the  night.  They  pro- 
posed forming  a  guard  for  the  protection  of  his  person  when  he 
went  abroad ;  but  the  governor  of  the  castle  forbade  this,  as 
implying  a  suspicion  of  his  own  intentions,  and  offered  to  send 
Melvil,  one  of  his  officers,  to  conduct  him  to  and  from  the 
church.  «  He  wold  gif  the  woulf  the  wedder  to  keip,"  says 
Bannatyne.  Induced  by  the  importunity  of  the  citizens,  Kir- 
caldy  applied  to  the  duke  and  his  party  for  a  protection  to 
Knox ;  but  they  refused  to  pledge  their  word  for  his  safety,  be- 
cause "  there  were  many  rascals  and  others  among  them  who 
loved  him  not,  that  might  do  him  harm  without  their  know- 
ledge.'^ Intimations  were  often  given  him  of  threatenings 

*  Bannatyne,  p.  77.    f  Letter  to  the  Laird  of  Lochleven,  in  the  Appendix. 

|  The  lively  interest  which  he  continued  to  take  in  public  afiairs,  is  appa- 
rent from  the  letters  of  his  correspondents.  Captain  Crawford  of  Jordanhill 
sent  him,  at  his  desire,  a  minute  account  of  the  taking  of  Dumbarton  castle, 
with  an  inventory  of  the  arms,  ammunition,  and  provisions,  which  were  found 
in  it.  Bannatyne,  123.  There  are  also  two  letters  to  him  from  Alexander 
Hay,  clerk  of  the  privy  council,  informing  him  of  the  most  important  trans- 
actions in  England,  and  on  the  Continent.  Ibid.  294 — 302. 

$  Bannatyne,  132—3,  145. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  315 

against  his  life  ;  and  one  evening  a  musket-ball  was  fired  in  at 
his  window,  and  lodged  in  the  roof  of  the  apartment  in  which 
he  was  sitting.  It  happened  that  he  sat  at  the  time  in  a  differ- 
ent part  of  the  room  from  that  which  he  had  been  accustomed 
to  occupy,  otherwise  the  ball,  from  the  direction  it  took,  must 
have  struck  him.*  Alarmed  by  this  occurrence,  a  deputation 
of  the  citizens,  accompanied  by  his  colleague,  waited  upon  him, 
and  renewed  a  request  which  they  had  formerly  made,  that  he 
would  remove  from  Edinburgh,  to  a  place  where  his  life  would 
be  in  greater  safety,  until  the  queen's  party  should  evacuate 
the  town.  But  he  refused  to  yield  to  them,  apprehending  that 
his  enemies  wished  to  intimidate  him  into  flight,  that  they 
might  carry  on  their  designs  more  quietly,  and  then  accuse  him 
of  cowardice.  Being  unable  to  persuade  him  by  any  other 
means,  they  had  recourse  at  last  to  an  argument  which  pre- 
vailed. They  told  him  that  if  he  was  attacked,  they  were  deter- 
mined to  risk  their  lives  in  his  defence,  and  if  blood  was  shed 
in  the  quarrel,  which  was  highly  probable,  they  would  leave  it 
on  his  head.  Upon  this  he  consented  to  remove  from  the  city 
"  sore  against  his  will."  t 

He  left  Edinburgh  on  the  fifth  of  May  1571,  and  crossing  the 
Frith  at  Leith,  travelled  by  short  stages  to  St.  Andrews,  which 
he  had  chosen  as  the  place  of  his  retreat.J  His  pulpit  was 
filled  by  Alexander  Gordon,  Bishop  of  Galloway,  who  preached 
and  prayed  in  a  manner  more  acceptable  to  the  queen's  party 
than  his  predecessor,  but  little  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  people, 
who  despised  him  on  account  of  his  weakness,  and  disliked  him 
for  supplanting  their  favourite  pastor.§  A  number  of  the  most 
respectable  inhabitants  were  driven  from  the  capital  by  violence, 
while  others  were  induced  to  quit  it,  and  retire  to  Leith,  that 
they  might  not  be  understood  as  even  practically  submitting  to 
the  queen's  authority.  The  Church  of  Edinburgh  was  for  a 
time  dissolved.  The  celebration  of  the  Lord's  Supper  was  sus- 
pended. And,  whereas  formerly  scarce  a  day  passed  without 
some  public  exercise  of  religion,  there  was  now,  during  a  whole 
week,  "  neither  preaching  nor  prayer ;  neither  was  there  any 


*  Cald.  MS.  ad  arm.  1572.     Life  prefixed  to  History,  anno  1644. 

f  Bannatyne,  144—146. 

I  Ibid,  Historic  of  King  James  the  Sext.  p.  123. 

§  Keith's  Scottish  Bishops,  166.  The  principles  upon  which  the  bishop 
vindicated  the  authority  of  the  queen,  and  the  duty  of  praying  for  her  in  the 
pulpit,  show  the  strong  and  universal  opinion  entertained  of  her  guilt  at  that 
time.  He  did  not  venture  to  insinuate  her  innocence,  although  the  town 
was  full  of  armed  men,  who  were  enlisted  under  her  banners.  Bannatyne, 
181,  182. 


316  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

sound  of  bell  heard  in  all  the  town,  except  the  ringing  of  the 
cannon."* 

The  kingdom  was  now  subjected  to  all  the  miseries  of  civil 
war  and  intestine  faction.  In  almost  every  part  of  the  country 
there  were  adherents  to  the  king  and  to  the  queen,  who  exas- 
perated each  other  by  reciprocal  reproaches  and  injuries.  The 
regent  fortified  Leith,  while  the  queen's  party  kept  possession 
of  the  castle  and  town  of  Edinburgh.  As  the  two  armies  lay 
at  a  small  distance  from  one  another,  and  neither  of  them  was 
sufficiently  strong  for  undertaking  to  dispossess  the  other,  they 
were  daily  engaged  in  petty  skirmishes ;  and  several  acts  of 
disgraceful  retaliation,  which  rarely  happen  in  the  open  field, 
were  committed  on  both  sides.  The  evidence  which  the 
queen's  friends  gave  of  their  personal  antipathy  to  the  Refor- 
mer, clearly  shewed  that  his  life  would  have  been  in  imminent 
danger,  if  he  had  remained  among  them.  An  inhabitant  of 
Leith  was  assaulted  and  his  body  mutilated,  because  he  was 
of  the  same  name  with  him.  A  servant  of  John  Craig,  being 
met  one  day  by  a  reconnoitring  party,  and  asked  who  was  his 
master,  answered,  in  his  trepidation,  Mr.  Knox  ;  upon  which  he 
was  seized,  and,  although  he  immediately  corrected  his  mis- 
take, they  desired  him  to  "  hold  at  his  first  master,"  and  drag- 
ged him  to  prison.  Having  fortified  St.  Giles's  steeple  to  over- 
awe the  inhabitants,  the  soldiers  baptized  one  of  the  cannons 
by  the  name  of  Knox,  which  they  were  so  fond  of  firing,  that  it 
burst,  killed  two  of  the  party  and  wounded  others,  t  They  cir- 
culated the  most  ridiculous  tales  respecting  his  conduct  at  St. 
Andrews.  John  Law,  the  letter-carrier  of  that  city,  being  in 
the  castle  of  Edinburgh, "  the  ladie  Home  and  utheris  wald 
neidis  thraip  in  his  face,  that"  John  Knox  "  was  banist  the  said 
toune,  becaus  that  in  the  yarde  he  had  reasit  sum  sanctis, 
amongis  whome  thair  came  up  the  devill  with  norm's,  which 
when  his  servant  Richard  sawe,  [he]  ran  woode,  and  so 
died."} 

Although  he  was  now  free  from  personal  danger,  Knox  did 
not  find  St.  Andrews  that  peaceful  retreat  which  he  had  ex- 
pected. The  friends  of  Kircaldy,  and  of  Sir  James  Balfour,§ 
resided  in  the  neighbourhood,  and  the  Hamiltons  had  their  re- 
lations and  partisans  both  in  the  university  and  among  the 
ministry.  These  were  thorns  in  the  Reformer's  side,  and  made 

*  Bannatyne,  144,  169,  170.  Hist,  of  King  James  the  Sext,  123,  124. 
Knox's  Epistle  to  his  Brethren  of  the  Church  of  Edinburgh,  now  dispersed. 
Streveling,  1571. 

t  Bannatyne,  154,  240,  322. 

$  Bannatyne,  309,  310.  "  Gif  this  had  been  their  first  inventit  lie,"  says 
the  same  Richart,  "  I  wald  never  have  blackit  paper  for  it." 

§  See  above,  p.  57. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  317 

his  situation  very  uneasy,  as  long  as  he  resided  among  them. 
Having  left  Edinburgh,  because  he  could  not  be  permitted  to 
disburden  his  conscience,  by  testifying  against  the  designs  of 
persons  whom  he  regarded  as  conspirators  against  the  legal 
government  of  the  country,  and  favourers  of  a  faction  who  in- 
tended nothing  less  than  the  overthrow  of  the  reformed  religion, 
it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  he  would  preserve  silence  on  this 
subject  at  St.  Andrews.  Accordingly,  in  the  discourses  which 
he  preached  on  the  eleventh  chapter  of  Daniel's  prophecy,  he 
frequently  took  occasion  to  advert  to  recent  transactions,  and 
to  inveigh  against  the  murder  of  the  late  king,  and  of  the  regent. 
This  was  very  grating  to  the  ears  of  the  opposite  faction, 
particularly  to  Robert  and  Archibald  Hamilton,  the  former 
one  of  the  ministers  of  the  city,  and  the  latter  a  professor  in  one 
of  the  colleges.  Irritated  by  the  censures  which  Knox  pro- 
nounced against  his  kinsmen,  Robert  Hamilton  attempted  to 
injure  his  reputation,  by  circulating  in  private  that  it  did  not 
become  him  to  exclaim  so  loudly  against  murderers  ;  for  he  had 
seen  his  subscription,  along  with  that  of  the  Earl  of  Murray,  to 
a  bond  for  assassinating  Darnley  at  Perth.  When  this  came  to 
the  Reformer's  ears,  he  immediately  wrote  a  letter  to  Hamilton, 
desiring  him  to  say,  whether  he  was  the  author  of  the  slander- 
ous report.  Not  receiving  a  satisfactory  answer,  he  communi- 
cated the  matter  to  Douglas,  rector  of  the  university,  and  Ruth- 
erford, provost  of  St.  Salvator's  College,  requesting  them  to 
converse  with  their  colleague  on  the  subject,  and  to  inform 
him,  that  if  he  did  not  give  satisfaction  for  the  slander  which 
he  had  propagated,  a  complaint  would  be  lodged  against  him 
before  the  Church.  Upon  this  he  came  to  Knox's  room,  and 
denied  that  he  had  ever  given  any  ground  for  such  a  scandal- 
ous surmise.* 

Archibald  Hamilton  being  complained  of  for  withdrawing 

*  Bannatyne.  380 — 3.  Goodall,  after  relating  this  story,  attempts,  but 
with  his  usual  imbecility  of  argument,  to  deduce  from  it,  that  Murray  had 
really  conspired  to  murder  Darnley,  and  that  Knox  was  one  of  his  accom- 
plices, "  They  all  talk  of  it,"  says  he,  "  as  a  known  uncontroverted  matter 
of  fact.  And  Knox's  waving  all  prosecution,  and  hushing  up  the  business, 
is  more  than  a  tacit  acknowledgment  that  he  was  in  the  plot,  and  a  sub- 
scriber." Examination,  i.  211.  According  to  this  doctrine,  if  a  person  shall 
rest  satisfied  with  a  private  apology  for  a  slander  which  a  weak  and  irritable 
man  had  imprudently  circulated  to  his  prejudice,  and  if  he  shall  decline  a 
public  prosecution,  this  must  be  regarded  as  good  proof  of  his  guilt,  and  of 
the  truth  of  the  report !  With  respect  to  Murray  having  conspired  against 
Darnley  at  the  time  of  his  marriage,  it  is  true  that  such  a  thing  was  reported ; 
but  it  is  not  mentioned  in  the  proceedings  against  that  nobleman,  nor  is  there 
the  least  allusion  to  it  in  any  of  the  proclamations  which  the  queen  issued 
against  him,  although  Murray  publicly  accused  Darnley  of  a  plot  against  his 
life.  If  the  court  had  credited  that  report,  and  possessed  any  evidence  of  its 
truth,  it  will  not  be  easy  to  account  for  this  silence. 
27* 


318  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

from  Knox's  sermons,  and  for  accusing  him  of  intolerable  rail- 
ing, endeavoured  to  bring  the  matter  under  the  cognizance  of 
the  masters  of  the  university,  among  whom  he  possessed  con- 
siderable influence.*  Knox  did  not  scruple  to  give  an  account 
of  his  conduct  before  the  professors  for  their  satisfaction  ;  but 
he  judged  it  necessary  to  enter  a  protest,  that  his  appearance 
before  them  should  not  invalidate  the  liberty  of  the  pulpit,  nor 
the  authority  of  the  regular  church  courts,  to  which,  and  not  to 
any  university,  the  judgment  of  religious  doctrine  belonged.! 
This  incident  accounts  for  the  zeal  with  which  he  expresses 
himself  on  this  subject,  in  one  of  his  letters  to  the  General 
Assembly ;  in  which  he  exhorts  them,  above  all  things,  to  pre- 
serve the  Church  from  the  bondage  of  the  universities,  and  not 
to  exempt  them  from  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  or  allow  them 
to  become  judges  of  the  doctrine  taught  from  the  pulpit.J 

The  military  operations  during  the  civil  war  were  chiefly 
distinguished  by  two  enterprises,  which  claim  our  notice  from 
the  influence  which  they  had  upon  the  affairs  of  the  Church. 
The  one  was  the  taking  of  Dunbarton  Castle,  which  was  sur- 
prised, on  the  2d  of  April  1571,  by  a  small  party  of  the  regent's 
forces,  led  by  Captain  Crawford  of  Jordanhill.  Archbishop 
Hamilton  having  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  captors,  was  soon 
after  condemned,  and  ended  his  life  on  the  gibbet.  The  execu- 
tion of  prisoners,  although  chargeable  with  crimes  which  merit 
death,  is  ordinarly  avoided  in  civil  contests,  because  it  produces 
reprisals  from  the  opposite  party ;  but  in  every  other  respect  the 
fate  of  Hamilton  is  not  a  subject  of  regret  or  of  censure.  Of  all 
the  queen's  adherents,  his  motives  for  supporting  her  cause  ap- 
pear to  have  been  the  most  unworthy ;  and  his  talents  and  rank 
in  the  Church  ought  not  to  be  pleaded  in  extenuation  of  the 
vices  which  stained  his  private  character,  or  the  crimes  of 
which  he  had  been  guilty.  §  The  death  of  Hamilton  gave  oc- 

*  Archibald  Hamilton,  a  short  time  after  this,  left  Scotland ;  and  going  to 
France  made  a  recantation  of  the  Protestant  religion.  As  an  evidence  of  the 
sincerity  of  his  conversion  to  popery,  he  published  De  Confusione  Calvin- 
ianoR  Sector  apud  Scotos  Dialogus ;  a  book  which  I  have  frequently  referred 
to,  and  which  strikingly  exemplifies  the  adage,  Omnis  apostata  osor  acerri- 
mus  sui  ordinis.  In  the  copious  abuse  of  Knox  with  which  it  teems,  we  are 
reminded  of  the  present  quarrel.  Thomas  Smeton,  principal  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  Glasgow,  published  an  elegant  and  masterly  answer  to  this  Dialogue. 
Hamilton  replied  in  a  work  entitled,  Calvinianoe,  Confusionis  Demonstratio; 
Parisiis,  1581.  Of  this  treatise,  which  is  rarer  than  his  first,  specimens  will 
be  found  in  the  notes  at  the  end  of  this  volume. 

f  Hamiltonii  Dialog,  p.  61.  Smetoni  Responsio  ad  Hamiltonii  Dialogum, 
pp.  90,  91.  Bannatyne,  383—385. 

J  Bannatyne,  364. 

§  Archbishop  Spotswood  is  displeased  that  a  bishop,  and  one  of  his  prede- 
cessors in  the  see  of  St.  Andrews,  should  have  suffered  so  disgraceful  a 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  319 

casion  to  a  change  in  the  ecclesiastical  government,  of  which  I 
shall  speak  immediately. 

An  enterprise  equally  bold  with  Crawford's  but  less  success- 
ful, was  planned  by  Kircaldy.  While  the  Regent  Lennox  was 
holding  a  parliament  at  Stirling,  which  was  numerously  attend 
ed,  a  party  of  soldiers  suddenly  entered  the  town  early  on  the 
morning  of  September  3,  1571,  seized  the  regent  and  the  nobil- 
ity who  were  along  with  him,  and  carried  them  away  prisoners. 
The  alarm  having  been  given,  the  Earl  of  Mar  sallied  from  the 
castle,  and  with  the  assistance  of  the  townsmen,  dispersed  the 
assailants,  and  rescued  the  noblemen.*  But  this  was  not  ac- 
complished without  the  loss  of  the  regent,  who  was  slain  by  the 
orders  of  Lord  Claud  Hamilton,  in  revenge  for  the  death  of 
the  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews.  Lennox  was  succeeded  in  the 
regency  by  the  Earl  of  Mar,  a  noblemen  of  great  moderation, 
who,  during  the  short  time  that  he  held  that  office,  exerted 
himself  to  restore  peace  to  the  kingdom,  and  brought  the 
negotiations  for  this  purpose  very  near  to  a  successful  termi- 
nation. 

During  these  transactions  the  courtiers  were  devising  a  scheme 
for  securing  to  themselves  the  principal  part  of  the  ecclesiasti- 
cal revenues,  which  led  to  an  alteration  of  the  policy  of  the 
Church.  We  have  repeatedly  had  occasion  to  notice  the  aver- 
sion of  the  nobility  to  the  Book  of  Discipline,  and  the  princi- 
pal source  from  which  the  aversion  sprung.  While  the  Earl 
of  Murray  administered  the  government,  he  prevented  any 
new  enroachrnents  upon  the  rights  of  the  Church ;  but  the  suc- 
ceeding regents  were  either  less  friendly  to  them,  or  less  able  to 
check  the  avarice  of  the  more  powerful  nobles.  Several  of  the 
richest  benefices  having  become  vacant  by  the  death  or  by  the 
forfeiture  of  the  Popish  incumbents  who  had  been  permitted 

punishment.  History,  p.  252.  Even  Dr.  Robertson  seems  to  have  felt  the 
esprit  du  corps  on  this  occasion.  It  is  surprising  that  this  accurate  historian 
should  say,  that  the  accusations  against  Hamilton,  as  "  accessory  to  the  mur- 
der both  of  the  king  and  regent  were  supported  by  no  proof,"  and  that  his 
enemies,  by  "  imputing  to  him  such  odious  crimes,"  merely  "  sought  some 
colour"  for  the  sentence  which  they  pronounced  against  him.  History  of 
Scotland,  ii.  334.  Hamilton  confessed  his  accession  to  the  regent's  murder. 
See  above,  p.  302.  As  the  record  of  the  trial  has  not  been  preserved,  we 
cannot  determine  what  evidence  was  brought  forward ;  but  there  are  good 
grounds  for  believing  that  he  was  also  concerned  in  the  murder  of  the  king. 
Keith,  447.  Spotswood,  252. 

*  Dr.  Robertson  seems  to  regret  the  failure  of  this  expedition,  and  says, 
that  if  Kircaldy's  plan  had  succeeded,  it  would  have  "  restored  peace  to  his 
country."  History  of  Scotland,  ii.  339.  It  would  certainly  have  given  a 
very  dangerous  blow  to  the  king's  party ;  but  it  is  not  easy  to  conceive  how 
it  could  have  produced  a  desirable  or  lasting  peace,  when  we  consider  the 
dispositions  of  the  great  body  of  the  nation,  the  situation  of  the  queen,  and 
the  temper  and  views  of  her  adherents. 


320  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

to  retain  them,  it  was  necessary  to  determine  in  what  manner 
they  should  be  disposed  of.  The  Church  had  uniformly  re- 
quired that  their  revenues  should  be  divided,  and  applied  to  the 
support  of  the  religious  and  literary  establishments ;  but  with 
this  demand  the  courtiers  were  as  much  indisposed  to  comply 
as  ever.  At  the  same  time,  the  secularization  of  them  was 
deemed  too  bold  a  step ;  nor  could  laymen,  with  any  shadow 
of  consistency,  or  by  a  valid  title,  hold  benefices  which  the  law 
declared  to  be  ecclesiastical.  The  expedient  resolved  on  was, 
that  the  bishoprics  and  other  rich  livings  should  be  presented  to 
certain  ministers,  who,  previous  to  their  admission,  should  make 
over  the  principal  part  of  the  revenues  to  such  noblemen  as  had 
obtained  the  patronage  of  them  from  the  court.  This  plan,  which 
was  concerted  under  the  regency  of  Lennox,  was  carried  into 
execution  during  that  of  Mar,  chiefly  by  the  influence  of  the 
Earl  of  Morton. 

Morton  having  obtained  from  the  court  a  gift  of  the  arch- 
bishopric of  St.  Andrews,  vacant  by  the  execution  of  Hamilton, 
entered  into  a  private  agreement  respecting  its  revenues  with 
John  Douglas,  rector  of  the  university,  whom  he  presented  to 
that  see.  At  the  meeting  of  parliament  in  Stirling,  August 
1571,  the  commissioners  of  the  General  Assembly  protested 
against  this  transaction ;  but  through  the  interest  of  Morton, 
Douglas,  though  not  yet  elected,  was  admitted  to  a  seat  in  par- 
liament, and  the  new  scheme  for  seizing  on  the  ecclesiastical 
livings  was  confirmed,  notwithstanding  the  warm  remonstrances 
of  the  ministers  of  the  Church,  and  the  strenuous  opposition  of 
the  more  zealous  and  disinterested  barons.*  Bishoprics  and 
other  great  benefices  were  now  openly  conferred  on  noblemen, 
on  persons  totally  unqualified  for  the  ministry,  and  even  on  mi- 
nors. Pluralities  were  multiplied ;  the  ecclesiastical  courts  were 
hindered  in  the  exercise  of  their  jurisdiction  ;t  and  the  collectors 
of  the  Church  were  prohibited  from  gathering  the  thirds,  until 
some  new  regulation  was  adopted  for  supplying  the  necessities 
of  the  court.J 

These  proceedings  having  created  great  dissatisfaction  through 
the  nation,  the  regent  and  council  called  an  extraordinary  as- 
sembly of  superintendents  and  other  ministers  to  meet  at  Leith 
in  January  1572,  to  consult  about  an  order  which  might  prove 
more  acceptable.  Through  the  influence  of  the  court,  this  con- 
vention consented  that  the  titles  of  archbishop,  and  other  ecclesi- 
astical dignitaries  should  be  retained ;  that  the  bounds  of  the 
ancient  dioceses  should  not  be  altered  during  the  king's  minor- 
ity ;  and  that  qualified  persons  from  among  the  ministers  should 

*  Bannatyne,  246,  250,  255,  257,  260,  285.  f  See  Note  NNN. 

|  Ibid.  253,  278,  312,  367.    Cald.  MS.  ii.  284,  295. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  321 

be  advanced  to  these  dignities.  They,  however,  allotted  no 
greater  power  to  archbishops  and  bishops  than  to  superintend- 
ents, with  whom  they  were  to  be  equally  subject  to  the  As- 
semblies of  the  Church.*  These  regulations  were  submitted 
to  the  ensuing  General  Assembly  at  St.  Andrews,  but  as  that 
meeting  was  thinly  attended,  it  came  to  no  determination  re- 
specting them.  The  Assembly  held  at  Perth,  in  August  1572, 
resumed  the  subject,  and  came  to  the  following  resolution  :-^ 
That  the  regulations  contained  certain  titles,  such  as  archbishop, 
dean,  archdean,  chancellor,  and  chapter,  which  savoured  of  Po- 
pery, and  were  scandalous  and  offensive  to  their  ears ;  and  that 
the  whole  Assembly,  including  the  commissioners  which  had 
met  at  Leith,  unanimously  protested  that  they  did  not  approve 
of  these  titles,  that  they  submitted  to  the  regulations  merely  as 
an  interim  arrangement,  and  that  they  would  exert  themselves 
to  obtain  a  more  perfect  order  from  the  regent  and  council.! 
Such  was  the  origin  and  nature  of  that  species  of  Episcopacy 
which  was  introduced  into  the  Reformed  Church  of  Scotland 
during  the  minority  of  James  VI.  It  was  disapproved  of  by 
the  ministers  of  the  Church ;  and  on  the  part  of  the  courtiers 
and  nobility,  it  does  not  appear  to  have  proceeded  from  predi- 
lection to  hierarchical  government,  but  from  the  desire  which 
they  felt  to  obtain  possession  of  the  revenues  of  the  Church. 
This  was  emphatically  expressed  by  the  name  of  tulchan  bish- 
ops,* which  was  commonly  applied  to  those  who  were  at  that 
time  admitted  to  the  office. 

Knox  did  not  fail  from  the  beginning  to  oppose  these  en- 
croachments on  the  rights  and  property  of  the  Church.  Being 
unable  to  attend  the  General  Assembly  held  at  Stirling  in  Au- 
gust 1571,  he  addressed  a  letter  to  it,  warning  the  members  of 
the  new  contest  which  he  foresaw  they  would  have  to  maintain, 
and  animating  them  to  fidelity  and  courage.  "And  now, 
brethren,"  says  he, "  because  the  daily  decay  of  natural  strength 
threateneth  my  certain  and  sudden  departing  from  the  misery 
of  this  life,  of  love  and  conscience  I  exhort  you,  yea,  in  the  fear 
of  God,  I  charge  and  command  you,  that  ye  take  heed  unto 
yourselves,  and  to  the  flock  over  which  God  hath  placed  you 
pastors.  Unfaithful  and  traitorous  to  the  flock  shall  ye  be  be- 
fore the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  if,  with  your  consent  directly,  ye 

*  Records  of  Privy  Council,  January  16,  1571.  Cald.  MS.  ii.  310—325. 
Calderwood,  De  Reg:  Eccl.  Scotic.  relatio,  p.  8,  anno  1618;  and  Epist. 
Philad.  Vind.  apud  Altare  Damasc.  pp.  727—729.  Lugd.  Batav.  1708. 
Petrie,  part  ii.  pp.  372 — 374. 

f  Bulk  of  the  Universal  Kirk,  p.  55.  Matthew  Crawford's  History  of  the 
•Church  of  Scotland,  MS.  vol.  i.  p.  80. 

|  A  tulchan  is  a  calf's  skin  stuffed  with  straw,  set  up  to  make  the  cow 
give  her  milk  freely. 

Q2 


322  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

suffer  unworthy  men  to  be  thrust  into  the  ministry  of  the  Church, 
under  whatever  pretence  it  shall  be.  Remember  and  judge  be- 
fore whom  we  must  make  our  account,  and  resist  that  tyranny 
as  ye  would  avoid  hell-fire.  This  battle  will  be  hard,  but  in  the 
second  point  it  will  be  harder ;  that  is,  that  with  the  like  up- 
rightness and  strength  in  God,  ye  gainstand  the  merciless  de- 
vourers  of  the  patrimony  of  the  Church.  If  men  will  spoil,  let 
them  do  it  to  their  own  peril  and  condemnation,  but  communi- 
cate ye  not  with  their  sins,  of  whatsoever  estate  they  be,  by 
consent  nor  by  silence ;  but  with  public  proclamation  make  this 
known  unto  the  world,  that  ye  are  innocent  of  robbery,  where- 
of ye  will  seek  redress  of  God  and  man.  God  give  you  wis- 
dom and  stout  courage  in  so  just  a  cause,  and  me  an  happy 
end."*  In  a  letter  which  he  afterwards  wrote  to  Wishart  of 
Pittarrow,  he  also  expresses  himself  in  a  strain  of  honest  but 
keen  indignation  at  the  avarice  of  the  nobility,  t 

It  has  been  insinuated  that  Knox  gave  his  approbation  to 
the  resolutions  of  the  convention  at  Leith  to  restore  the  episco- 
pal office ;  and  the  articles  sent  by  him  to  the  General  Assembly, 
in  August  1572,  have  been  appealed  to  as  a  proof  of  this.  But 
all  that  can  be  fairly  deduced  from  these  articles  is,  that  he  de- 
sired the  conditions  and  limitations  agreed  upon  by  that  conven- 
tion to  be  strictly  observed  in  the  election  of  bishops,  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  granting  of  bishoprics  to  laymen,J  and  to  the  sim- 
oniacal  pactions  which  the  ministers  made  with  the  nobles  on 
receiving  presentations.  Provided  one  of  the  propositions  made 
by  him  to  the  Assembly  had  been  enforced,  and  the  bishops  had 
been  bound  to  give  an  account  of  the  whole  of  their  rents,  and 
either  to  support  ministers  in  the  particular  places  from  which 
they  derived  these,  or  else  to  pay  into  the  funds  of  the  Church 
the  sums  requisite  for  this  purpose,  it  is  evident  that  the  mer- 
cenary views  both  of  patrons  and  presentees  would  have  been 
defeated,  and  the  Church  would  have  gained  her  object,  the  use 
of  the  episcopal  revenues.  The  prospect  of  this  induced  some 
honest  ministers  to  agree  to  the  proposed  regulations,  at  the  con- 
vention held  in  Leith.  But  it  required  a  greater  portion  of  dis- 
interested firmness  than  falls  to  most  men,  to  act  upon  this  prin- 

*  Buik  of  the  Universal  Kirk,  p.  53.  Cald.  MS.  ii,  280, 281.  Petrie,  part 
ii.  370.  Spotsw.  258.  Collier  says,  that,  in  Knox's  Letter  to  the  Assembly 
at  Stirling,  "there  are  some  passages  not  unbecoming  a  person  of  integrity 
and  courage."  Hist.  ii.  533.  Those  who  are  acquainted  with  the  spirit  of 
this  historian,  will  think  this  high  praise  from  such  a  quarter. 

f  See  this  Letter  in  the  Appendix. 

|  One  glaring  instance  of  this  had  just  taken  place,  in  giving  the  bishop- 
ric of  Ross  to  Lord  Methven.  Bannatyne,  366.  Robertson's  History  of 
Scotland,  ii.  358,  359. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  323 

ciple  ;*  and  the  nobles  were  able  to  find,  even  at  that  period,  a 
sufficient  number  of  pliant,  needy,  or  covetous  ministers  to  be 
the  partners  or  the  dupes  of  their  avarice. 

Though  our  Reformer  was  of  opinion,  that,  in  certain  cir- 
cumstances of  the  Church,  a  power  might  be  delegated  to  some 
ministers  to  inspect  the  congregations  within  a  particular  dis- 
trict, and  accordingly  recommended  the  appointment  of  super- 
intendents at  the  first  establishment  of  the  Reformation  in 
Scotland,  yet  he  did  not  allow  of  any  class  of  office-bearers  in 
the  Church,  under  whatever  name,  who  were  superior  either  in 
office  or  in  order  to  ministers  or  presbyters.  His  sentiments 
were  not  more  favourable  to  diocesan  Episcopacy  in  his  latter, 
than  they  had  been  in  his  earlier  days.  Writing  to  a  corres- 
pondent in  England,  in  the  year  1568,  he  says,  "  I  would  most 
gladly  pass  through  the  course  that  God  hath  appointed  to  my 
labours,  giving  thanks  to  his  holy  name,  for  that  it  hath  pleased 
his  mercy  to  make  me  not  a  lord-bishop,  but  a  painful  preacher 
of  his  blessed  evangel."  t  In  his  correspondence  with  Beza, 
he  had  informed  him  of  the  government  established  in  the 
Scottish  Church ;  and  at  this  very  time  he  received  a  letter  from 
that  reformer,  congratulating  him  that  he  had  banished  the 
order  of  bishops,  and  admonishing  him  and  his  colleagues  to 
beware  of  suffering  it  to  re-enter  under  the  deceitful  pretext  of 
preserving  unity 4  He  had  an  opportunity  of  publicly  de- 
claring his  sentiments  on  this  subject,  at  the  installation  of 
Douglas  as  Archbishop  of  St  Andrews.  Having  preached  as 
usual  on  Sabbath,  February  13.  1572,  the  Earl  of  Morton,  who 
was  present,  desired  him  to  inaugurate  Douglas  ;  but  he  posi- 
tively refused,  and  pronounced  an  anathema  against  both  the 
donor  and  the  receiver  of  the  bishopric.  The  Provost  of  St. 
Salvator's  College  having  said  that  Knox's  conduct  proceeded 
from  disappointment,  because  the  bishopric  had  not  been  con- 
ferred on  himself,  he,  on  the  following  Sabbath,  repelled  this 
invidious  charge.  He  had  refused,  he  said,  a  greater  bishopric 
than  that  of  St.  Andrews,  which  he  might  have  had  by  the 
favour  of  greater  men  than  Douglas  had  his  :§  what  he  had 
spoken  was  for  the  exoneration  of  his  conscience,  that  the 

*  I  have  read  somewhere  (though  I  cannot  at  present  find  my  authority) 
that  Robert  Pont,  when  offered  a  bishopric,  took  the  advice  of  the  General 
Assembly  as  to  accepting  it,  and  professed  his  readiness  to  apply  its  funds  to 
the  support  of  the  ministry  within  the  diocese. 

f  Letter  to  Mr.  John  Wood,  Feb.  14,  1568,  in  the  Appendix. 

|  In  this  letter,  Beza  commends  Knox  for  establishing,  not  merely  the 
purity  of  doctrine  in  the  Scottish  Church,  but  also  discipline  and  good  order, 
without  which  the  former  could  not  be  preserved  for  any  time.  Bezse 
Epistol.  Theol.  ep.  Ixxxix.  pp.  344 — 355,  edit.  1572. 

$  Meaning  Edward  VI.  of  England  and  hie  council.    See  above,  pp.  74, 75. 


324  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

Church  of  Scotland  might  not  be  subject  to  that  order,  especi- 
ally after  a  very  different  one  had  been  settled  in  the  Book  of 
Discipline,  subscribed  by  the  nobility,  and  ratified  by  parlia- 
ment. He  lamented  also  that  a  burden  should  have  been  laid 
upon  an  old  man,  which  twenty  men  of  the  greatest  ability 
could  not  sustain.*  In  the  General  Assembly  held  at  St.  And- 
rews in  the  following  month,  he  not  only  entered  a  protest 
against  the  election  of  Douglas,t  but  also  "  opponed  himself 
directly  to  the  making  of  bishops."  J 

While  he  was  engaged  in  these  contests,  his  bodily  strength 
was  every  day  sensibly  decaying.  Yet  he  continued  to  preach, 
although  unable  to  walk  to  the  pulpit  without  assistance  ;  and, 
when  warmed  with  his  subject,  he  forgot  his  weakness,  and 
electrified  the  audience  with  his  eloquence.  James  Melville, 
afterwards  minister  of  Anstruther,  was  then  a  student  at  the 
College,  and  one  of  his  constant  hearers.  The  account  which 
he  has  given  of  his  appearance  is  exceedingly  striking  ;  and,  as 
any  translation  would  enfeeble  it,  I  shall  give  it  in  his  own 
words.  "  Of  all  the  benefits  that  I  had  that  year  [1571],  was 
the  coming  of  that  maist  notable  profet  and  apostle  of  our  na- 
tion, Mr.  Johne  Knox,  to  St.  Andrews,  who,  be  the  faction  of 
the  queen  occupeing  the  castell  and  town  of  Edinburgh,  was 
compellit  to  remove  therefra,  with  a  number  of  the  best,  and 
chusit  to  come  to  St.  Andrews.  I  heard  him  teache  there  the 
prophecies  of  Daniel,  that  simmer  and  the  wintar  following.  I 
had  my  pen  and  my  little  buike,  and  tuke  away  sic  things  as  I 
could  comprehend.  In  the  opening  up  of  his  text,  he  was 
moderat  the  space  of  an  half  houre  ;  but  when  he  entered  to 
application,  he  made  me  so  to  grew  §  and  tremble,  that  I  could 
not  hald  a  pen  to  wryt.  He  was  very  weik.  1  saw  him,  every 
day  of  his  doctrine,  go  hulie  and  fear,||  with  a  furring  of  mar- 
ticks  about  his  neck,  a  staffe  in  the  ane  hand,  and  gude,  godlie 
Richart  Ballenden,  his  servand,  halden  up  the  uther  oxter,  IT 
from  the  abbey  to  the  parish  kirk,  and,  by  the  said  Richart,  and 
another  servand,  lifted  up  to  the  pulpit  whar  he  behovit  to  lean 
at  his  first  entrie  ;  bot,  ere  he  haid  done  with  his  sermone,  he 
was  sa  active  and  vigorous,  that  he  was  lyk  to  ding  the  pulpit 
in  blads,**  and  file  out  of  it."  tt 

*  Bannatyne,  321,  325,  375.  Cald.  MS.  ii.  269,  338, 340.  Douglas,  after 
he  was  made  bishop,  was  continued  in  his  offices  of  rector  of  the  university, 
and  provost  of  St.  Mary's  College.  James  Melville  says,  that  he  was,  "  a 
good  upright-hearted  man,  but  ambitious  and  simple ; '  and  that  Knox  spoke 
against  him  "  bot  sparinglie,  because  he  loved  the  man."  MS.  Diary,  p.  27. 

f  Bannatyne,  331.  }  Melville's  MS.  Diary,  p.  26. 

§  i.  e.  thrill.  ||  i.  e.  slowly  and  warily.  IT  i.  e.  arm-pit. 

**  i.  e.  it  appeared  as  if  he  would  beat  the  pulpit  in  pieces. 

ft  Melville's  Diary,  pp.  23,  28.    It  is  not  without  reason  that  I  have  added 


LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX.  325 

The  persons  with  whom  the  Reformer  was  most  familiar  at 
St.  Andrews,  were  the  Professors  of  St.  Leonard's  College,  who 
often  visited  him  at  his  lodging  in  the  abbey.  This  college 
was  distinguished  by  its  warm  attachment  to  the  doctrines  of 
the  Reformation,  which  it  had  embraced  at  a  very  early  period  ;  * 
while  the  two  other  colleges  were  disaffected  to  the  authority 
of  the  king,  and  several  of  their  teachers  suspected  of  leaning  to 
Popery.  The  Reformer  was  accustomed  to  amuse  himself  by 
walking  in  St.  Leonard's  Yard,  and  to  look  with  peculiar  com- 
placency on  the  students,  whom  he  regarded  as  the  rising  hope 
of  the  Church.  He  would  sometimes  call  them  to  him,  and 
bless  them,  and  exhort  them  to  be  diligent  in  their  studies,  to 
attend  to  the  instructions  of  their  teachers,  and  imitate  the  good 
example  which  they  set  before  them,  to  acquaint  themselves 
with  God,  and  with  the  great  work  which  he  had  lately  perfor- 
med in  their  native  country,  and  to  cleave  to  the  good  cause. 
These  familiar  advices,  from  a  person  so  venerable,  made  a 
deep  impression  on  the  minds  of  the  young  men.  He  even 
condescended  to  be  present  at  a  college  exercise  performed  by 
them  at  the  marriage  of  one  of  their  regents,  in  which  the  siege 
and  taking  of  Edinburgh  Castle  was  dramatically  represented.! 

During  his  stay  at  St.  Andrews,  he  published  a  vindication 
of  the  reformed  religion,  in  answer  to  a  letter  written  by  Tyrie, 
a  Scottish  Jesuit.  The  argumentative  part  of  the  work  was 
finished  by  him  in  1568  ;  but  he  sent  it  abroad  at  this  time,  with 
additions,  as  a  farewell  address  to  the  world,  and  a  dying  testi- 
mony to  the  truth  which  he  had  long  taught  and  defended 4 

the  above  explanation  of  some  phrases  in  this  extract,  as  the  reader  will  per- 
ceive from  the  following  version  of  it,  by  a  modern  French  writer,  in  the 
Journal  des  Debats : — "  A  presbyterian  fanatic  named  Knox,  stirred  up  the 
people  by  his  violent  preaching.  Nothing  proves  the  coarseness  of  that 
people  so  much,  as  the  ascendency  which  such  a  madman  possessed  over 
them ;  old  and  broken  down,  and  so  helpless,  as  to  be  hardly  able  to  crawl 
along,  he  was  raised  to  his  pulpit  by  two  zealous  disciples,  where  he  began 
his  sermon  with  a  feeble  voice,  and  slow  action  ;  but  soon  heating  himself 
by  the  force  of  his  passion  and  hatred,  he  bestirred  himself  like  a  mad- 
man; he  broke  his  pulpit,  and  jumped  into  the  midst  of  his  auditors 
(sautoit  au  milieu  des  auditeurs),  transported  by  his  violent  declamation,  and 
words  still  more  violent."  For  this  morceau  I  am  indebted  to  the  Editor  of 
"  The  Poetical  Remains  of  Mr.  John  Davidson,  Edinburgh,  1829." 

*  See  above,  p.  34.  f  See  Note  OOO. 

J  Tyrie  published  a  reply  to  this,  under  the  title  of  "  The  Refutation  of 
ane  Answer  made  by  Schir  Johne  Knox  to  ane  Letter,  send  be  James  Tyrie 
to  his  vmquhyle  brother.  Set  furth  be  James  Tyrie,  Parisiis,  1573.  Cvm 
Privilegio."  H.  fol.  57.  12mo.  It  includes  Tyrie's  first  letter,  and  Knox's 
answer,  but  not  the  other  papers  originally  printed  along  with  that  answer. 
"  Mr.  Knox,"  says  Keith,  "  makes  some  good  and  solid  observations,  from 
which,  in  my  opinion,  the  Jesuit  (in  his  reply)  has  not  handsomely  extricated 
himself."  History,  Append,  p.  255. 
28 


326  LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX. 

Along  with  it  he  published  one  of  the  religious  letters  which  he 
had  formerly  written  to  his  mother-in-law,  Mrs.  Bowes ;  and, 
in  an  advertisement  prefixed  to  this,  he  informs  us  that  she  had 
lately  departed  this  life,  and  that  he  could  not  allow  the  oppor- 
tunity to  slip  of  acquainting  the  public,  by  means  of  this  letter, 
with  the  intimate  Christian  friendship  which  had  so  long  sub- 
sisted between  them. 

The  ardent  desire  which  he  felt  to  be  released  by  death  from 
the  troubles  of  the  present  life,  appears  in  all  that  he  wrote 
about  this  time.  "  Weary  of  the  world,"  and  "  thirsting  to  de- 
part," are  expressions  frequently  used  by  him.  The  dedication 
of  the  above-mentioned  work  is  thus  inscribed  : — "  John  Knox, 
the  servant  of  Jesus  Christ,  now  wearie  of  the  world,  and  day- 
He  luiking  for  the  resolution  of  this  my  earthly  tabernakle,  to 
the  faithful  that  God  of  his  mercie  shall  appoint  to  fight  after 
me."  In  the  conclusion  of  it,  he  says, "  Call  for  me,  deir  breth- 
ren, that  God,  in  his  mercy,  will  pleis  to  put  end  to  my  long  and 
panefull  battel.  For  now  being  unable  to  fight,  as  God  sum- 
tymes  gave  strength,  I  thirst  an  end  befoir  I  be  more  trouble- 
sum  to  the  faithfull.  And  yet,  Lord,  let  my  desyre  be  moder- 
ate be  thy  Holy  Spirit."  In  a  prayer  subjoined  to  the  dedica- 
tion, are  these  words  :  «  To  thee,  0  Lord,  I  commend  my  spirit. 
For  I  thirst  to  be  resolved  from  this  body  of  sin,  and  am  assur- 
ed that  I  shall  rise  agane  in  glorie ;  howsoever  it  be  that  the 
wicked  for  a  tyme  sail  trode  me  and  others,  thy  servandes  under 
their  feit.  Be  merciful,  0  Lord,  unto  the  kirk  within  this  realme ; 
contine  w  with  it  the  light  of  thy  evangell ;  augment  the  number 
of  true  preicheris.  And  let  thy  mercifull  providence  luke  upon 
my  desolate  bedfellow,  the  fruit  of  hir  bosome,  and  my  two 
deir  children,  Nathanael  and  Eleazar.*  Now,  Lord,  put  end 
to  my  miserie."  The  advertisement  "  to  the  faithful  reader," 
dated  at  St.  Andrews,  12th  July  1571,  concludes  in  the  follow- 
ing manner : — "  I  hartly  salute  and  take  my  good  night  of  all 
the  faithful  of  both  realms,  earnestly  desyring  the  assistance  of 
their  prayers,  that,  without  any  notable  slander  to  the  evangel 
of  Jesus  Christ,  I  may  end  my  battel  j  for,  as  the  worlde  is 
wearie  of  me,  so  am  I  of  it." 

*  Tyrie,  in  his  reply,  scoffs  at  this  amiable  expression  of  piety ;  and  in  doing- 
so,  the  Jesuit  discovers  that  he  was  as  great  a  stranger  to  conjugal  and  parental 
feelings,  as  he  was  to  the  rules  of  logic.  "  He  (Knox)  sais,  that  of  tuay 
propositionis  quhilkis  ar  verray  trew,  I  collect  ane  conclusione  maist  false 
and  repugnant  to  all  veritie.  Ane  Dialectitian  wald  answer  that  Schir 
Johne  Knox  hes  nocht  weill  considderit  the  rewlis  of  Dialectik,  to  affirme 
ane  fals  conclusion  to  follow  of  trew  premissis.  Bot  becaus  I  knaw  his  greit 
occupationis,  and  solicitude  he  hes  of  his  wyf  and  childrine,  that  he  culd 
nocht  take  tent  to  sic  trifflis,  I  will  pas  this  with  silence."  Refutation,  ut 
supra,  fol.  4,  a. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  327 

The  General  Assembly  being  appointed  to  meet  at  Perth  on 
the  6th  of  August,  he  took  his  leave  of  them  in  a  letter,  along 
with  which  he  transmitted  certain  articles  and  questions  which 
he  recommended  to  their  consideration.  The  Assembly  return- 
ed him  an  answer,  declaring  their  approbation  of  his  propositions, 
and  their  earnest  desires  for  his  preservation  and  comfort.*  The 
last  piece  of  public  service  which  he  performed  at  their  request, 
was  to  examine  and  approve  of  a  sermon  which  had  been  late- 
ly preached  by  David  Ferguson,  minister  of  Dunfermline.  His 
subscription  to  this  sermon,  like  every  thing  which  proceeded 
from  his  mouth  or  pen  about  this  time,  is  uncommonly  striking : 
"  John  Knox,  with  my  dead  hand,  but  glaid  heart,  praising  God, 
that  of  his  mercy  he  levis  such  light  to  his  kirk  in  this  desola- 
tion."! 

From  the  rapid  decline  of  his  health,  in  the  spring  of  1572, 
there  was  every  appearance  of  his  ending  his  days  at  St.  An- 
drews ;  but  it  pleased  God  that  he  should  be  restored  once  more 
to  his  flock,  and  allowed  to  die  peaceably  among  them.  In  con- 
sequence of  a  cessation  of  arms,  agreed  to  in  the  end  of  July, 
between  the  regent  and  the  adherents  of  the  queen,  the  city  of 
Edinburgh  was  abandoned  by  the  forces  of  the  latter,  and  se- 
cured from  the  annoyance  of  the  garrison  in  the  castle.  As 
soon  as  the  banished  citizens  returned  to  their  houses,^  they 
sent  a  deputation  to  St.  Andrews,  with  a  letter  to  Knox,  expres- 
sive of  their  earnest  desire  "  that  once  again  his  voice  might  be 
heard  among  them/'  and  entreating  him  immediately  to  come 
to  Edinburgh,  if  his  health  would  at  all  permit ;  for,  said  they, 
"  loath  we  are  to  disease  or  hurt  your  person  any  ways,  but  far 
loather  to  want  you."§  After  reading  the  letter,  and  conver- 
sing with  the  commissioners,  he  expressed  his  willingness  to  re- 
turn, but  under  the  express  condition,  that  he  should  not  be 

*  Bannatyne,  364—369.    Cald.  ii.  355,  366. 

f  "  Ane  sermon  prechit  before  the  regent  and  nobilitie  upon  a  part  of  the 
third  chapter  of  Malachi  (verses  7,  12),  in  the  kirk  of  Leith,  at  the  time  of 
the  General  Assemblie,  on  Sonday  the  13  of  Januarie,  Anno  Do.  1571.  Be 
David  Fergusone,  minister  of  the  evangell  at  Dunfermline.  Imprentit  at 
Sanctandrois,  be  Robert  Lekpreuik,  Anno  Do.  MDLXXII."  The  dedica- 
tion to  the  regent  Mar  is  dated  20th  August  1572. 

t  Previous  to  the  cessation  of  arms,  the  banished  citizens  (who  had  taken 
up  their  residence  chiefly  in  Leith)  entered  into  a  solemn  league,  by  which 
they  engaged,  "  in  the  fear  of  God  the  Father,  of  his  Son  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  and  of  the  Holie  Spirit,  tackand  to  witness  his  holie  name,"  that  they 
would,  with  their  lives,  lands,  and  goods,  promote  the  gospel  professed 
among  them,  maintain  the  authority  of  the  king  and  regent,  assist  and  con- 
cur with  others  against  their  enemies  in  the  castle,  defend  one  another  if 
attacked,  and  submit  any  variances  which  might  arise  among  themselves  to 
brotherly  arbitration,  or  to  the  judgment  of  the  town-council.  Bannatyne, 
361—364. 

§  Bannatyne,  370 — 373. 


328  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KN  OX. 

urged  to  preserve  silence  respecting  the  conduct  of  those  who 
held  the  castle ;  "  whose  treasonable  and  tyrannical  deeds  he 
would  cry  out  against,  as  long  as  he  was  able  to  speak."  He, 
therefore,  desired  them  to  acquaint  their  constituents  with  this, 
lest  they  should  afterwards  repent  of  his  austerity,  and  be  ap- 
prehensive of  ill-treatment  on  his  account.  The  commissioners 
assured  him,  that  they  did  not  mean  to  put  a  bridle  in  his  mouth, 
but  wished  him  to  discharge  his  duty  as  he  had  been  accus- 
tomed to  do.  He  repeated  this  intimation,  after  his  arrival  at 
Edinburgh,  to  the  principal  persons  of  his  congregation,  and 
received  the  same  assurance  from  them,  before  he  would  resume 
preaching.* 

On  the  17th  of  August,  to  the  great  joy  of  the  queen's  faction, 
whom  he  had  overawed  during  his  residence  among  them,  the 
Reformer  left  St.  Andrews,  along  with  his  family.  He  was 
accompanied  so  far  on  his  journey  by  the  principal  persons  of 
his  acquaintance  in  the  town,  who  sorrowfully  took  their  leave 
of  him,  in  the  prospect  of  seeing  his  face  no  more.  Being 
obliged  by  his  weakness  to  travel  slowly,  it  was  the  23d  of  the 
month  before  he  reached  Leith,  from  which,  after  resting  a  day 
or  two,  he  came  to  Edinburgh.  The  inhabitants  enjoyed  the 
satisfaction  of  seeing  him  again  in  his  own  pulpit,  on  the  first 
Sabbath  after  he  arrived ;  but  his  voice  was  now  so  enfeebled  that 
he  could  not  be  heard  by  the  half  of  the  congregation.  Nobody 
was  more  sensible  of  this  than  himself.  He  therefore  requested 
his  session  to  provide  a  smaller  house,  in  which  he  could  be 
heard,  if  it  were  only  by  a  hundred  persons ;  for  his  voice,  he 
said,  was  not  able,  even  in  his  best  time,  to  extend  over  the 
multitude  which  assembled  in  that  large  church,  much  less  now 
when  he  was  so  greatly  debilitated.  This  request  was  readily 
complied,  with  by  the  session.! 

During  his  absence,  a  coolness  had  taken  place  between  his 
colleague  and  the  parish,  who  found  fault  with  him  for  tempo- 
rizing during  the  time  that  the  queen's  party  retained  possession 
of  the  city.  In  consequence  of  this,  they  had  mutually  agreed 
to  separate.^  After  preaching  two  years  in  Montrose,  Craig 
removed  to  Aberdeen,  where  he  acted  as  visitor  of  the  churches 
in  Buchan  and  Mar  ;  and  was  afterwards  chosen  minister  to  the 
royal  household,  a  situation  which  he  held  until  his  death  in 
1600,  at  the  advanced  age  of  eighty-eight.§  Being  deprived  of 

*  Bannatyne,  372,  373. 

t  Ibid.  pp.  373,  385.    Smetoni  Respons.  pp.  117,  118. 

i  Ibid.  150,  370. 

§  Spotswood,  464.  When  informed  that  his  majesty  had  made  choice  of 
Craig,  the  General  Assembly,  July  1580,  "  blessed  the  Lord,  and  praised  the 
King  for  his  zeal."  Row,  Hist,  of  the  Kirk,  47. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  329 

both  their  pastors,  and  having  no  prospect  that  Knox,  although 
he  should  return,  would  be  capable  of  performing  the  public 
service  among  them,  the  kirk-session  of  Edinburgh  had  in- 
structed their  delegates  to  the  General  Assembly  lately  held  at 
Perth,  to  petition  that  court  for  liberty  to  choose  from  the  min- 
istry a  colleague  to  the  Reformer.  The  Assembly  granted  their 
request,  and  ordained  any  minister  (those  of  Perth  and  Dundee 
excepted)  who  might  be  chosen  by  Knox,  the  superintendent 
of  Lothian,  arid  the  church  of  Edinburgh,  to  comply  with  their 
invitation,  and  remove  to  the  capital.*  When  the  commis- 
sioners came  to  St.  Andrews,  they  found  the  superintendent 
along  with  Knox,  and  having  consulted  with  them,  it  was 
agreed  to  nominate  and  recommend  James  Lawson,  sub-prin- 
cipal of  the  university  of  Aberdeen,  a  man  eminent  for  his  piety, 
learning,  and  eloquence.!  Perceiving,  on  his  return  to  Edin- 
burgh, that  he  could  not  long  be  able  to  endure  the  fatigue  of 
preaching,  and  that  he  was  already  incapacitated  for  all  other 
ministerial  duties,  Knox  was  extremely  solicitous  to  have  this 
business  speedily  settled,  lest  the  congregation  should  be  left 
"  as  sheep  without  a  shepherd,"  when  he  was  called  away. 
The  session  and  the  superintendent  having  sent  letters  of  invi- 
tation to  Lawson,  the  Reformer  wrote  him  at  the  same  time, 
urging  his  speedy  compliance  with  their  requests.  This  letter 
is  very  descriptive  of  the  state  of  his  mind  at  this  interesting 
period. 

"  All  worldlie  strenth,  yea  ewin  in  thingis  spirituall,  decayes; 
and  yet  sail  never  the  work  of  God  decay.  Belovit  brother, 
seeing  that  God  of  his  mercie,  far  above  my  expectatione,  has 
callit  me  ones  againe  to  Edinburgh,  and  yet  that  I  feill  nature 
so  decayed,  and  daylie  to  decay,  that  I  luke  not  for  a  long  con- 
tinewance  of  my  battell,  I  wald  gladlie  anes  discharge  my  con- 
science into  your  bosome,  and  into  the  bosome  of  utheris,  in 
whome  I  think  the  feare  of  God  remanes.  Gif  I  hath  had  the 
habilitie  of  bodie,  I  suld  not  have  put  you  to  the  pane  to  the 
whilk  I  now  requyre  you,  that  is,  anes  to  visite  me,  that  we  may 
conferre  together  on  heavinlie  thingis  ;  for  into  earth  there  is  no 
stability,  except  the  kirk  of  Jesus  Christ,  ever  fightand  vnder  the 
crosse,  to  whose  myghtie  protectione  I  hartlie  commit  you.  Of 
Edinburgh  the  vii  of  September  1572.  Jhone  Knox. 

"  Haist,  leist  ye  come  too  lait."  J 

In  the  beginning  of  September,  intelligence  reached  Edin- 

*  Smetoni  Respons.  118.     Bannatyne,  370. 

t  Smeton,  ut  supra.  Bannatyne,  372.  James  Melville  thus  describes 
Lawson : — "  A  man  of  singular  learning,  zeal,  and  eloquence,  whom  I  never 
hard  preache  hot  he  meltit  my  hart  with  teares."  MS.  Diary,  23.  See  also 
Note  PP,  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 

\  Bannatyne,  386. 

88*  R2 


330  LIFE    OF  JOHN   KNOX. 

burgh,  that  the  Admiral  of  France,  the  brave,  the  generous,  the 
pious  Coligni,  was  murdered  in  the  city  of  Paris,  by  the  orders 
of  Charles  IX.  Immediately  on  the  back  of  this,  tidings  arrived 
of  that  most  detestable  and  unparalleled  scene  of  barbarity  and 
treachery,  the  general  massacre  of  the  Protestants*  throughout 
that  kingdom.  Post  after  post  brought  fresh  accounts  of  the 
most  shocking  and  unheard-of  cruelties.  Hired  cut-throats  and 
fanatical  cannibals  marched  from  city  to  city,  paraded  the  streets, 
and  entered  into  the  houses  of  those  that  were  marked  out  for 
destruction.  No  reverence  was  shown  to  the  hoary  head,  no 
respect  to  rank  or  talents,  no  pity  to  tender  age  or  sex.  Infants, 
aged  matrons,  and  women  upon  the  point  of  their  delivery, 
were  trodden  under  the  feet  of  the  assassins,  or  dragged  with 
hooks  into  the  rivers ;  others,  after  being  thrown  into  prison, 
were  instantly  brought  out  and  butchered  in  cold  blood. 
Seventy  thousand  persons  were  murdered  in  one  week.  For 
several  days,  the  streets  of  Paris  literally  ran  with  blood.  The 
savage  monarch,  standing  at  the  windows  of  the  palace,  with 
his  courtiers,  glutted  his  eyes  with  the  inhuman  spectacle,  and 
amused  himself  with  firing  upon  the  miserable  fugitives  who 
sought  shelter  at  his  merciless  gates.* 

The  intelligence  of  this  massacre  (for  which  a  solemn  thanks- 
giving was  offered  up  at  Rome  by  order  of  the  popet)  produced 
the  same  horror  and  consternation  in  Scotland  as  in  every  other 
Protestant  country 4  It  inflicted  a  deep  wound  on  the  exhausted 
spirit  of  Knox.  Besides  the  blow  struck  at  the  reformed  body, 
he  had  to  lament  the  loss  of  many  individuals,  eminent  for  piety, 
learning,  and  rank,  whom  he  numbered  among  his  acquaintance. 
Being  conveyed  to  the  pulpit,  and  summoning  up  the  remainder 
of  his  strength,  he  thundered  the  vengeance  of  Heaven  against 
"  that  cruel  murderer  and  false  traitor,  the  King  of  France/'  and 
desired  Le  Croc,  the  French  ambassador,  to  tell  his  master,  that 
sentence  was  pronounced  against  him  in  Scotland,  that  the 
divine  vengeance  would  never  depart  from  him,  nor  from  his 
house,  if  repentance  did  not  ensue ;  but  his  name  would  remain 

*  Memoires  de  Sully,  torn.  i.  16.  Paris,  1664.  Brantosme  Memoires 
apud  Jurieu,  Apologie  pour  la  Reformation,  torn.  420.  Smetoni  Respons.  ad 
Hamilt.  Dial.  p.  117.  Bannatyne's  Journal,  pp.  388—396. 

t  The  papal  bull  for  the  jubilee  may  be  seen  in  Strype's  Life  of  Archbishop 
Parker.  Append.  No.  68,  p.  108. 

I  The  regent  Mar  issued  a  proclamation  on  this  occasion,  summoning  a 
general  convention  of  deputies  from  all  parts  of  the  kingdom,  to  deliberate 
on  the  measures  proper  to  be  adopted  for  defence  against  the  cruel  and  trea 
sonable  conspiracies  of  the  Papists.  Bannatyne,  397 — 401.  Strype  has 
inserted  the  preamble,  and  one  of  the  articles,  of  a  supplication  presented  by 
this  convention  to  the  regent  and  council.  Annals,  ii.  180,  181.  This  may 
be  compared  with  the  more  full  account  of  their  proceedings,  in  Bannatyne, 
406—41. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  331 

an  execration  to  posterity,  and  none  proceeding  from  his  loins 
should  enjoy  his  kingdom  in  peace.  The  ambassador  com- 
plained of  the  indignity  offered  to  his  master,  and  required  the 
regent  to  silence  the  preacher ;  but  this  was  refused,  upon  which 
he  left  Scotland.*  t 

Lawson  having  received  the  letters  of  invitation,  hastened  to 
Edinburgh.  He  had  the  satisfaction  to  find  that  Knox  was  still 
able  to  receive  him  ;  and,  having  preached  to  the  people,  gave 
universal  satisfaction.  On  the  following  Sabbath,  the  21st  of 
September,  Knox  began  to  preach  in  the  Tolbooth  Church, 
which  was  now  fitted  up  for  him.  He  chose  for  the  subject  of 
his  discourses,  the  account  of  our  Saviour's  crucifixion,  as  re- 
corded in  the  twenty-seventh  chapter  of  the  gospel  according  to 
Matthew,  a  theme  with  which  he  had  often  expressed  a  wish 
to  close  his  ministry.  On  Sabbath,  the  9th  of  November,  he 
presided  at  the  installation  of  Lawsonr  as  his  colleague  and  suc- 
cessor. The  sermon  was  preached  by  him  in  the  Tolbooth 
Church ;  after  which  he  removed,  with  the  audience,  to  the 
large  church,  where  he  went  through  the  accustomed  form  of 
admission,  by  proposing  the  questions  to  the  minister  and  peo- 
ple, addressing  an  exhortation  to  both,  and  praying  for  the  divine 
blessing  upon  their  connection.  On  no  former  occasion  did  he 
give  more  satisfaction  to  those  who  were  able  to  hear  him. 
After  declaring  the  respective  duties  of  pastor  and  people,  he 
protested,  in  the  presence  of  Him  to  whom  he  expected  soon  to 
give  an  account,  that  he  had  walked  among  them  with  a  good 
conscience,  preaching  the  gospel  of  Jesus  Christ  in  all  sincerity, 
not  studying  to  please  men,  nor  to  gratify  his  own  affections  ; 
he  praised  God,  that  he  had  been  pleased  to  give  them  a  pastor  in 
his  room,  when  he  was  now  unable  to  teach ;  he  fervently 
prayed,  that  any  gifts  which  had  been  conferred  on  himself 
might  be  augmented  a  thousand  fold  in  his  successor  ;  and,  in 
a  most  serious  and  impressive  manner,  he  exhorted  and  charged 
the  whole  assembly  to  adhere  steadfastly  to  the  faith  which  they 
had  professed.  Having  finished  the  service,  and  pronounced 
the  blessing  with  a  cheerful  but  exhausted  voice,  he  descended 
from  the  pulpit,  and  leaning  upon  his  staff  and  the  arm  of  an 
attendant,  .crept  down  the  street,  which  was  lined  with  the  au- 
dience, who,  as  if  anxious  to  take  the  last  sight  of  their  beloved 
pastor,  followed  him  until  he  entered  his  house,  from  which  he 
never  again  came  out  alive.t 

On  Tuesday  following,  the  llth  of  November,  he  was  seized 


*  Bannatyne,  401,  402. 

|  Smetoni  Responsio,  118.  The  house  which  the  Reformer  possessed  is 
situated  near  the  bottom  of  the  High  Street,  a  little  below  the  Fountain  welL 
These  three  words  are  inscribed  on  the  wall,  BEOS,  DEUS,  GOD. 


332  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

with  a  severe  cough,  which  greatly  affected  his  breathing.* 
When  his  friends,  anxious  to  prolong  his  life,  proposed  to  call 
in  the  assistance  of  physicians,  he  readily  acquiesced,  saying  that 
he  would  not  neglect  the  ordinary  means  of  health,  although  he 
was  persuaded  that  death  would  soon  put  an  end  to  all  his  sor- 
rows. It  had  been  his  ordinary  practice  to  read  every  day  some 
chapters  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament ;  to  which  he  added  a 
certain  number  of  the  Psalms  of  David,  the  whole  of  which  he 
perused  regularly  once  a-month.  On  Thursday  the  13th,  he 
sickened,  and  was  obliged  to  desist  from  his  course  of  reading ; 
but  he  gave  directions  to  his  wife  and  his  secretary,  Richard 
Bannatyne,  that  one  of  them  should  every  day  read  to  him, 
with  a  distinct  voice,  the  seventeenth  chapter  of  the  gospel  ac- 
cording to  John,  the  fifty-third  of  Isaiah,  and  a  chapter  of  the 
Epistle  to  the  Ephesians.  This  was  punctually  complied  with 
during  the  whole  time  of  his  sickness ;  and  scarcely  an  hour 
passed  in  which  some  part  of  Scripture  was  not  read  in  his 
hearing.  Besides  the  above  passages,  he,  at  different  times, 
fixed  on  certain  Psalms,  and  some  of  Calvin's  French  sermons 
on  the  Ephesians.  Thinking  him  at  times  to  be  asleep,  when 
they  were  engaged  in  reading,  they  inquired  if  he  heard  them, 
to  which  he  answered,  «  I  hear,  (I  praise  God)  and  understand 
far  better ;"  words  which  he  uttered  for  the  last  time,  within 
four  hours  of  his  death. 

The  same  day  on  which  he  sickened,  he  desired  his  wife  to 
discharge  the  servants'  wages ;  and  wishing  next  day  to  pay  one 
of  his  men-servants  himself,  he  gave  him  twenty  shillings  above 
his  fee,  saying,  "  Thou  wilt  never  receive  more  from  me  in  this 
life."  To  all  of  them  he  addressed  suitable  exhortations  to  walk 
in  the  fear  of  God,  and  as  became  Christians  who  had  lived  in 
his  family. 

On  Friday,  the  14th,  he  rose  from  bed  at  an  earlier  hour  than 
usual ;  and  thinking  that  it  was  Sabbath,  said,  that  he  meant  to  go 
to  church,  and  preach  on  the  resurrection  of  Christ,  upon  which 

*  As  it  is  unnecessary  to  repeat  the  quotations,  the  reader  may  be  informed, 
once  for  all,  that  the  Account  of  the  Reformer's  last  illness  and  death  is  taken 
from  the  following  authorities: — "Eximii  viri  Joannis  Knoxii,  Scoticanse 
Ecclesiae  instauratoris,  Vera  extremae  vitse  et  obitus  Historia,"  published  by 
Thomas  Smeton,  principal  of  the  university  of  Glasgow,  at  the  end  of  his 
"  Responsio  ad  Hamiltonii  Dialogum.  Edinburgi,  apud  Johannem  Rosseum. 
Pro  Henrico  Charteris.  Anno  Do.  1579.  Cum  Privilegio  Regali :" — "  Jour- 
nal of  the  Transactions  in  Scotland,  (Annis)  1570 — 1573,  by  Richard  Ban- 
natyne, secretary  to  John  Knox,"  413 — 429,  edited  from  an  authentic  MS. 
by  J.  Graham  Dalyell,  Esq.  Anno  1806 : — Spotswood's  History,  pp.  265 — 
267.  Anno  1677 :  and  Calderwood's  MS.  History,  ad  ann.  1572 ;  copy  in 
Advocate's  Library,  Edinburgh,  transcribed  anno  1634.  The  two  first  of 
these  works  contain  the  most  ancient  and  authentic  narratives,  both  being 
written  at  the  time  of  the  event,  and  by  persons  who  were  eye  and  ear  wit- 
of  what  they  relate. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  333 

he  had  been  meditating  through  the  night.  This  was  the  sub- 
ject on  which  he  should  have  preached  in  his  ordinary  course. 
But  he  was  so  weak,  that  he  needed  to  be  supported  from  his 
bedside  by  two  men,  and  it  was  with  great  difficulty  that  he 
could  sit  on  a  chair. 

*  Next  day,  at  noon,  John  Durie,  one  of  the  ministers  of  Leith, 
arid  Archibald  Steward,  who  were  among  his  most  intimate 
acquaintance,  came  into  his  room.  Perceiving  that  he  was  very 
sick,  they  wished  to  take  their  leave,  but  he  insisted  that  they 
should  remain,  and  having  prevailed  with  them  to  stay  dinner, 
he  rose  from  bed,  and  came  to  the  table,  which  was  the  last  time 
that  he  ever  sat  at  it.  He  ordered  a  hogshead  of  wine  which 
was  in  his  cellar  to  be  pierced  for  them ;  and,  with  a  hilarity 
which  he  delighted  to  indulge  among  his  friends,  desired  Steward 
to  send  for  some  of  it  as  long  as  it  lasted,  for  he  would  not  tarry 
until  it  was  all  drunk. 

On  Sabbath,  the  1 6th,  he  kept  his  bed,  and  mistaking  it  for 
the  first  day  of  the  fast  appointed  on  account  of  the  French  mas- 
sacre, refused  to  take  any  dinner.  Fairley  of  Braid,  who  was 
present,  informed  him  that  the  fast  did  not  commence  until  the 
following  Sabbath,  and  sitting  down,  and  dining  before  his  bed 
prevailed  on  him  to  take  a  little  food. 

He  was  very  anxious  to  meet  once  more  with  the  session  of 
his  church,  to  leave  them  his  dying  charge,  and  bid  them  a  last 
farewell.  In  compliance  with  this  wish,  his  colleague,  the  elders, 
and  deacons,  with  David  Lindsay,  one  of  the  ministers  of  Leith, 
assembled  in  his  room  on  Monday  the  1 7th,  when  he  addressed 
them  in  the  following  words,  which  made  a  deep  and  lasting 
impression  on  the  minds  of  all : — "  The  day  approaches,  and  is 
now  before  the  door,  for  which  I  have  frequently  and  vehe- 
mently thirsted,  when  I  shall  be  released  from  my  great  labours 
and  innumerable  sorrows,  and  shall  be  with  Christ.  And  now, 
God  is  my  witness  whom  I  have  served  in  the  spirit  in  the  gos- 
pel of  his  Son,  that  I  have  taught  nothing  but  the  true  and  solid 
doctrine  of  the  gospel  of  the  Son  of  God,  and  have  had  it  for  my 
only  object  to  instruct  the  ignorant,  to  confirm  the  faithful,  to 
comfort  the  weak,  the  fearful,  and  the  distressed,  by  the  pro- 
mises of  grace,  and  to  fight  against  the  proud  and  rebellious  by 
the  divine  threatenings.  I  know  that  many  have  frequently 
complained,  and  do  still  loudly  complain,  of  my  too  great 
severity ;  but  God  knows  that  my  mind  was  always  void  of 
hatred  to  the  persons  of  those  against  whom  I  thundered  the 
severest  judgments.  I  cannot  deny  that  I  felt  the  greatest  ab- 
horrence at  the  sins  in  which  they  indulged,  but  still  I  kept  this 
one  thing  in  view,  that,  if  possible,  I  might  gain  them  to  the 
Lord.  What  influenced  me  to  utter  whatever  the  Lord  put 
into  my  mouth,  so  boldly,  arid  without  respect  of  persons,  was 


334  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

a  reverential  fear  of  my  God,  who  called  and  of  his  grace  ap- 
pointed me  to  be  a  steward  of  divine  mysteries,  and  a  belief 
that  he  will  demand  an  account  of  the  manner  in  which  I  have 
discharged  the  trust  committed  to  me,  when  I  shall  stand  at  last 
before  his  tribunal.  I  profess,  therefore,  before  God,  and  before 
his  holy  angels,  that  I  never  made  merchandise  of  the  sacred 
word  of  God,  never  studied  to  please  men,  never  indulged  my 
own  private  passions  or  those  of  others,  but  faithfully  distributed 
the  talents  intrusted  to  me  for  the  edification  of  the  church  over 
which  I  watched.  Whatever  obloquy  wicked  men  may  cast  on 
me  respecting  this  point,  I  rejoice  in  the  testimony  of  a  good 
conscience.  In  the  mean  time,  my  dear  brethren,  do  you  per- 
severe in  the  eternal  truth  of  the  gospel :  wait  diligently  on  the 
flock  over  which  the  Lord  hath  set  you,  and  which  he  redeem- 
ed with  the  blood  of  his  only  begotten  Son.  And  thou,  my 
dearest  brother  Lawson,  fight  the  good  fight,  and  do  the  work 
of  the  Lord  joyfully  and  resolutely.  The  Lord  from  on  high 
bless  you,  and  the  whole  church  of  Edinburgh,  against  whom, 
as  long  as  they  persevere  in  the  word  of  truth  which  they  have 
heard  of  me,  the  gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail."  *  Having 
warned  them  against  countenancing  those  who  disowned  the 
king's  authority,  and  made  some  observations  on  a  complaint 
which  Maitland  had  lodged  against  him  before  the  session,  he 
Decame  so  exhausted  as  to  be  obliged  to  desist  from  speaking. 
Those  who  were  present  were  filled  both  with  joy  and  grief  by 
this  affecting  address.  After  reminding  him  of  the  warfare 
which  he  had  endured,  and  the  triumph  which  awaited  him, 
and  joining  in  prayer,  they  took  their  leave  of  him,  drowned 
in  tears. 

When  they  were  going  out,  he  desired  his  colleague  and 
Lindsay  to  remain  behind.  «  There  is  one  thing  that  greatly 
grieves  me,"  said  he  to  them.  "  You  have  been  witnesses  of 
the  former  courage  and  constancy  of  Grange  in  the  cause  of 
God ;  but  now,  alas  !  into  what  a  gulf  has  he  precipitated  him- 
self !  I  entreat  you  not  to  refuse  the  request  which  I  now  make 
to  you.  Go  to  the  castle,  and  tell  him  : '  John  Knox  remains  the 
same  man  now  when  he  is  about  to  die,  that  ever  he  knew  him 
when  able  in  body,  and  wills  him  to  consider  what  he  was,  and 
the  estate  in  which  he  now  stands,  which  is  a  great  part  of  his 
trouble.  Neither  the  craggy  rock  in  which  he  miserably  con- 
fides, nor  the  carnal  prudence  of  that  man  [Maitland]  whom  he 
esteems  a  demi-god,  nor  the  assistance  of  strangers,  shall  pre- 
serve him  ;  but  he  shall  be  disgracefully  dragged  from  his  nest 
to  punishment,  and  hung  on  a  gallows  before  the  face  of  the 

*  This  speech  is  translated  from  the  Latin  of  Smeton,  which  accounts  for 
the  difference  of  style  which  the  attentive  reader  must  have  remarked. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  335 

sun,  unless  he  speedily  amend  his  life,  and  flee  to  the  mercy  of 
God.'  That  man's  soul  is  dear  to  me,  and  I  would  not  have 
it  perish,  if  I  could  save  it."  The  ministers  undertook  to  exe- 
cute this  commission;  and  going  up  to  the  castle,  they  obtained 
an  interview  with  the  governor,  and  delivered  their  message. 
He  at  first  exhibited  symptoms  of  relenting,  but  having  con- 
sulted apart  with  Maitland,  he  returned,  and  gave  them  a  very 
unpleasant  answer.  This  being  reported  to  Knox,  he  was  much 
grieved,  and  said,  that  he  had  been  earnest  in  prayer  for  that 
man,  and  still  trusted  that  his  soul  would  be  saved,  although  his 
body  should  come  to  a  miserable  end.* 

After  his  interview  with  the  session  he  became  much  worse ; 
his  difficulty  of  breathing  increased,  and  he  could  not  speak 
without  great  and  obvious  pain.  Yet  he  continued  still  to 
receive  persons  of  every  rank,  who  came  in  -great  numbers  to 
visit  him,  and  suffered  none  to  go  away  without  advices,  which 
he  uttered  with  such  variety  and  suitableness  as  astonished  those 
who  waited  upon  him.  Lord  Boyd,  coming  into  his  chamber, 
said,  « I  know,  sir,  that  I  have  offended  you  in  many  things, 
and  am  now  come  to  crave  your  pardon."  The  answer  was  not 
heard,  as  the  attendants  retired  and  left  them  alone ;  but  his 
lordship  returned  next  day  in  company  with  Drumlanrig,  and 
Morton.  The  Reformer's  private  conversation  with  the  latter 
was  very  particular,  as  afterwards  related  by  the  earl  himself. 
He  asked  him,  if  he  was  previously  acquainted  with  the  desing 
to  murder  the  late  king.  Morton  having  answered  in  the 
negative,t  he  said,  "  Well,  God  has  beautified  you  with  many 
benefits,  which  he  has  not  given  to  every  man ;  as  he  has  given 
you  riches,  wisdom,  and  friends,  and  now  is  to  prefer  you  to  the 
government  of  this  realm. $  And,  therefore,  in  the  name  of 
God,  I  charge  you  to  use  all  these  benefits  aright,  and  better  in 

*  After  the  castle  surrendered,  and  Kircaldy  was  condemned  to  die,  Lind- 
say attended  him  at  his  earnest  desire,  and  received  much  satisfaction  from 
Conversation  with  him.  When  he  was  on  the  scaffold,  he  desired  the  min- 
ister to  repeat  Knox's  last  words  respecting  him,  and  said  that  he  hoped  they 
would  prove  true.  James  Melville  had  this  information  from  Lindsay.  MS. 
Diary,  pp.  29,  30.  See  also  Spotswood,  266,  272. 

f  Morton  afterwards  acknowledged  that  he  did  know  of  the  murder ;  but 
excused  himself  for  concealing  it.  "  The  quene,"  he  said.  "  was  the  doare 
tharoof ;"  and  as  for  the  king,  he  was  "  sic  a  bairne,  that  there  was  nothing 
tauld  him  but  he  wad  reveill  it  to  hir  agane."  Bannatyne,  494,  497. 

|  The  regent  Mar  died  on  the  29th  of  October  preceding.  The  nobility 
were  at  this  time  assembled  at  Edinburgh  to  choose  his  successor,  and  it  was 
understood  that  Morton  would  be  raised  to  that  dignity.  He  was  elected 
regent  on  the  day  of  Knox's  death,  Bannatyne,  411,  412,  427.  The  author 
of  the  Historic  of  King  James  the  Sext  says,  that  the  regent  died  October 
18,  and  adds,  "  efter  him  dyed  Johne  Knox  in  that  same  moneth,"  p.  197. 
But  he  has  mistaken  the  dates. 


336  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

time  to  come  than  ye  have  done  in  times  bypast ;  first  to  God's? 
glory,  to  the  furtherance  of  the  evangel,  the  maintenance  of  the 
Church  of  God,  and  his  ministry ;  next  for  the  weal  of  the  king, 
and  his  realm  and  true  subjects.  If  so  ye  shall  do,  God  shall 
bless  you  and  honour  you  ;  but  if  ye  do  it  not,  God  shall  spoil 
you  of  these  benefits,  and  your  end  shall  be  ignominy  and 
shame."  * 

On  Thursday,  the  20th,  Lord  Lindsay,  the  Bishop  of  Caith- 
ness, and  several  gentlemen,  visited  him.  He  exhorted  them  to 
continue  in  the  truth  which  they  had  heard,  for  there  was  no 
other  word  of  salvation,  and  besought  them  to  have  nothing  to 
do  with  those  in  the  castle.  The  Earl  of  Glencairn  (who  had 
often  visited  him)  came  in  with  Lord  Ruthven.  The  latter, 
who  called  only  once,  said  to  him,  "  If  there  be  any  thing,  sir, 
that  I  am  able  to  do  for  you,  I  pray  you  charge  me."  His 
reply  was  "  I  care  not  for  all  the  pleasure  and  friendship  of  the 
world." 

A  religious  lady  of  his  acquaintance  desired  him  to  praise 
God  for  what  good  he  had  done,  and  was  beginning  to  speak  in 
his  commendation,  when  he  interrupted  her.  "  Tongue  !  tongue  ! 
lady ;  flesh  of  itself  is  over-proud,  and  needs  no  means  to  esteem 
itself."  He  put  her  in  mind  of  what  had  been  said  to  her  long 
ago,  "  Lady,  lady,  the  black  one  has  never  trampit  on  your 
fute  ;"  and  exhorted  her  to  lay  aside  pride,  and  be  clothed  with 
humility.  He  then  protested  as  to  himself,  as  he  had  often  done 
before,  that  he  relied  wholly  on  the  free  mercy  of  God,  mani- 
fested to  mankind  through  his  dear  Son  Jesus  Christ,  whom 
alone  he  embraced  for  wisdom,  and  righteousness,  and  sanctifi 
cation,  and  redemption.  The  rest  of  the  company  having  taken 
their  leave  of  him,  he  said  to  Fairley  of  Braid,  "  Every  one  bids 
me  good-night ;  but  when  will  you  do  it  ?  I  have  been  greatly 
indebted  unto  you ;  for  which  I  shall  never  be  able  to  recom- 
pense you  ;  but  I  commit  you  to  one  that  is  able  to  do  it,  to  the 
eternal  God." 

On  Friday  the  21st,  he  desired  Richard  Bannatyne  to  order 
his  coffin  to  be  made.  During  that  day  he  was  much  engaged 
in  meditation  and  prayer.  These  words  dropped  from  his  lips 
at  intervals :  "  Come,  Lord  Jesus. — Sweet  Jesus,  into  thy  hand 
I  commend  my  spirit. — Be  merciful,  Lord,  to  thy  Church, 
which  thou  hast  redeemed. — Give  peace  to  this  afflicted  com- 
monwealth.— Raise  up  faithful  pastors  who  will  take  the  charge 
of  thy  Church. — Grant  us,  Lord,  the  perfect  hatred  of  sin,  both 
by  the  evidences  of  thy  wrath  and  mercy.  In  the  midst  of  his 

*  Morton  gave  this  account  of  his  conference  with  the  Reformer  to  the 
ministers  who  attended  him  before  his  execution.  Being  asked  if  he  had  not 
found  Knox's  admonition  true,  he  replied,  "  1  have  fand  it  indeid."  Morton's 
Confession.  Bannatyne,  508,  509. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  337 

meditations,  he  often  addressed  those  who  stood  by,  in  such 
sentences  as  these  : — "  0  serve  the  Lord  in  fear,  and  death  shall 
not  be  terrible  to  you.  Nay,  blessed  shall  death  be  to  those 
who  have  felt  the  power  of  the  death  of  the  only  begotten  Son 
of  God." 

On  Sabbath  the  23d  (which  was  the  first  day  of  the  national 
fast),  during  the  afternoon  sermon,  after  lying  a  considerable 
time  quiet,  he  suddenly  exclaimed,  "  If  any  be  present,  let  them 
come  and  see  the  work  of  God."  Thinking  that  his  death  was 
at  hand,  Bannatyne  sent  to  the  Church  for  Johnston  of  Elphing- 
ston.  When  he  came  to  the  bedside,  Knox  burst  out  in  these 
rapturous  expressions : — "  I  have  been  these  two  last  nights  in 
meditation  on  the  troubled  state  of  the  Church  of  God,  the  spouse 
of  Jesus  Christ,  despised  of  the  world,  but  precious  in  the  sight 
of  God.  I  have  called  to  God  for  her,  and  have  committed  her 
to  her  head,  Jesus  Christ.  I  have  fought  against  spiritual  wick- 
edness in  heavenly  things,  and  have  prevailed.  I  have  been  in 
heaven,  and  have  possession.  I  have  tasted  of  the  heavenly 
joys  where  presently  I  am."  He  then  repeated  the  Lord's 
prayer  and  the  creed,  interjecting  devout  aspirations  between 
the  articles  of  the  latter. 

After  sermon,  many  came  to  visit  him.  Perceiving  that  he 
breathed  with  great  difficulty,  some  of  them  asked,  if  he  felt 
much  pain.  He  answered,  that  he  was  willing  to  lie  there  for 
years,  if  God  so  pleased,  and  if  he  continued  to  shine  upon  his 
soul  through  Jesus  Christ.  He  slept  very  little ;  but  was  em- 
ployed almost  incessantly  either  in  meditation,  in  prayer,  or  in 
exhortation.  "  Live  in  Christ.  Live  in  Christ,  and  then  flesh 
need  not  fear  death. — Lord,  grant  true  pastors  to  thy  Church, 
that  purity  of  doctrine  may  be  retained. — Restore  peace  again 
to  this  commonwealth,  with  godly  rulers  and  magistrates. — 
Once,  Lord,  make  an  end  of  my  trouble."  Then,  stretching 
his  hands  towards  heaven,  he  said,  "Lord,  I  commend  my 
spirit,  soul,  and  body,  and  all,  into  thy  hands.  Thou  knowest, 
0  Lord,  my  troubles :  I  do  not  murmur  against  thee."  His 
pious  ejaculations  were  so  numerous,  that  those  who  waited  on 
him  could  recollect  only  a  small  portion  of  what  he  uttered ;  for 
seldom  was  he  silent,  when  they  were  not  employed  in  reading 
or  in  prayer. 

Monday,  the  24th  of  November,  was  the  last  day  that  he  spent 
on  earth.  That  morning  he  could  not  be  persuaded  to  lie  in 
bed,  but,  though  unable  to  stand  alone,  rose  between  nine  and 
ten  o'clock,  and  put  on  his  stockings  and  doublet.  Being  con- 
ducted to  a  chair,  he  sat  about  half  an  hour,  and  then  was  put 
to  bed  again.  In  the  progress  of  the  day,  it  appeared  evident 
that  his  end  drew  near.  Besides  his  wife  and  Bannatyne, 
Campbell  of  Kinyeancleuch,  Johnston  of  Elphingston,  and  Dr. 
29  S2 


338  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

Preston,  three  of  his  most  intimate  acquaintance,  sat  by  turns 
at  his  bedside.  Kinyeancleuch  asked  him  if  he  had  any  pain. 
«  It  is  no  painful  pain,  but  such  a  pain  as  shall  soon,  I  trust,  put 
end  to  the  battle.  I  must  leave  the  care  of  my  wife  and  chil- 
dren to  you,"  continued  he,  "  to  whom  you  must  be  a  husband 
in  my  room."  About  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  one  of  his 
eyes  failed,  and  his  speech  was  considerably  affected.  He  de- 
sired his  wife  to  read  the  fifteenth  chapter  of  the  first  epistle  to 
the  Corinthians.  "  Is  not  that  a  comfortable  chapter  ?"  said  he, 
when  it  was  finished.  "  0  what  sweet  and  salutary  consola- 
tion the  Lord  has  afforded  me  from  that  chapter !"  A  little 
after  he  said,  "  Now,  for  the  last  time,  I  commend  my  soul, 
spirit,  and  body  (touching  three  of  his  fingers),  into  thy  hand, 
O  Lord."  About  five  o'clock,  he  said  to  his  wife,  "  Go,  read 
where  I  cast  my  first  anchor  ;"  upon  which  she  read  the  seven- 
teenth chapter  of  John's  Gospel,  and  afterwards  a  part  of  Cal- 
vin's sermons  on  the  Ephesians. 

After  this  he  appeared  to  fall  into  a  slumber,  interrupted  by 
heavy  moans,  during  which  the  attendants  looked  every  mo- 
ment for  his  dissolution.  But  at  length  he  awaked,  as  if  from 
sleep,  and  being  asked  the  cause  of  his  sighing  so  deeply,  re- 
plied,— «  I  have  formerly,  during  my  frail  life,  sustained  many 
contests,  and  many  assaults  of  Satan ;  but  at  present  he  hath 
assailed  me  most  fearfully,  and  put  forth  all  his  strength  to  de- 
vour, and  make  an  end  of  me  at  once.  Often  before  has  he 
placed  my  sins  before  my  eyes,  often  tempted  me  to  despair, 
often  endeavoured  to  ensnare  me  by  the  allurements  of  the 
world ;  but  these  weapons  were  broken  by  the  sword  of  the 
Spirit,  the  word  of  God,  and  the  enemy  failed.  Now  he  has 
attacked  me  in  another  way :  the  cunning  serpent  has  laboured 
to  persuade  me  that  I  have  merited  heaven  and  eternal  blessed- 
ness by  the  faithful  discharge  of  my  ministry.  But  blessed  be 
God,  who  has  enabled  me  to  beat  down  and  quench  this  fiery 
dart,  by  suggesting  to  me  such  passages  of  Scripture  as  these  : — 
6  What  hast  thou  that  thou  hast  not  received  ? — By  the  grace 
of  God  I  am  what  I  am : — Not  I,  but  the  grace  of  God  in  me.' 
Upon  this,  as  one  vanquished,  he  left  me.  Wherefore  I  give 
thanks  to  my  God  through  Jesus  Christ,  who  has  been  pleased 
to  give  me  the  victory ;  and  I  am  persuaded  that  the  tempter 
shall  not  again  attack  me,  but,  within  a  short  time,  I  shall,  with- 
out any  great  pain  of  body  or  anguish  of  mind,  exchange  this 
mortal  and  miserable  life  for  a  blessed  immortality  through 
Jesus  Christ." 

He  then  lay  quiet  for  some  hours,  except  that  now  and  then 
he  desired  them  to  wet  his  mouth  with  a  little  weak  ale.  At  ten 
o'clock,  they  read  the  evening  prayer,  which  they  had  delayed 
beyond  the  usual  hour,  from  an  apprehension  that  he  was  asleep. 


LIFE    OF   JOHN    KNOX.  339 

After  this  exercise  was  concluded,  Dr.  Preston  asked  him  if  he 
had  heard  the  prayers.  "  Would  to  God,"  said  he,  "  that  you 
and  all  men  had  heard  them  as  I  have  heard  them ;  I  praise 
God  for  that  heavenly  sound."  The  doctor  rose  up,  and  Kin- 
yeancleugh  sat  down  before  his  bed.  About  eleven  o'clock,  he 
gave  a  deep  sigh,  and  said,  "  Now  it  is  come."  Bannatyne 
immediately  drew  near,  and  desired  him  to  think  upon  those 
comfortable  promises  of  our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  which  he  had 
so  often  declared  to  others ;  and,  perceiving  that  he  was  speech- 
less, requested  him  to  give  them  a  sign  that  he  heard  them,  and 
died  in  peace.  Upon  this  he  lifted  up  one  of  his  hands,  and, 
sighing  twice,  expired  without  a  struggle.* 

He  died  in  the  sixty-seventh  year  of  his  age,  not  so  much 
oppressed  with  years,  as  worn  out  and  exhausted  by  his  extra- 
ordinary labours  of  body  and  anxieties  of  mind.  Few  men 
were  ever  exposed  to  more  dangers,  or  underwent  greater 
hardships.  From  the  time  that  he  embraced  the  reformed  re- 
ligion till  he  breathed  his  last,  seldom  did  he  enjoy  a  respite 
from  trouble  ;  and  he  emerged  from  one  scene  of  difficulty  and 
danger,  only  to  be  involved  in  another  still  more  distressing. 
Obliged  to  flee  from  St  Andrews  to  escape  the  fury  of  Cardinal 
Beatoun,  he  found  a  retreat  in  East-Lothian,  from  which  he  was 
hunted  by  Archbishop  Hamilton.  He  lived  for  several  years 
as  an  outlaw,  in  daily  apprehension  of  falling  a  prey  to  those 
who  eagerly  sought  his  life.  The  few  months  during  which  he 
enjoyed  protection  in  the  castle  of  St  Andrews,  were  succeeded 
by  a  long  and  rigorous  captivity.  After  enjoying  some  repose 
in  England,  he  was  again  driven  into  banishment,  and  for  five 
years  wandered  as  an  exile  on  the  Continent.  When  he  re- 
turned to  his  native  country,  it  was  to  engage  in  a  struggle  of 
the  most  perilous  and  arduous  kind.  After  the  Reformation 
was  established,  and  he  was  settled  in  the  capital,  he  was  in- 
volved in  a  continual  contest  with  the  court.  When  he  was 
relieved  from  this  warfare,  and  thought  only  of  ending  his  days 
in  peace,  he  was  again  called  into  the  field ;  and  although 
scarcely  able  to  walk,  was  obliged  to  remove  from  his  flock, 
arid  to  avoid  the  fury  of  his  enemies  by  submitting  to  a  new 
banishment.  He  was  repeatedly  condemned  for  heresy,  and 
proclaimed  an  outlaw  ;  thrice  he  was  accused  of  high  treason, 
and  on  two  of  these  occasions  he  appeared  and  underwent  a 
trial.  A  price  was  publicly  set  on  his  head ;  assassins  Vere 
employed  to  kill  him  ;  and  his  life  was  attempted  both  with  the 

*  "  Manum  itaque,  quasi  nouas  vires  jamjam  moriturus  concipiens,  coelum 
versus  erigit,  duobusque  emissis  suspiriis,  e  mortali  corpore  emigrauit,  citra 
vllum  aut  pedum  aut  aliarum  partium  corporis  motum,  vt  potius  dormire  quam 
occidisse  videretur."  Smetoni  Responsio  p.  123. 


340  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

pistol  and  the  dagger.  Yet  he  escaped  all  these  perils,  and 
finished  his  course  in  peace  and  in  honour.  No  wonder  that  he 
was  weary  of  the  world,  and  anxious  to  depart ;  and  with  great 
propriety  might  it  be  said,  at  his  decease,  that  "  he  rested  from 
his  labours." 

On  Wednesday,  the  26th  of  November,  he  was  interred  in 
the  churchyard  of  St.  Giles.*  His  funeral  was  attended  by  the 
newly  elected  regent,  Morton,  by  all  the  nobility  who  were  in 
the  city,  and  a  great  concourse  of  people.  When  his  body  was 
laid  in  the  grave,  the  regent  emphatically  pronounced  his  eulo- 
gium  in  these  words,  "  There  lies  he,  who  never  feared  the  face 
of  man."  t 

The  character  of  this  extraordinary  man  has  been  drawn  in 
opposite  colours,  by  different  writers,  and  at  different  times. 
And  the  changes  which  have  taken  place  in  the  public  opinion 
about  him,  with  the  causes  which  have  produced  them,  form  a 
subject  neither  uncuriotis,  nor  unworthy  of  attention. 

The  interest  excited  by  the  revolutions  of  Scotland,  eccle- 
siastical and  political,  in  which  he  acted  so  conspicuous  a  part, 
caused  his  name  to  be  known  throughout  Europe,  more  exten- 
sively than  those  of  most  of  the  reformers.  WThen  we  reflect, 
that  the  Roman  Catholics  looked  upon  him  as  the  principal 
instrument  in  overthrowing  their  religious  establishment  in  this 
country,  we  are  prepared  to  expect  that  writers  of  that  per- 
suasion would  represent  his  character  in  an  unfavourable  light ; 
and  that,  in  addition  to  the  common  charges  of  heresy  and 
apostasy,  they  would  describe  him  as  a  man  of  a  restless,  turbu- 
lent spirit,  and  of  rebellious  principles.  We  will  not  even  be 
greatly  surprised  though  we  find  them  charging  him  with 
whoredom,  because,  being  a  priest,  he  entered  into  wedlock, 
once  and  a  second  time  ;  and  imputing  his  change  of  religion  to 
a  desire  of  releasing  himself  from  the  bonds  by  which  the  Popish 
clergy  were  professionally  bound  to  chastity.  But  all  this  is 
nothing  to  the  portraits  which  they  have  drawn  of  him,  in 
which,  to  the  violation  of  all  credibility,  he  is  unblushingly 
represented  as  a  man,  or  rather  a  monster,  of  the  most  profligate 

*  Cald.  MS.  ad  aim  1572.  Bannatyne,  429.  Spotswood,  267.  The  area 
of  the  Parliament  Square  was  formerly  the  churchyard  of  St.  Giles.  Some 
think  that  he  was  buried  in  one  of  the  aisles  of  his  own  church.  The  place 
where  the  Reformer  preached  is  that  which  is  now  called  the  Old  Church. 
It  has,  however,  undergone  a  great  change  since  his  time.  The  space  now 
occupied  by  the  pulpit  and  the  greater  part  of  the  seats,  was  then  an  aisle ; 
and  the  church  was  considerably  more  to  the  north  of  the  building  than  at 
present.  The  small  church  fitted  up  for  him  a  few  weeks  before  his  death 
is  called  by  Bannatyne,  the  Tolbooth.  Whether  it  was  exactly  that  part 
of  the  building  now  called  the  Tolbooth  Church,  I  do  not  know. 

f  Some  verses  to  the  Reformer's  memory  may  be  seen  in  Note  PPP. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  341 

character,  who  gloried  in  depravity,  who  avowedly  indulged  in 
the  most  vicious  practices,  and  upon  whom  Providence  fixed 
the  most  evident  marks  of  reprobation  at  his  death,  which  was 
accompanied  with  circumstances  that  excited  the  utmost  horror 
in  the  beholders.*  This  might  astonish  us,  did  we  not  know, 
from  undoubted  documents,  that  there  were  at  that  time  a  class 
of  writers,  who,  by  inventing  or  retailing  such  malignant 
calumnies,  attempted  to  blast  the  fairest  and  most  unblemished 
characters  among  those  who  appeared  in  opposition  to  the 
Church  of  Rome  ;  and  that,  absurd  and  outrageous  as  the  accu- 
sations were,  they  were  greedily  swallowed  by  the  numerous 
slaves  of  prejudice  and  credulity.  The  memory  of  no  one  was 
loaded  with  a  greater  share  of  this  obloquy  than  our  Reformer's. 
But  these  accounts  have  long  ago  lost  every  degree  of  credit ; 
and  they  now  remain  only  as  a  proof  of  the  spirit  of  lies  or  of 
strong  delusion,  by  which  these  writers  were  actuated,  and  of 
the  deep  and  deadly  hatred  which  they  had  conceived  against 
the  object  of  their  calumny,  on  account  of  his  strenuous  and 
successful  exertions  in  overthrowing  the  fabric  of  papal  super- 
stition and  despotism. 

Knox  was  known  and  esteemed  by  the  principal  persons 
among  the  reformed  in  France,  Switzerland,  and  Germany. 
We  have  had  occasion  repeatedly  to  mention  his  friendship  with 
the  reformer  of  Geneva.  Beza,  the  successor  of  Calvin,  was 
also  personally  acquainted  with  him ;  the  letters  which  he  wrote 
to  him  abound  with  expressions  of  the  warmest  regard,  and 
highest  esteem ;  and,  in  his  Images  of  Illustrious  Men,  he  after- 
wards raised  an  affectionate  tribute  to  our  Reformer's  memory. 
This  was  done,  at  a  subsequent  period,  by  the  German  biogra- 
pher, Melchior  Adam,  the  Dutch  Van  Heiden,  and  the  French 
La  Roque.  The  late  historian  of  the  literature  of  Geneva, 
(whose  religious  sentiments  are  very  different  from  those  of 
Calvin  and  Beza,)  although  he  is  displeased  with  the  philippics 
which  Knox  sometimes  pronounced  from  the  pulpit,  says,  that 
61  he  immortalized  himself  by  his  courage  against  Popery,  and 
his  firmness  against  the  tyranny  of  Mary  ;  and  that  though  a 
violent,  he  was  always  an  open  and  honourable,  enemy  to  the 
Catholics."  t 

The  affectionate  veneration  in  which  his  memory  continued 
to  be  held  in  Scotland  after  his  death,  evinces  that  the  influence 
which  he  possessed  among  his  countrymen  during  his  life  was 
not  constrained,  but  founded  on  the  high  opinion  which  they 
entertained  of  his  virtues  and  talents.  Bannatyne  has  drawn 
his  character  in  the  most  glowing  colours ;  and,  although  allow 

*  See  Note  QQQ. 

f  Senebier,  Hist.  Lit.  de  Geneve,  i.  377. 
29* 


342  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

ances  must  be  made  for  the  enthusiasm  with  which  a  favourite 
servant*  wrote  of  a  beloved  and  revered  master,,  yet,  as  he  lived 
long  in  the  Reformer's  family,  and  was  himself  a  man  of  re- 
spectability and  learning,  his  testimony  is  by  no  means  to  be 
disregarded.  In  a  speech  which  he  delivered  before  the  Gene- 
ral Assembly  in  March  1571,  when,  in  his  master's  name,  he 
craved  justice  against  the  calumnies  circulated  by  the  queen's 
party,  he  said,  "  It  has  pleased  God  to  make  me  a  servant  to 
that  man  John  Knox,  whom  I  serve,  as  God  bears  me  witness, 
not  so  much  in  respect  of  my  worldly  commodity,  as  for  that 
integrity  and  uprightness  which  I  have  ever  known,  and  pre- 
sently understand,  to  be  in  him,  especially  in  the  faithful  admin- 
istration of  his  office,  in  teaching  of  the  word  of  God :  and  if  I 
understood,  or  knew  that  he  was  a  false  teacher,  a  seducer,  a 
raiser  of  schism,  or  one  that  makes  division  in  the  Church  of 
God,  as  he  is  reported  to  be  by  the  former  accusations,  I  would 
not  serve  him  for  all  the  substance  in  Edinburgh."t  And,  in 
his  journal,  after  giving  an  account  of  Knox's  death,  he 
adds  : — "  In  this  manner  departed  this  man  of  God :  the  light 
of  Scotland,  the  comfort  of  the  Church  within  the  same,  the 
mirror  of  godliness,  and  pattern  and  example  to  all  true  minis- 
ters, in  purity  of  life,  soundness  of  doctrine,  and  boldness1  in  re- 
proving of  wickedness ;  one  that  cared  not  the  favour  of  men, 
how  great  soever  they  were.  What  dexterity  in  teaching,  bold- 
ness in  reproving,  and  hatred  of  wickedness  was  in  him,  my 
ignorant  dulness  is  not  able  to  declare,  which  if  I  should  preisj 
to  set  out,  it  were  as  one  who  would  light  a  candle  to  let  men 
see  the  sun ;  seeing  all  his  virtues  are  better  known  and  notified 
to  the  world  a  thousand  fold  than  I  am  able  to  express."  § 

Principal  Smeton's  character  of  him,  while  it  is  less  liable  to 
the  suspicion  of  partiality,  is  equally  honourable  and  flattering. 
"  I  know  not,"  says  he,  "  if  ever  so  much  piety  and  genius  were 
lodged  in  such  a  frail  and  weak  body.  Certain  I  am,  that  it 
will  be  difficult  to  find  one  in  whom  the  gifts  of  the  Holy  Spirit 
shone  so  bright,  to  the  comfort  of  the  Church  of  Scotland. 
None  spared  himself  less  in  enduring  fatigues,  bodily  and  men- 
tal ;  none  was  more  intent  on  discharging  the  duties  of  the  pro- 
vince assigned  to  him."  And  again,  addressing  his  calumniator 

*  The  reader  should  observe,  that  the  word  servant,  or  servitor,  was  then 
used  with  greater  latitude  than  it  is  now,  and  in  old  writings  often  signifies 
the  person  whom  we  call  by  the  more  honourable  names  of  clerk,  secretary, 
or  man  of  business.  As  the  drawing  of  the  principal  ecclesiastical  papers, 
and  the  compiling  of  the  history  of  public  proceedings,  were  committed  to 
our  Reformer,  from  the  time  of  his  last  return  to  Scotland,  he  kept  a  person 
of  this  description  in  his  family,  and  Bannatyne  held  the  situation. 

f  Journal,  104,  105. 

J  i.  e.  labour.  §  Bannatyne,  427,  429. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  343 

Plamilton,  he  says,  "  This  illustrious,  I  say  illustrious  servant 
of  God,  John  Knox,  I  shall  clear  from  your  feigned  accusations 
and  slanders,  by  the  testimony  of  a  venerable  assembly  rather 
than  by  my  own  denial.  This  pious  duty,  this  reward  of  a  well- 
spent  life,  all  its  members  most  cheerfully  discharge  to  their  ex- 
cellent instructor  in  Christ  Jesus.  This  testimony  of  gratitude 
they  all  owe  to  him,  who,  they  know,  ceased  not  to  deserve  well 
of  all  till  he  ceased  to  breathe.  Released  from  a  body  exhausted 
in  Christian  warfare,  and  translated  to  a  blessed  rest,  where  he 
has  obtained  the  sweet  reward  of  his  labours,  he  now  triumphs 
with  Christ.  But  beware,  sycophant,  of  insulting  him  when, 
dead ;  for  he  has  left  behind  him  as  many  defenders  of  his  repu- 
tation as  there  are  persons  who  were  drawn  by  his  faithful 
preaching,  from  the  gulf  of  ignorance  to  the  knowledge  of  the 
gospel."  * 

The  divines  of  the  Church  of  England,  who  were  contem- 
porary with  Knox,  entertained  a  great  respect  for  his  character, 
and  ranked  him  along  with  the  most  eminent  of  their  own  re- 
formers.t  I  have  already  produced  the  mark  of  esteem  which 
Bishop  Bale  conferred  on  him,  and  the  terms  of  approbation  in 
which  he  was  mentioned  by  Dr.  Fulke,  one  of  the  most  learned 
of  the  English  divines  in  the  sixteenth  century. :f  Aylmer,  in  a 
work  written  to  confute  one  of  his  opinions,  bears  a  voluntary 
testimony  to  his  learning  and  integrity.  §  And  Ridley,  who 
stickled  more  for  the  ceremonies  of  the  Church  than  any  of  his 
brethren  in  the  reign  of  Edward  VI.  and  who  was  displeased 
with  the  opposition  which  Knox  made  to  the  introduction  of 
the  English  liturgy  at  Frankfort,  expressed  his  high  opinion  of 
him,  as  "  a  man  of  wit,  much  good  learning,  and  earnest  zeal."  |[ 
Whatever  dissatisfaction  they  felt  at  his  pointed  reprehension 
of  several  parts  of  their  ecclesiastical  establishment,  the  English 
dignitaries,  under  Elizabeth,  rejoiced  at  the  success  of  his  exer- 
tions, and  without  scruple  expressed  their  approbation  of  many 
of  his  measures,  which  were  afterwards  severely  censured  by 
their  successors.^  I  need  scarcely  add,  that  his  memory  was 
held  in  veneration  by  the  English  Puritans.  Some  of  the  chief 

*  Smetoni  Resp.  ad  Hamilt.  Dial.  pp.  95.  115. 

f  Calf  hill's  Answere  to  the  Treatise  of  the  Crosse ;  Preface  to  the  Readers, 
fol.  18,  a  Lond.  1565.  This  writer  was  cousin  to  Toby  Matthews,  Arch- 
/bishop  of  York ;  and  in  the  Convocation  which  met  in  1572,  sat  as  a  repre- 
sentative of  the  clergy  of  London,  and  the  canons  of  Oxford.  Strype,  An- 
nals, i.  289,  292—3. 

|  See  above,  p.  153,  and  note  N. 

§  Ilarborowe  for  Faithful  and  Trewe  Subjects,  B.  B.  2.  C.  C.  2.  Strype's 
Life  of  Aylmer,  p.  238. 

||  Strype's  Life  of  Grindal,  pp.  19,  20. 

IT  Burnet,  vol.  ii.  Appendix,  part  iii.  B.  vi.  pp.  351,  352. 


344  LIFE    OF  JOHN   KNOX. 

men  among  them  were  personally  acquainted  with  him  during 
his  residence  in  England  and  on  the  Continent ;  and  others  of 
them  corresponded  with  him  by  letter.  They  highly  esteemed 
his  writings,  sought  for  his  manuscripts  with  avidity,  and  pub- 
lished them  with  testimonies  of  the  warmest  approbation.* 

Towards  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century,  there  arose 
another  race  of  prelates,  of  very  different  principles  from  the 
English  reformers,  who  began  to  maintain  the  divine  right  of 
diocesan  Episcopacy,  with  the  intrinsic  excellency  of  a  ceremo- 
nious worship,  and  to  adopt  a  new  language  respecting  other 
reformed  churches.  Dr.  Bancroft,  afterwards  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  was  the  first  writer  among  them,  who  spoke  disre- 
spectfully of  Knox,t  after  whom  it  became  a  fashionable  prac- 
ttice  among  the  hierarchical  party.  This  was  resented  by  the 
ministers  of  Scotland,  who  warmly  vindicated  the  character  of 
their  Reformer,:}:  a4  the  expense  of  incurring  the  frowns  and 
resentment  of  their  sovereign.  Though  educated  under  the 
greatest  scholar  of  the  age,  and  one  who  was  a  decided  friend  to 
popular  liberty,  James,  in  spite  of  the  instructions  of  Buchanan, 
proved  a  pedant,  and  cowardice  alone  prevented  him  from  be- 
coming a  tyrant.  His  early  favourites  flattered  his  vanity,  fos- 
tered his  love  of  arbitrary  power,  and  inspired  him  with  fhe 
strongest  prejudice  against  the  principles  and  conduct  of  those 
men  who,  during  his  early  years,  had  been  the  instruments  of 
preserving  his  life,  and  supporting  his  authority.  To  secure 
his  succession  to  the  English  crown,  he  entered  into  a  private 
correspondence  with  Bancroft,  and  concerted  with  him  the 
scheme  of  introducing  Episcopacy  into  the  Church  of  Scotland. 
The  Presbyterian  ministers  incurred  his  deep  and  lasting  dis- 

*  In  a  dedication  of  Knox's  "  Exposition  of  the  Temptation  of  Christ," 
John  Field,  the  publisher,  says :  "  If  ever  God  shall  vouchsafe  the  Church 
so  greate  a  benefite ;  when  his  infinite  letters,  and  sundry  other  treatises 
shall  be  gathered  together,  it  shall  appear  what  an  excellent  man  he  was, 
and  what  a  wonderful  losse  that  Church  of  Scotland  susteined  when  that 
worthie  man  was  taken  from  them.  If,  by  yourselfe  or  others,  you  can  pro- 
cure any  other  his  writings  or  letters  here  at  home,  or  abroad  in  Scotland, 
be  a  meane  that  we  may  receive  them.  It  were  great  pittie  that  any  the 
least  of  his  writinges  should  be  lost ;  for  he  evermore  wrote  both  godly  and 
diligently,  in  questions  of  divinitie,  and  also  of  church  policie ;  and  his  letters 
being  had  togeather,  would  togeather  set  out  an  whole  historic  of  the 
churches  where  he  lived." 

t  In  a  sermon  preached  by  him  at  Paul's  Cross,  before  the  Parliament  of 
England,  Feb.  9,  1588,  on  1  John  iv.  1,  printed  in  1588,  and  reprinted  in 
1636.  He  enlarged  on  the  subject  in  two  posterior  treatises,  the  one  en- 
titled. "  Dangerous  Positions ;  or  Scottish  Genevating,  and  English  Scotti- 
zing ;"  the  other  "  A  Survey  of  the  Pretended  Holy  Discipline." 

|  John  Davidson,  minister  first  at  Libberton,  and  afterwards  at  Preston- 
pans,  answered  Bancroft  in  a  book  entitled,  "  Dr.  Bancroft's  Rashness  in 
Rayling  against  the  Church  of  Scotland ;"  printed  at  Edinburgh,  1590. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  345 

pleasure  by  their  determined  resistance  to  this  design,  and  by 
the  united  and  firm  opposition  which  they  made  to  the  illegal 
and  despotic  measures  of  his  government.  He  was  particularly 
displeased  at  the  testimony  which  they  publicly  bore  to  the 
characters  of  Knox,  Buchanan,  and  the  regent  Murray,  who 
"  could  not  be  defended,"  he  said,  "  but  by  traitors,  and  sedi- 
tious theologues."  Andrew  Melville  told  him  that  they  were 
the  men  who  had  set  the  crown  on  his  head,  and  deserved  bet- 
ter of  him  than  to  be  so  traduced.  James  complained  that 
Knox  had  spoken  disrespectfully  of  his  mother;  to  which 
Patrick  Galloway,  one  of  the  ministers  of  Edinburgh,  replied, 
"  If  a  king  or  a  queen  be  a  murderer,  why  should  they  not  be 
called  so  ?"  Walter  Balcanquhal,  another  minister  of  the  city, 
having,  in  one  of  his  sermons,  rebuked  those  who  disparaged 
the  Reformer,  the  king  sent  for  him,  and  in  a  passion  protested 
that  "  either  he  should  lose  his  crown,  or  Mr.  Walter  should 
recant  his  words."  Balcanquhal  "  prayed  God  to  preserve  his 
crown  ;  but  said,  that  if  he  had  his  right  wits,  the  king  should 
have  his  head,  before  he  recanted  any  thing  he  spake."  * 
t  James  carried  his  antipathies  to  the  Presbyterian  Church  and 
reformers  along  with  him  to  England,  and  he  found  it  an  easy 
matter  to  infuse  them  into  the  minds  of  his  new  subjects. 
Incensed  at  the  freedom  which  Buchanan  had  used  in  his  his- 
tory of  the  transactions  during  the  reign  of  Mary,  he  had,  before 
leaving  Scotland,  procured  the  condemnation  of  that  work  by 
an  act  of  parliament.  And  now  he  did  not  think  it  enough  that 
he  had  got  Camden's  history  of  that  period  manufactured  to  his 
mind,  but  employed  agents  to  induce  the  French  historian,  De 
Thou,  to  adopt  his  representations  ;  and  because  that  great  man 
scrupled  to  receive  the  royal  testimony  respecting  events  which 
happened  before  James  was  born,  or  when  he  was  a  child,  in 
opposition  to  the  most  credible  evidence,  his  majesty  was  pleased 
to  complain  that  he  had  been  treated  disrespectfully.!  Charles 
I.  carried  these  prejudices  even  further  than  his  father  had  done. 
During  his  reign,  passive  obedience,  arminianism,  and  semi- 
popery,  formed  the  court  religion ;  Calvinism  and  presbytery 
were  held  in  the  greatest  detestation,  and  proscribed  both  as 
political  and  religious  heresies.  In  the  reign  of  the  second 
Charles,  the  court,  the  bench,  the  pulpit,  the  press,  and  the 
stage,  united  in  loading  Presbyterians  with  every  species  of 
abuse,  and  in  holding  them  forth  as  a  gloomy,  unsocial,  tur- 


*  Cald.  MS.  ad  an.  1570 ;  quarto  copy  in  Advocate's  Library,  vol.  ii.  pp. 
260,  261. 

f  De  Thuani  Histor.  Successu  apud  Jacobum  I.  Mag.  Brit.  Regem  ; 
Thuani  Hist.  torn.  vii.  pars  v.  edit.  Buckley,  1733.  Laing's  Hist  of  Scot- 
land, i.  228—241.  2d  edit. 

T2 


346  LIFE    OF    JOHN     KNOX. 

bulent,  and  fanatical  race.  And  a  large  share  of  these  con- 
tumelies uniformly  fell  on  the  head  of  Knox,  who,  it  was 
alleged,  had  brought  the  obnoxious  principles  of  the  sect  from 
Geneva,  and  planted  them  in  his  native  country,  from  which 
they  had  spread  into  England.  The  revolution  was  effected  in 
England  by  a  coalition  of  parties  of  very  different  principles, 
some  of  which  were  not  of  the  most  liberal  kind.  Though  this 
event  abated  the  force  of  the  prejudices  alluded  to,  it  by  no 
means  removed  them ;  and  a  considerable  time  after  it  took 
place,  the  great,  the  fashionable,  and  even  the  learned,  among 
the  English,  regarded  the  Scots  as  only  beginning  to  emerge 
from  that  inelegance  and  barbarism  which  had  been  produced 
by  the  peculiar  sentiments  of  Knox  and  his  followers. 

The  great  body  of  his  countrymen,  however,  continued  long 
to  entertain  a  just  sense  of  the  many  obligations  which  they 
were  under  to  Knox.  After  the  government  of  the  Church  of 
Scotland  was  conformed  to  the  English  model,  the  Scottish  pre- 
lates still  professed  to  look  back  to  their  national  Reformer  with 
sentiments  of  gratitude  and  veneration  ;  and  Archbishop  Spots- 
wood  describes  him  as  "  a  man  endued  with  rare  gifts,  and  a 
chief  instrument  that  God  used  for  the  work  of  those  times."  * 
For  a  considerable  time  after  the  revolution,  the  Presbyterians 
of  Scotland  treated  with  deserved  contempt  the  libels  which 
English  writers  had  published  against  him ;  and  blushed  not  to 
avow  their  admiration  of  a  man  to  whose  labours  they  were 
indebted  for  an  ecclesiastical  establishment,  more  scriptural  and 
more  liberal  than  that  of  which  their  neighbours  could  boast. 
The  Union  first  produced  a  change  in  our  national  feelings  on 
this  subject.  The  short-lived  jealousy  of  English  predominance, 
felt  by  many  of  our  countrymen  on  that  occasion,  was  succeed- 
ed by  a  passion  for  conformity  to  our  southern  neighbours ;  and 
so  fond  did  we  become  of  their  good  opinion,  and  so  eager  to 
secure  it,  that  we  were  disposed  to  sacrifice  to  their  taste  and 
their  prejudices,  sentiments  which  truth,  as  well  as  national 
honour,  required  us  to  retain  and  cherish.  Our  most  popular 
writers  are  not  exempt  from  this  charge ;  and  even  in  works 
professing  to  be  executed  by  the  united  talents  of  our  literati, 
the  misrepresentations  and  gross  blunders  of  which  English 
writers  had  been  guilty  in  their  accounts  of  our  Reformation, 
and  the  false  and  scandalous  accusations  which  they  had  brought 
against  our  reformers,  have  been  generally  adopted  and  widely 
circulated,  instead  of  meeting  with  the  exposure  and  reproba- 
tion which  they  so  justly  merited. 

The  prejudices  entertained  against  our  Reformer  by  the 
friends  of  absolute  monarchy,  were  taken  up,  in  all  their  force, 

*  History,  261. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  347 

subsequently  to  the  Revolution,  by  the  adherents  of  the  Stuart 
family,  whose  religious  notions,  approximating  very  nearly  to 
the  Popish,  joined  with  their  slavish  principle  respecting  non- 
resistance  to  kings,  led  them  to  disapprove  of  almost  every  mea- 
sure adopted  at  the  time  of  the  Reformation,  and  to  condemn 
the  whole  as  a  series  of  disorder,  sedition,  and  rebellion  against 
lawful  authority.  The  spirit  by  which  the  Jacobitish  faction 
was  actuated,  did  not  become  extinct  with  the  family  which  had 
so  long  been  the  object  of  their  devotion;  and  while  they  trans- 
ferred their  allegiance  to  the  house  of  Hanover,  they  retained 
those  principles  which  had  incited  them  repeatedly  to  attempt 
its  expulsion  from  the  throne.  The  alarm  produced  by  that 
revolution  which  of  late  has  shaken  the  thrones  of  so  many  of 
the  princes  of  Europe,  has  greatly  increased  this  party ;  and  with 
the  view  of  preserving  the  present  constitution  of  Britain,  prin- 
ciples have  been  widely  disseminated,  which,  if  they  had  been 
generally  received  in  the  sixteenth  century,  would  have  per- 
petuated the  reign  of  Popery  and  arbitrary  power  in  Scotland. 
From  persons  of  such  principles,  nothing  favourable  to  our  Re- 
former can  be  expected.  But  the  greatest  torrent  of  abuse 
poured  upon  his  character,  has  proceeded  from  those  literary 
champions  who  have  come  forward  to  avenge  the  wrongs,  and 
vindicate  the  innocence,  of  the  peerless  and  immaculate  Mary, 
Queen  of  Scots  !  Having  conjured  up  in  their  imagination  the 
image  of  an  ideal  goddess,  they  have  sacrificed  to  the  object  of 
their  adoration  all  the  characters,  which,  in  that  age,  were  most 
estimable  for  learning,  patriotism,  integrity,  and  religion.  As 
if  the  quarrel  which  they  had  espoused  exempted  them  from 
the  ordinary  laws  of  controversial  warfare,  arid  conferred  on 
them  the  absolute  and  indefeasible  privilege  of  calumniating 
and  defaming  at  pleasure,  they  have  pronounced  every  person 
who  spoke,  wrote,  or  acted  against  that  queen,  to  be  a  hypo- 
crite or  a  villain.  In  the  raving  style  of  these  writers,  Knox 
was  "  a  fanatical  incendiary — a  holy  savage — the  son  of  vio- 
lence and  barbarism — the  religious  Sachem  of  religious  Mo- 
hawks." * 

I  cannot  do  justice  to  the  subject  without  adverting  here  to 
the  influence  of  the  popular  histories  of  those  transactions  writ- 
ten by  two  distinguished  individuals  of  our  own  country.  The 
political  prejudices  and  sceptical  opinions  of  Mr.  Hume  are  well 
known,  and  appear  prominently  in  every  part  of  his  History  of 
England.  Regarding  the  various  systems  of  religious  belief 

*  Whitaker's  Vindication  of  Queen  Mary,  passim.  The  same  writer 
designs  Buchanan  "  a  serpent — daring  calumniator — leviathan  of  slander — 
the  second  of  all  human  forgers,  and  the  first  of  all  human  slanderers."  Dr. 
Robertson  he  calls  "  a  disciple  of  the  old  school  of  slander — a  liar — and  one 
for  whom  bedlam  is  no  bedlam." 


348  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

and  worship  as  distinguished  from  one  another  merely  by  dif- 
ferent shades  of  falsehood  and  superstition,  he  has  been  led,  by 
a  strange  but  not  inexplicable  bias,  almost  uniformly  to  show 
the  most  marked  partiality  to  the  grosser  and  more  corrupt 
forms  of  religion ;  has  spoken  with  greater  contempt  of  the  Pro- 
testants than  of  the  Roman  Catholics,  and  treated  the  Scottish 
with  greater  severity  than  the  English  reformers.  Forgetting 
what  was  due  to  the  character  of  a  philosopher,  which  he  was 
so  ambitious  to  maintain  in  his  other  writings,  he  has  acted  as 
the  partisan  and  advocate  of  a  particular  family ;  and,  in  vin- 
dicating some  of  the  worst  measures  of  the  Stuarts,  has  done 
signal  injustice  to  the  memory  of  the  most  illustrious  patriots  of 
both  kingdoms.  Though  convinced  that  the  Queen  of  Scotland 
was  guilty  of  the  crimes  laid  to  her  charge,  he  has  laboured  to 
screen  her  from  the  infamy  to  which  a  fair  and  unvarnished 
statement  of  facts  must  have  exposed  her  character,  by  fixing 
the  attention  of  his  readers  on  an  untrue  and  exaggerated  re- 
presentation of  the  rudeness  of  Knox  and  the  other  reformers 
by  whom  she  was  surrounded,  and  by  absurdly  imputing  to 
their  treatment  of  her  the  faults  into  which  she  was  betrayed. 
No  person  who  is  acquainted  with  the  writings  of  Dr.  Robert- 
son  will  accuse  him  of  being  actuated  by  such  improper  mo- 
tives. But  the  warmest  admirers  of  his  History  of  Scotland 
cannot  deny,  that  he  has  been  misled  by  the  temptation  of 
making  Mary  the  heroine  of  his  story,  and  of  thus  interesting 
his  readers  deeply  in  his  narrative,  by  blending  the  tender  and 
romantic  with  the  more  dry  and  uninteresting  detail  of  public 
transactions.  By  a  studious  exhibition  of  the  personal  charms 
and  accomplishments  of  the  queen,  by  representing  her  faults 
as  arising  from  the  unfortunate  circumstances  in  which  she  was 
placed,  by  touching  gently  on  the  errors  of  her  conduct,  while 
he  dwells  on  the  cruelty  and  the  dissimulation  of  her  rival,  and 
by  describing  her  sutferings  as  exceeding  the  tragical  distresses 
which  fancy  has  feigned  to  excite  sorrow  and  commiseration, 
he  throws  a  veil  over  those  vices  which  he  could  not  deny ; 
while  the  sympathy  which  his  pathetic  account  of  her  death 
naturally  awakens  in  the  minds  of  his  readers,  effaces  the  im- 
pressions of  her  guilt  which  his  preceding  narrative  had  pro- 
duced. However  amiable  the  feelings  of  the  author  might  be, 
the  tendency  of  such  a  representation  is  evident.  The  Disser- 
tation on  the  murder  of  King  Henry  has,  no  doubt,  convinced 
many  of  Mary's  accession  to  the  perpetration  of  that  deed  ;  but 
the  History  of  Scotland  has  done  more  to  prepossess  the  public 
mind  in  favour  of  that  princess,  than  all  the  defences  of  her  most 
zealous  and  ingenious  advocates,  and  consequently,  to  excite 
prejudice  against  her  opponents,  who,  on  the  supposition  of  her 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  349 

guilt,  acted  a  most  meritorious  part,  and  are  entitled,  in  other 
respects,  to  the  gratitude  and  veneration  of  posterity. 

The  increase  of  infidelity  and  indifference  to  religion  in  mo- 
dern times,  especially  among  the  learned,  has  contributed,  in  no 
small  degree,  to  swell  the  tide  of  prejudice  against  our  Re- 
former. Whatever  satisfaction  persons  of  this  description  may 
express  or  feel  at  the  reformation  from  Popery,  as  the  means 
of  emancipating  the  world  from  superstition  and  priestcraft,  they 
naturally  despise  and  dislike  men  who  were  inspired  with  the 
love  of  religion,  and  in  whose  plans  of  reform  the  acquisition  of 
civil  liberty,  and  the  advancement  of  literature,  held  a  subordi- 
nate place  to  the  revival  of  primitive  Christianity. 

Nor  can  it  escape  observation,  that  prejudices  against  the 
characters  and  proceedings  of  our  reformers  are  now  far  more 
general  than  they  formerly  were  among  those  who  still  profess 
to  adhere  to  their  doctrine  and  system  of  church  government. 
Impressed  with  a  high  idea  of  the  illumination  of  the  present 
age,  and  entertaining  a  low  estimate  of  the  attainments  of  those 
which  preceded  it ;  imperfectly  acquainted  with  the  enormity 
and  extent  of  the  corrupt  system  of  religion  which  existed  m 
this  country  at  the  era  of  the  Reformation ;  inattentive  to  the 
spirit  and  principles  of  the  adversaries  with  whom  our  reformers 
were  obliged  to  contend,  and  to  the  dangers  and  difficulties  with 
which  they  had  to  struggle, — they  have  too  easily  lent  an  ear  to 
the  calumnies  which  have  been  circulated  to  their  prejudice,  and 
rashly  condemned  measures  which  will  be  found,  on  examina- 
tion, to  have  been  necessary  to  secure  and  to  transmit  the  in- 
valuable blessings  which  we  now  enjoy. 

Having  given  this  account  of  the  opinions  entertained  re- 
specting our  Reformer,  I  shall  endeavour  to  sketch,  with  as 
much  truth  as  I  can,  the  leading  features  of  his  character. 

That  he  possessed  strong  natural  talents  is  unquestionable. 
Inquisitive,  ardent,  acute ;  vigorous  and  bold  in  his  conceptions, 
he  entered  into  all  the  subtilties  of  the  scholastic  science  then  in 
vogue  ;  yet,  disgusted  with  its  barren  results,  sought  out  a  new 
course  of  study,  which  gradually  led  to  a  complete  revolution 
in  his  sentiments.  In  his  early  years  he  had  not  access  to  that 
finished  education  which  many  of  his  contemporaries  obtained 
in  foreign  universities,  and  he  was  afterwards  prevented,  by  his 
unsettled  and  active  mode  of  life,  from  prosecuting  his  studies 
with  leisure  ;  but  his  abilities  and  application  enabled  him  in  a 
great  measure  to  surmount  these  disadvantages,  and  he  remained 
a  stranger  to  none  of  the  branches  of  learning  which  in  that  age 
were  cultivated  by  persons  of  his  profession.  He  united,  in  a 
high  degree,  the  love  of  study,  with  a  disposition  to  active  em- 
ployment. The  truths  which  he  discovered,  he  felt  an  irresisti- 
ble impulse  to  impart  to  others,  for  which  he  was  qualified  by 
30 


350  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

a  bold,  fervid,  and  impetuous  eloquence,  singularly  adapted  to 
arrest  the  attention,  and  govern  the  passions  of  a  fierce  and  un- 
polished people. 

From  the  time  that  he  embraced  the  reformed  doctrine,  the 
desire  of  propagating  it,  and  of  delivering  his  countrymen  from 
the  delusions  and  thraldom  of  Popery,  became  his  ruling  pas- 
sion, to  which  he  was  always  ready  to  sacrifice  his  ease,  his 
interest,  his  reputation,  and  his  life.  An  ardent  attachment  to 
civil  liberty  held  the  next  place  in  his  breast  to  love  of  the  re- 
formed religion.  That  the  zeal  with  which  he  laboured  to  ad- 
vance these  objects,  was  of  the  most  disinterested  kind,  no 
candid  person  who  has  paid  attention  to  his  life  can  doubt  for  a 
moment,  whatever  opinion  may  be  entertained  of  some  of  the 
means  which  he  employed  for  that  purpose.  He  thought  only 
of  advancing  the  glory  of  God,  and  promoting  the  welfare  of 
his  country.  Intrepidity,  independence,  and  elevation  of  mind, 
indefatigable  activity,  and  constancy  which  no  disappointments 
could  shake,  eminently  qualified  him  for  the  hazardous  and 
difficult  post  which  he  occupied.  His  integrity  was  above  the 
suspicion  of  corruption ;  his  firmness  proof  equally  against  the 
solicitations  of  friends  and  the  threats  of  enemies.  Though  his 
impetuosity  and  courage  led  him  frequently  to  expose  himself 
to  danger,  we  never  find  him  neglecting  to  take  prudent  pre- 
cautions for  his  safety.  The  confidence  reposed  in  him  by  his 
countrymen,  shows  the  high  opinion  which  they  entertained  of 
his  sagacity  as  well  as  of  his  honesty.  The  measures  taken  for 
advancing  the  Reformation,  were  either  adopted  at  his  sugges- 
tion, or  sanctioned  by  his  advice  ;  and  we  must  pronounce  them 
to  have  been  as  wisely  planned  as  they  were  boldly  executed. 

His  ministerial  functions  were  discharged  with  the  greatest 
assiduity,  fidelity,  and  fervour.  No  avocation  or  infirmity  pre- 
vented him  from  appearing  in  the  pulpit.  Preaching  was  an 
employment  in  which  he  delighted,  and  for  which  he  was  quali- 
fied, by  an  extensive  acquaintance  with  the  Scriptures,  and  by 
the  happy  art  of  applying  them,  in  the  most  striking  manner,  to 
the  existing  circumstances  of  the  Church  and  of  his  hearers. 
His  powers  of  alarming  the  conscience,  and  arousing  the  pas- 
sions, have  been  frequently  celebrated ;  but  he  excelled  also  in 
unfolding  the  consolations  of  the  gospel,  and  in  calming  the 
breasts  of  those  who  were  agitated  by  a  sense  of  guilt,  or  suffer- 
ing under  the  ordinary  afflictions  of  life.  When  he  discoursed 
of  the  griefs  and  joys,  the  conflicts  and  triumphs,  of  genuine 
Christians,  he  described  what  he  had  himself  known  and  expe- 
rienced. The  letters  which  he  wrote  to  his  familiar  acquaintances 
breathe  the  most  ardent  piety.  The  religious  meditations  in 
which  he  spent  his  last  sickness,  were  not  confined  to  that  period 
of  his  life ;  they  had  been  his  habitual  employment  from  the 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  351 

time  that  he  was  brought  to  the  knowledge  of  the  truth,  and  his 
solace  amidst  all  the  hardships  and  perils  through  which  he  had 
passed. 

With  his  brethren  in  the  ministry  he  lived  in  the  utmost  cor- 
diality. We  never  read  of  the  slightest  variance  between  him 
and  any  of  his  colleagues.  While  he  was  dreaded  and  hated 
by  the  licentious  and  profane,  whose  vices  he  never  spared,  the 
religious  and  sober  part  of  his  countrymen  felt  a  veneration  for 
him,  which  was  founded  on  his  unblemished  reputation,  as  well 
as  his  popular  talents  as  a  preacher.  In  private  life,  he  was 
beloved  and  revered  by  his  friends  and  domestics.  He  was 
subject  to  the  illapses  of  melancholy  and  depression  of  spirits, 
arising  partly  from  natural  constitution,  and  partly  from  the  mala- 
dies which  had  long  preyed  upon  his  health ;  which  made  him 
(to  use  his  own  expression)  churlish,  and  less  capable  of  pleasing 
and  gratifying  his  friends  than  he  was  otherwise  disposed  to  be. 
This  he  confessed,  and  requested  them  to  excuse  ;*  but  his 
friendship  was  sincere,  affectionate,  and  steady.  When  free 
from  this  morose  affection,  he  relished  the  pleasures  of  society, 
and,  among  his  acquaintances,  was  accustomed  to  unbend  his 
mind,  by  indulging  in  innocent  recreation,  and  in  the  sallies  of 
wit  and  humour,  to  which  he  had  a  strong  propensity,  notwith- 
standing the  graveness  of  his  general  deportment.  In  the  course 
of  his  public  life,  the  severer  virtues  of  his  character  were  more 
frequently  called  into  exercise  ;  but  we  have  met  with  repeated 
instances  of  his  acute  sensibility ;  and  the  unaffected  tenderness 
which  occasionally  breaks  forth  in  his  private  letters,  shows  that 
he  was  no  stranger  to  any  of  the  charities  of  human  life,  and 
that  he  could  "  rejoice  with  them  that  rejoiced,  and  weep  with 
them  that  wept." 

Most  of  his  faults  may  be  traced  to  his  natural  temperament, 
and  to  the  character  of  the  age  and  country  in  which  he  lived. 
His  passions  were  strong ;  he  felt  with  the  utmost  keenness  on 
every  subject  which  interested  him  ;  and  as  he  felt  he  expressed 
himself,  without  disguise  and  without  affectation.  The  warmth 
of  his  zeal  was  apt  to  betray  him  into  intemperate  language ;  his 
inflexible  adherence  to  his  opinions  inclined  to  obstinacy  ;  and 
his  independence  of  mind  occasionally  assumed  the  appearance 
of  haughtiness  and  disdain.  In  one  solitary  instance,  the  anxiety 
which  he  felt  for  the  preservation  of  the  great  cause  in  which  he 
was  so  deeply  interested,  betrayed  him  into  an  advice  which  was 
not  more  inconsistent  with  the  laws  of  strict  morality,  than  it 
was  contrary  to  the  stern  uprightness,  and  undisguised  sincerity, 
which  characterized  the  rest  of  his  conduct.  A  stranger  to  com- 

*  See  Extracts  from  his  Letters  to  "  Mrs.  Locke,  6th  April  1559,"  and  to 
"  A  Friend  in  England,  19th  August  1569 ;"  published  in  the  Appendix. 


352  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

plimentary  or  smooth  language,  little  concerned  about  the  man- 
ner in  which  his  reproofs  were  received,  provided  they  were 
merited,  too  much  impressed  with  the  evil  of  the  offence  to 
think  of  the  rank  or  character  of  the  offender,  he  often  "  uttered 
his  admonitions  with  an  acrimony  and  vehemence  more  apt  to 
irritate  than  to  reclaim."  But  he  protested,  at  a  time  when 
persons  are  least  in  danger  of  deception,  and  in  a  manner  which 
should  banish  every  suspicion  of  the  purity  of  his  motives,  that, 
in  his  sharpest  rebukes,  he  was  influenced  by  hatred  of  vice,  not 
of  the  vicious  ;  that  his  great  aim  was  to  reclaim  the  guilty,  and 
that  in  using  those  means  which  were  necessary  for  this  end,  he 
frequently  did  violence  to  his  own  feelings. 

Those  who  have  charged  him  with  insensibility  and  inhu- 
manity, have  fallen  into  a  mistake  very  common  with  superfi- 
cial thinkers,  who,  in  judging  of  the  character  of  persons  who 
lived  in  a  state  of  society  very  different  from  their  own,  have 
pronounced  upon  their  moral  qualities  from  the  mere  aspect  of 
their  exterior  manners.  He  was  austere,  not  unfeeling ;  stern, 
not  savage  ;  vehement,  not  vindictive.  There  is  not  an  instance 
of  his  employing  his  influence  to  revenge  any  personal  injury 
which  he  had  received.  Rigid  as  his  maxims  respecting  the 
execution  of  justice  were,  there  are  numerous  instances  on 
record  of  his  interceding  for  the  pardon  of  criminals ;  and,  unless 
when  crimes  were  atrocious,  or  when  the  welfare  of  the  state 
was  in  the  most  imminent  danger,  he  never  exhorted  the  execu- 
tive government  to  the  exercise  of  severity.  The  boldness  and 
ardour  of  his  mind,  called  forth  by  the  peculiar  circumstances 
of  the  times,  led  him  to  push  his  sentiments  on  some  subjects 
to  an  extreme,  and  no  consideration  could  induce  him  to  retract 
an  opinion  of  which  he  continued  to  be  persuaded ;  but  his  be- 
haviour after  his  publication  against  female  government,  proves 
that  he  satisfied  himself  with  declaring  his  own  views,  without 
seeking  to  disturb  the  public  peace  by  urging  their  adoption. 
His  conduct  at  Frankfort  evinced  his  moderation  in  religious 
differences  among  brethren  of  the  same  faith,  and  his  disposition 
to  make  all  reasonable  allowances  for  those  who  could  not  go 
the  same  length  with  him  in  reformation,  provided  they  abstain- 
ed from  imposing  upon  the  consciences  of  others.  The  liberties 
which  he  took  in  censuring  from  the  pulpit  the  actions  of  indi- 
viduals of  the  highest  rank  and  station,  appear  the  more  strange 
and  intolerable  to  us,  when  contrasted  with  the  reserve  and 
timidity  of  modern  times ;  but  we  should  recollect  that  they 
were  then  common,  and  that  they  were  not  without  their  utility, 
in  an  age  when  the  licentiousness  and  oppression  of  the  great 
and  powerful  often  set  at  defiance  the  ordinary  restraints 
of  law. 

In  contemplating  such  a  character  as  that  of  Knox,  it  is  not 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  353 

the  man  so  much  as  the  reformer,  that  ought  to  engage  our 
attention.  The  talents  which  are  suited  to  one  age  and  station 
would  be  altogether  unsuitable  to  another ;  and  the  wisdom  dis- 
played by  Providence,  in  raising  up  persons  endowed  with  quali- 
ties singularly  adapted  to  the  work  which  they  have  to  perform 
for  the  benefit  of  mankind,  demands  our  particular  consideration. 
We  must  admire  the  austere  and  rough  reformer,  whose  voice 
once  cried  in  the  wilderness,  who  was  clothed  with  camel's  hair, 
and  girt  about  the  loins  with  a  leathern  girdle,  who  came  neither 
eating  nor  drinking,  but,  laying  the  axe  to  the  root  of  every  tree, 
warned  a  generation  of  vipers  to  flee  from  the  wrath  to  come, 
saying  even  to  the  tyrant  upon  the  throne,  "  It  is  not  lawful  for 
thee."  And  we  must  consider  him  as  fitted  for  "  serving  the 
will  of  God  in  his  generation,"  according  to  his  rank  and  place, 
as  well  as  his  Divine  Master,  whose  advent  he  announced,  who 
"  did  not  strive,  nor  cry,  nor  cause  his  voice  to  be  heard  in  the 
streets,  nor  break  the  bruised  reed  nor  quench  the  smoking  flax.7' 
To  those  who  complain,  that  they  are  disappointed  at  not  find- 
ing, in  our  national  Reformer,  courteous  manners,  and  a  win- 
ning address,  we  may  say,  in  the  language  of  our  Lord  to  the 
Jews  concerning  the  Baptist :  "  What  went  ye  out  into  the  wil- 
derness for  to  see  ?  A  reed  shaken  with  the  wind  ?  What 
went  ye  out  for  to  see  ?  A  man  clothed  in  soft  raiment  ?  Be- 
hold, they  which  are  gorgeously  apparelled,  and  live  delicately, 
are  in  kings'  courts.  But  what  went  ye  out  for  to  see  ?  A  prophet  ? 
Yea,  I  say  unto  you,  and  more  than  a  prophet."  To  the  men 
of  this  generation,  as  well  as  to  the  Jews  of  old,  may  be  applied 
the  parable  of  the  children  sitting  in  the  market-place,  and  call- 
ing one  to  another,  saying,  "  We  have  piped  unto  you,  and  ye 
have  not  danced ;  we  have  mourned  unto  you,  and  ye  have  not 
wept."  Disaffection  to  the  work  often  lurks  under  cavils  against 
the  instruments  by  which  it  is  carried  on ;  and  had  Knox  been 
softer  and  more  yielding  in  his  temper,  he  would  have  been 
pronounced  unfit  for  his  office  by  the  very  persons  who  now 
censure  his  harshness  and  severity.  "But  wisdom  is  justified 
of  all  her  children."  Before  the  Reformation,  superstition, 
shielded  by  ignorance,  and.  armed  with  power,  governed  with 
gigantic  sway.  Men  of  mild  spirits,  and  of  gentle  manners, 
would  have  been  as  unfit  for  taking  the  field  against  this  enemy, 
as  a  dwarf  or  a  child  for  encountering  a  giant.  What  did  Eras- 
mus in  the  days  of  Luther  ?  What  would  Lowth  have  done 
in  the  days  of  Wickliffe,  or  Blair  in  those  of  Knox  ?  It  has 
been  justly  observed  concerning  our  Reformer,  that  "  those  very 
qualities  which  now  render  his  character  less  amiable,  fitted  him 
to  be  the  instrument  of  Providence  for  advancing  the  Reforma- 
tion among  a  fierce  people,  and  enabled  him  to  face  danger,  and 
surmount  opposition,  from  which  a  person  of  a  more  gentle 
30*  U2 


354  LIFE   OF  JOHN   KNOX. 

spirit  would  have  been  apt  to  shrink  back."  *  Viewing  his 
character  in  this  light,  those  who  cannot  regard  him  as  an  amia- 
ble man,  may,  without  hesitation,  pronounce  him  a  great  Re- 
former. 

The  most  disinterested  of  the  nobility,  who  were  embarked 
with  him  in  the  same  cause,  sacrificed  on  some  occasions  the 
public  good  to  their  private  interests,  and  disappointed  the  hopes 
which  he  had  formed  of  them.  The  most  upright  of  his  asso- 
ciates in  the  ministry  relaxed  their  exertions,  or  suffered  them- 
selves at  times  to  be  drawn  into  measures  that  were  unsuitable 
to  their  station,  and  hurtful  to  the  reformed  religion.  Goodman, 
after  being  adopted  by  the  Church  of  Scotland,  and  ranked 
among  her  reformers,  yielded  so  far  to  the  love  of  country  as  to 
desert  a  people  who  were  warmly  attached  to  him,  and  return 
to  the  bosom  of  a  less  pure  Church,  which  received  him  with 
coldness  and  distrust.  Willock,  after  acquitting  himself  honoura- 
bly from  the  commencement  of  the  interesting  conflict,  withdrew 
before  the  victory  was  completely  secured,  and,  wearied  out 
with  the  successive  troubles  in  which  his  native  country  was 
involved,  sought  a  retreat  for  himself  in  England.  Craig,  being 
left  without  the  assistance  of  his  colleague,  and  placed  between 
two  conflicting  parties,  betrayed  his  fears  by  having  recourse  to 
temporizing  measures.  Douglas,  in  his  old  age,  became  the 
dupe  of  persons  whose  rapacity  impoverished  the  Protestant 
Church.  And  each  of  the  superintendents  was,  at  one  time  or 
another,  complained  of  for  neglect  or  for  partiality,  in  the  dis- 
charge of  his  functions.  But  from  the  time  that  the  standard 
of  truth  was  first  raised  by  him  in  his  native  country,  till  it 
dropped  from  his  hands  at  death,  Knox  never  shrunk  from 
danger — never  consulted  his  own  ease  or  advantage — never 
entered  into  any  compromise  with  the  enemy — never  was 
bribed  or  frightened  into  cowardly  silence;  but,  keeping  his 
eye  singly  and  steadily  fixed  on  the  advancement  of  religion 
and  of  liberty,  supported  throughout  the  character  of  the  Re- 
former of  Scotland. 

Knox  bore  a  striking  resemblance  to  Luther  in  personal  in- 
trepidity and  in  popular  eloquence.  He  approached  nearest  to 
Calvin  in  his  religious  sentiments,  in  the  severity  of  his  manners, 
and  in  a  certain  impressive  air  of  melancholy  which  pervaded 
his  character.  And  he  resembled  Zuinglius  in  his  ardent  attach- 
ment to  the  principles  of  civil  liberty,  and  in  combining  his  exer- 
tions for  the  reformation  of  the  Church  with  uniform  endeavours 
to  improve  the  political  state  of  the  people.  Not  that  I  would 
place  our  Reformer  on  a  level  with  this  illustrious  triumvirate. 
There  is  a  splendour  which  surrounds  the  great  German  re- 

*  Robertson,  Hist,  of  Scotland. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  355 

former,  partly  arising  from  the  intrinsic  heroism  of  his  character, 
and  partly  reflected  from  the  interesting  situation  in  which  his 
long  and  doubtful  struggle  with  the  court  of  Rome  placed  him 
in  the  eyes  of  Europe,  which  removes  him  at  a  distance  from 
all  who  started  in  the  same  glorious  career.  The  Genevese 
reformer  surpassed  Knox  in  the  extent  of  his  theological  learn- 
ing, and  in  the  unrivalled  solidity  and  clearness  of  his  judgment. 
And  the  reformer  of  Switzerland,  though  inferior  to  him  in 
masculine  elocution,  and  in  daring  courage,  excelled  him  in 
self-command,  in  prudence,  arid  in  that  species  of  eloquence 
which  steals  into  the  heart,  convinces  without  irritating,  and 
governs  without  assuming  the  tone  of  authority.  But  although 
"  he  attained  not  to  the  first  three,"  I  know  not,  among  all  the 
eminent  men  who  appeared  at  that  period,  any  name  which  is 
so  well  entitled  to  be  placed  next  to  theirs  as  that  of  Knox, 
whether  we  consider  the  talents  with  which  he  was  endowed, 
or  the  important  services  which  he  performed. 

There  are  perhaps  few  who  have  attended  to  the  active  and 
laborious  exertions  of  our  Reformer,  who  have  not  been  insen- 
sibly led  to  form  the  opinion  that  he  was  of  a  robust  constitu- 
tion. This  is,  however,  a  mistake.  He  was  of  small  stature, 
and  of  a  weakly  habit  of  body  ;*  a  circumstance  which  serves 
to  give  us  a  higher  idea  of  the  vigour  of  his  mind.  His  por- 
trait seems  to  have  been  taken  more  than  once  during  his  life, 
and  has  been  frequently  engraved.t  It  continues  still  to  frown 
in  the  antechamber  of  Queen  Mary,  to  whom  he  was  often  an 
ungracious  visiter.  We  discern  in  it  the  traits  of  his  character- 
istic intrepidity,  austerity,  and  keen  penetration.  Nor  can  we 
overlook  his  beard,  which,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  times, 
he  wore  long,  and  reaching  to  his  middle  ;  a  circumstance  which 
I  mention  the  rather,  because  some  writers  have  gravely  assured 
us,  that  it  was  the  chief  thing  which  procured  him  reverence 
among  his  country  men.  ;j:  A  Popish  author  has  informed  us, 
that  he  was  gratified  with  having  his  picture  drawn,  and  has 
expressed  much  horror  at  this,  seeing  he  had  caused  all  the 
images  of  the  saints  to  be  broken.  § 

*  "  Haud  scio  an  unquam — majus  ingenium  in  fragili  et  imbecillo  cor- 
pusculo  collocarit."  Smetoni  Respons.  ad  Dialog.  Harailt.  p.  115. 

t  A  print  of  him,  cut  in  wood,  was  inserted  by  Beza,  in  his  Icones.  There 
is  another  in  Verheideni  Imagines.  See  also  Grainger's  Biographical  His- 
tory of  England,  i.  164. 

|  Henry  Fowlis,  apud  Mackenzie's  Lives  of  Scottish  Writers,  ii.  132.  The 
learned  Fellow  of  Lincoln  College  had  perhaps  discovered  that  the  magical 
virtue  which  the  Popish  writers  ascribed  to  Knox,  resided  in  his  beard. 

§  "Audivi  mente  captos  hereticos  Scotos  co  etiam  insaniae  aliquando 
venisse,  quod  sceleratissimi,  atque  omnium  literarum  iraperitissimi  nebulonia 
Knox,  pessimi,  hseretici,  qui  omnes  imagines  sanctorum  frangi  prseceperat, 


356  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

One  charge  against  him  has  not  yet  been  noticed.  He  has 
been  accused  of  setting  up  himself  for  a  prophet,  of  presuming 
to  intrude  into  the  secret  counsel  of  God,  and  of  enthusiastically 
confounding  the  suggestions  of  his  own  imagination,  and  the 
effusions  of  his  own  spirit,  with  the  dictates  of  inspiration,  and 
immediate  communications  from  Heaven.  Let  us  examine  this 
accusation  a  little.  It  is  proper,  in  the  first  place,  to  hear  his 
own  statement  of  the  grounds  on  which  he  proceeded  in  many 
of  those  warnings  which  have  been  denominated  predictions. 
Having,  in  one  of  his  treatises,  denounced  the  judgments  to 
which  the  inhabitants  of  England  exposed  themselves,  by  re- 
nouncing the  gospel,  and  returning  to  idolatry,  he  gives  the  fol- 
lowing explication  of  the  warrant  which  he  had  for  his  threat- 
enings.  "  Ye  would  know  the  groundis  of  my  certitude.  God 
grant  that,  hearing  thame,  ye  may  understand,  and  steadfastlie 
believe  the  same.  My  assurances  are  not  the  mervalles  of 
Merlin,  nor  yit  the  dark  sentences  of  prophane  prophesies ;  but 
the  plane  treuth  of  Godis  word,  the  invincibill  justice  of  the 
everlasting  God,  and  the  ordinarie  course  of  his  punismentis  and 
plagis  frome  the  beginning,  are  my  assurance  and  groundis. 
Godis  word  threatneth  destmctioun  to  all  inobedient;  his  im- 
inutabill  justice  must  requyre  the  same ;  the  ordinarie  punish- 
ments and  plaguis  schaw  exempillis.  What  man  then  can  ceise 
to  prophesie  ?"*  We  find  him  expressing  himself  in  a  similar 
way,  in  his  defence  of  the  threatenings  which  he  uttered  against 
those  who  had  been  guilty  of  the  murder  of  King  Henry  and 
the  Regent  Murray.  He  denies  that  he  had  spoken  "  as  one 
that  entered  into  the  secret  counsel  of  God,"  and  insists  that  he 
had  merely  declared  the  judgment  which  was  pronounced  in 
the  divine  law  against  murderers,  and  which  had  often  been 
exemplified  in  the  vengeance  which  overtook  them,  even  in 
this  life.t  In  so  far  then  his  threatenings,  or  predictions  (for  so 
he  repeatedly  calls  them),  do  not  stand  in  need  of  an  apology. 
Though  sometimes  expressed  in  absolute  or  indefinite  language, 
it  is  but  fair  and  reasonable  to  understand  them,  like  similar 
declarations  in  Scripture,  as  implying  a  tacit  condition. 

There  are,  however,  several  of  his  sayings  which,  perhaps, 

imaginem  suam  non  tarn  fabricari  passum  fuisse,  quam  jam  fabricatam  non 
parum  probasse."  Laingseus  de  Vita  et  Moribus  Hseretic.  pp.  65,  65.  The 
same  writer  tells  us,  as  a  proof  of  Calvin's  vain-glory,  that  he  allowed  his 
picture  to  be  carried  about  on  the  necks  of  men  and  women,  like  that  of  a 
God ;  and  that  when  reminded  that  the  picture  of  Christ  was  as  precious  as 
his,  he  returned  a  profane  answer ;  "  Fertur  eum  hoc  tantum  respondisse, 
Qui  huic  rei  invidet  crepet  medius"  Ibid. 

*  Letter  to  the  Faithfull  in  London,  Newcastell,  and  Barwick ;  in  MS. 
Letters,  p.  113. 

t  Bannatyne,  111,  112,  420,  421. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  357 

cannot  be  vindicated  upon  these  principles,  and  which  he  him- 
self seems  to  have  rested  upon  different  grounds.*  Of  this  kind 
are  the  assurances  which  he  expressed,  from  the  beginning  of 
the  Scottish  troubles,  that  the  cause  of  the  Congregation  would 
ultimately  prevail ;  his  confident  hope  of  again  preaching  in  his 
native  country  and  at  St.  Andrews,  avowed  by  him  during  his 
imprisonment  on  board  the  French  galleys,  and  frequently  re- 
peated during  his  exile ;  with  the  intimations  which  he  gave 
respecting  the  death  of  Thomas  Maitland  and  Kircaldy  of 
Grange.  It  cannot  be  denied  that  his  contemporaries  considered 
these  as  proceeding  from  a  'prophetic  spirit,  and  have  attested 
that  they  received  an  exact  accomplishment.  Without  entering 
on  a  particular  examination  of  these  instances,  or  venturing  to 
give  a  decisive  opinion  respecting  any  of  them,  I  shall  confine 
myself  to  a  few  general  observations. 

The  most  easy  way  of  getting  rid  of  this  delicate  subject  is  to 
dismiss  it  at  once,  and  summarily  to  pronounce  that  all  preten- 
sions to  extraordinary  premonitions,  since  the  completing  of  the 
canon  of  inspiration,  are  unwarranted,  and  that  they  ought,  with- 
out examination,  to  be  discarded,  and  treated  as  fanciful  and 
visionary.  Nor  would  this  fix  any  peculiar  imputation  on  the 
character  or  talents  of  our  Reformer,  when  it  is  considered  that 
the  most  learned  persons  of  that  age  were  under  the  influence 
of  a  still  greater  weakness,  and  strongly  addicted  to  the  belief 
of  judicial  astrology.  But  I  doubt  much  if  this  method  of  deter- 
mining the  question  would  be  doing  justice  to  the  subject.  Est 
vericulum,  ne,  aut  neglectis  his  impia  fraude,  aut  susceptis 
anili  superstitions,  obligemur.\  On  the  one  hand,  the  dispo- 
sition which  mankind  discover  to  pry  into  the  secrets  of  futu- 
rity, has  been  always  accompanied  with  much  credulity  and 
superstition ;  and  it  cannot  be  denied,  that  the  age  in  which 
Knox  lived  was  prone  to  credit  the  marvellous,  especially  as  to 
the  infliction  of  divine  judgments  on  individuals.  A  judicious 
person,  who  is  aware  of  this,  will  not  be  disposed  to  acknow- 
ledge as  preternatural  whatever  was  formerly  regarded  in  this 
light,  and  will  be  on  his  guard  against  the  illusions  of  imagina- 
tion as  to  impressions  which  may  be  made  on  his  own  mind. 

Nor  would  it  be  difficult  to  produce  instances  in  which  writers 
of  a  subsequent  age,  through  mistake,  or  under  the  influence  of 
prepossession,  have  given  a  prophetical  meaning  to  words, 
which  originally  were  not  intended  to  convey  any  such  idea. 
But,  on  the  other  hand,  is  there  not  a  danger  of  running  into 
scepticism,  and  of  laying  down  general  principles  which  may 

*  See  the  Epistle  to  the  Reader,  prefixed  to  his.  Sermon,  Append,  to  His- 
tory, p.  113.     Edin.  1644,  4to. 
\  Cicero  de  Divinat,  lib.  i.  4. 


358  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

lead  us  obstinately  to  contest  the  truth  of  the  best  authenticated 
facts,  if  not  also  to  limit  the  operations  of  Divine  Providence  ? 
This  is  the  extreme  to  which  the  present  age  inclines.  That 
there  are  instances  of  persons  having  had  presentiments  as  to 
events  which  afterwards  did  happen  to  themselves  and  others, 
there  is,  I  think,  the  best  reason  to  believe.  Those  who  laugh 
at  vulgar  credulity,  and  exert  their  ingenuity  in  accounting  for 
such  phenomena  on  ordinary  principles,  have  been  exceedingly 
puzzled  with  some  of  these  facts — a  great  deal  more  puzzled 
than  they  have  confessed ;  and  the  solutions  which  they  have 
given  are,  in  some  cases,  as  mysterious  as  any  thing  included 
in  the  intervention  of  superior  spirits,  or  in  preternatural  and 
divine  intimations.*  The  canon  of  our  faith,  as  Christians,  is 
contained  in  the  Scriptures  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments  ; 
we  must  not  look  to  impressions  or  new  revelations  as  the  rule 
of  our  duty ;  but  that  God  may,  on  particular  occasions,  forewarn 
persons  of  some  things  which  shall  happen,  to  testify  his  appro- 
bation of  them,  to  encourage  them  to  confide  in  him  in  circum- 
stances of  peculiar  difficulty,  or  to  serve  other  important  pur- 
poses, is  not,  I  think,  inconsistent  with  the  principles  of  either 
natural  or  revealed  religion.  If  to  believe  this  be  enthusiasm, 
it  is  an  enthusiasm  into  which  some  of  the  most  enlightened  and 
sober  men,  in  modern  as  well  as  ancient  times,  have  fallen. t 
The  reformers  were  men  of  singular  piety  ;  they  were  exposed 
to  uncommon  opposition,  and  had  uncommon  services  to  per- 
form ;  they  were  endued  with  extraordinary  gifts,  and  why  may 
we  not  suppose  that  they  were  occasionally  favoured  with  ex- 
traordinary premonitions,  with  respect  to  certain  events  which 
concerned  themselves,  other  individuals,  or  the  Church  in  gene- 
ral ?  But  whatever  intimations  of  this  kind  they  received,  they 

*  This  is  acknowledged  by  one  who  had  attempted  this  more  frequently, 
and  with  greater  acuteness,  than  any  of  them.  "  De  tels  faits,  dont  1'univers 
est  tout  plein,  embarrassent  plus  les  esprits  forts  qu'ils  ne  le  temoignent." 
Bayle,  Dictionnaire,  Art.  Maldonat,  Note  G.  What  he  says,  elsewhere,  of 
dreams,  may  be  applied  to  this  subject ;  "  they  contain  infinitely  less  mystery 
than  the  multitude  believe,  and  a  little  more  than  sceptics  believe ;  and  those 
who  reject  them  wholly,  give  reason  either  to  suspect  their  sincerity,  or  to 
charge  them  with  prejudice  and  incapacity  to  discern  the  force  of  evidence." 
Ibid.  Art.  Majus,  Note  D. 

f  "  Setting  aside  these  sorts  of  divination  as  extremely  suspicious,"  says  a 
modern  author,  who  was  not  addicted  to  enthusiastic  notions,  "  there  remain 
predictions  by  dreams,  and  by  sudden  impulses,  upon  persons  who  were  not 
of  the  fraternity  of  impostors ;  these  were  allowed  to  be  sometimes  preter- 
natural by  many  of  the  learned  pagans,  and  cannot,  I  think,  be  disproved, 
and  should  not  be  totally  rejected."  Dr.  Jortin's  Remarks  on  Ecclesiastical 
History,  vol.  i.  p.  93.  See  also  pp.  45,  77.  Lond.  1805.  The  learned  reader 
may  also  consult  the  epicrisis  of  Witsius  on  this  question  ;  the  whole  disser- 
tation, intended  chiefly  to  expose  the  opposite  extreme,  is  well  entitled  to  a 
perusal.  Miscellanea  Sacra,  torn.  i.  p.  391. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  359 

never  proposed  them  as  a  rule  of  action  to  themselves  or  others, 
nor  rested  the  authority  of  their  mission  upon  these,  nor  ap- 
pealed to  them  as  constituting  any  part  of  the  evidence  of  those 
doctrines  which  they  preached  to  the  world. 

Our  Reformer  left  behind  him  a  widow  and  five  children. 
His  two  sons  were  born  to  him  by  his  first  wife,  Marjory  Bowes. 
We  have  already  seen,  that,  about  the  year  1566,  they  went  to 
England,  where  their  mother's  relations  resided.  They  received 
their  education  at  St.  John's  college,  in  the  university  of  Cam- 
bridge ;  their  names  being  enrolled  in  the  matriculation-book 
only  eight  days  after  the  death  of  their  father.  Nathanael,  the 
eldest  of  them,  after  obtaining  the  degrees  of  bachelor  and  mas- 
ter of  arts,  and  being  admitted  fellow  of  the  college,  died  in  1580. 
Eleazer,  the  youngest  son,  in  addition  to  the  honours  attained 
by  his  brother,  was  created  bachelor  of  divinity,  ordained  one 
of  the  preachers  of  the  university,  and  admitted  to  the  vicarage 
of  Clacton-Magna.  He  died  in  1591,  and  was  buried  in  the 
chapel  of  St.  John's  college.*  It  appears  that  both  sons  died 
without  issue,  and  the  family  of  the  Reformer  became  extinct 
in  the  male  line.  His  other  children  were  daughters  by  his 
second  wife.  The  General  Assembly  testified  their  respect  for 
his  memory  by  assigning  his  stipend,  for  the  year  after  his  death, 
to  his  widow  and  three  daughters,  and  this  appears  to  have  been 
continued  for  some  time  by  the  regent  Morton,  who,  though 
charged  with  avarice  during  his  administration,  treated  them 
with  uniform  attention  and  kindness.t  Margaret  Stewart,  his 
widow,  was  afterwards  married  to  Sir  Andrew  Ker  of  Fadoun- 
side,  a  strenuous  supporter  of  the  Reformation.:!:  The  names 
of  his  daughters  were  Martha,  Margaret,  and  Elizabeth.§  The 
first  was  married  to  James  Fleming,  a  minister  of  the  Church 
of  Scotland; ||  the  second,  to  Zachary,  son  of  the  celebrated 
Robert  Pont  ;1F  and  the  third  to  John  Welch,  minister  of  Ayr. 

Mrs.  Welch  seems  to  have  inherited  no  inconsiderable  portion 
of  her  father's  spirit,  and  she  had  her  share  of  similar  hardships. 
Her  husband  was  one  of  those  patriotic  ministers  who  resisted 
the  arbitrary  measures  pursued  by  James  VI.  for  overturning 

*  Newcourt's  Repert.  Londin.  ii.  154.  Communications  from  Mr.  Thomas 
Barker,  apud  Life  of  Knox,  prefixed  to  Historic  of  the  Reformation,  edit. 
1732,  pp.  xli.  xlii. 

t  Melville's  MS.  Diary,  p.  39.     See  also  Note  RRR. 

|  Douglas's  Peerage  of  Scotland,  p.  522. 

§  The  Testament  of  John  Knox,  in  the  Appendix. 

||  He  was  the  grandfather  of  Mr.  Robert  Fleming,  minister  in  London, 
and  author  of  the  well  known  book,  The  Fulfilling  of  the  Scriptures.  But 
Mr.  Robert's  father  was  of  a  different  marriage.  Fleming's  Practical  Dis- 
course on  the  Death  of  King  William,  preface,  p.  14.  Lond.  1702. 

T  See  Note  SSS. 


360  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

the  government  and  liberties  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  of 
Scotland.  Being  determined  to  abolish  the  General  Assembly, 
James  had,  for  a  considerable  time,  prevented  the  meetings  of 
that  court  by  successive  prorogations.  Perceiving  the  design 
of  the  court,  a  number  of  the  delegates  from  synods  resolved  to 
keep  the  diet  which  had  been  appointed  to  be  held  at  Aberdeen 
in  July  1605.  They  merely  constituted  the  Assembly,  and  ap- 
pointed a  day  for  its  next  meeting,  and  being  charged  by  Lau- 
rieston,the  king's  commissioner,  to  dissolve,  immediately  obeyed ; 
but  the  commissioner,  having  ante-dated  the  charge,  several  of 
the  leading  members  were  thrown  into  prison.  Welch  and  five 
of  his  brethren,  when  called  before  the  privy  council,  declined 
that  court,  as  incompetent  to  judge  the  offence  of  which  they 
were  accused,  according  to  the  laws  of  the  kingdom  ;  on  which 
account  they  were  indicted  to  stand  trial  for  treason  at  Linlith- 
gow.  Their  trial  was  conducted  in  the  most  illegal  and  unjust 
manner.  The  king's  advocate  told  the  jury  that  the  only  thing 
which  came  under  their  cognizance  was  the  fact  of  the  declina- 
ture,  the  judges  having  already  found  that  it  was  treasonable ; 
and  threatened  them  with  an  "assize  of  error,"  if  they  did  not 
proceed  as  he  directed  them.  After  the  jury  were  empannelled, 
the  justice-clerk  went  in  and  threatened  them  with  his  majesty's 
displeasure,  if  they  acquitted  the  prisoners.  The  greater  part 
of  the  jurors  being  still  reluctant,  the  chancellor  went  out  and 
consulted  with  the  other  judges,  who  promised  that  no  punish- 
ment should  be  inflicted  on  the  prisoners,  provided  the  jury 
brought  in  a  verdict  agreeable  to  the  court.  By  such  disgrace- 
ful methods,  they  were  induced,  at  midnight,  to  find,  by  a  ma- 
jority of  three,  that  the  prisoners  were  guilty,  upon  which  they 
were  condemned  to  suffer  the  death  of  traitors.* 

Leaving  her  children  at  Ayr,  Mrs.  Welch  attended  her  hus- 
band in  prison,  and  was  present  at  Linlithgow,  with  the  wives 
of  the  other  prisoners,  on  the  day  of  trial.  When  informed  of 
the  sentence,  these  heroines,  instead  of  lamenting  their  fate, 
praised  God  who  had  given  their  husbands  courage  to  stand  to 
the  cause  of  their  Master,  adding,  that,  like  him,  they  had  beeu 
judged  and  condemned  under  the  covert  of  night,  t 

The  sentence  of  death  having  been  changed  into  banishment, 
she  accompanied  her  husband  to  France,  where  they  remained 

*  Matthew  Crawford's  History  of  the  Church  of  Scotland,  MS.  vol.  i.  258 
— 283.  The  Reformation  of  Religion  in  Scotland,  written  by  Mr.  John 
Forbes,  MS.  pp.  131 — 151.  The  copy  of  this  last  work,  which  is  in  my  pos- 
session, was  transcribed  "  ex  Authoris  autographo,"  in  the  year  1726.  The 
author  was  one  of  the  condemned  ministers.  His  narrative  properly  begins 
at  the  year  1580,  but  is  chiefly  occupied  in  detailing  the  transactions  which 
preceded  and  followed  the  Assembly  at  Aberdeen. 

t  Row's  MS.  Historie,  pp.  Ill,  122. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  361 

for  sixteen  years.  Mr.  Welch  applied  himself  with  such  assidu- 
ity to  the  acquisition  of  the  language  of  the  country,  that  he  was 
able,  in  the  course  of  fourteen  weeks,  to  preach  in  French,  and 
was  chosen  minister  to  a  Protestant  congregation  at  Nerac,  from 
which  he  was  translated  to  St.  Jean  d'Angely,  a  fortified  town 
in  Lower  Charente.  War  having  broken  out  between  Lewis 
XIII.  and  his  Protestant  subjects,  St.  Jean  d'Angely  was  be- 
sieged by  the  king  in  person.  On  this  occasion,  Welch  not  only 
animated  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  to  a  vigorous  resistance 
by  his  exhortations,  but  he  appeared  on  the  walls,  and  gave  his 
assistance  to  the  garrison.  The  king  was  at  last  admitted  into 
the  town  in  consequence  of  a  treaty,  and  being  displeased  that 
Welch  preached  during  his  residence  in  it,  sent  the  Duke  d'Es  • 
pernon  with  a  company  of  soldiers,  to  take  him  from  the  pulpit. 
When  the  preacher  saw  the  duke  enter  the  church,  he  ordered 
his  hearers  to  make  room  for  the  marshal  of  France,  and  de- 
sired him  to  sit  down  and  hear  the  word  of  God.  He  spoke 
with  such  an  air  of  authority  that  the  duke  involuntarily  took  a 
seat,  and  listened  to  the  sermon  with  great  gravity  and  atten- 
tion. He  then  brought  Welch  to  the  king,  who  asked  him  how 
he  durst  preach  there,  since  it  was  contrary  to  the  laws  of  the 
kingdom  for  any  of  the  pretended  reformed  to  officiate  in  places 
where  the  court  resided.  "  Sir,"  replied  Welch,  "  if  your  ma- 
jesty knew  what  I  preached,  you  would  not  only  come  and 
hear  it  yourself,  but  make  all  France  hear  it ;  for  I  preach  not 
as  those  men  you  use  to  hear.  First,  I  preach  that  you  must 
be  saved  by  the  merits  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  not  your  own  ;  and 
I  am  sure  your  conscience  tells  you  that  your  good  works  will 
never  merit  heaven.  Next,  I  preach,  that,  as  you  are  king  of 
France,  there  is  no  man  on  earth  above  you ;  but  these  men 
whom  you  hear,  subject  you  to  the  pope  of  Rome,  which  I  will 
never  do."  Pleased  with  this  reply,  Lewis  said  to  him,  "  He 
bien,  vous  serez  mon  ministre  ;"  *  and  addressing  him  by  the 
title  of  Father,  assured  him  of  his  protection.  And  he  was  as 
good  as  his  word ;  for  St.  Jean  d' Angely  being  reduced  by  the 
royal  forces  in  1621,  the  king  gave  directions  to  De  Vitry,  one 
of  his  generals,  to  take  care  of  his  minister,  in  consequence  of 
which,  Welch  and  his  family  were  conveyed,  at  his  majesty's 
expense,  to  Rochelle.t 

*  "  Very  well ;  you  shall  be  my  minister." 

f  History  of  Mr.  John  Welch,  pp.  31—33.  Edinburgh,  1703.  Character- 
istics of  Eminent  Ministers,  subjoined  to  Livingston's  Life :  Art.  John  Welch. 
Mr.  Livingston  received  his  account  of  the  above  transactions  in  France, 
from  Lord  Kenmure,  who  resided  in  Mr.  Welch's  house.  The  author  of  the 
History  of  Welch,  says,  that  he  received  his  information  from  the  personal 
acquaintances  of  that  minister.  That  work  was  drawn  up  by  Mr.  James 
Kirkton,  who  married  a  descendant  of  Knox,  and  consequently  a  relation  of 
31  V2 


362  LIFE    OF   JOHN   KNOX. 

Having  lost  his  health,  and  the  physicians  informing  him  that 
the  only  prospect  which  he  had  of  recovering  it,  was  by  return- 
ing to  his  native  country,  Mr.  Welch  ventured,  in  the  year  1622, 
to  come  to  London.  But  his  own  sovereign  was  incapable  of 
treating  him  with  that  generosity  which  he  had  experienced 
from  the  French  monarch ;  and,  dreading  the  influence  of  a  man 
who  was  far  gone  with  a  consumption,  he  absolutely  refused  to 
give  him  permission  to  return  to  Scotland.  Mrs.  Welch,  by 
means  of  some  of  her  mother's  relations  at  court,  obtained  access 
to  James,  and  petitioned  him  to  grant  this  liberty  to  her  hus- 
band. The  following  singular  conversation  took  place  on  that 
occasion.  His  majesty  asked  her,  who  was  her  father.  She 
replied,  "  John  Knox." — "  Knox  and  Welch !"  exclaimed  he, 
"  the  devil  never  made  such  a  match  as  that." — « It's  right  like, 
sir,"  said  she,  "  for  we  never  speired*  his  advice."  He  asked 
her  how  many  children  her  father  had  left,  and  if  they  were 
lads  or  lasses.  She  said  three,  and  they  were  all  lasses.  "  God 
be  thanked  !"  cried  the  king,  lifting  up  both  his  hands ;  «  for  an 
they  had  been  three  lads,  I  had  never  bruikedt  my  three  king- 
doms in  peace."  She  again  urged  her  request,  that  he  would 
give  her  husband  his  native  air.  "  Give  him  his  native  air  !" 
replied  the  king,  "give  him  the  devil!" — "  Give  that  to  your 
hungry  courtiers,"  said  she,  offended  at  his  profaneness.  He 
told  her  at  last,  that  if  she  would  persuade  her  husband  to  sub- 
mit to  the  bishops,  he  would  allow  him  to  return  to  Scotland. 
Mrs.  Welch,  lifting  up  her  apron,  and  holding  it  towards  the 
king,  replied,  in  the  true  spirit  of  her  father,  "  Please  your  ma- 
jesty, I'd  rather  kepj  his  head  there."§ 

Welch  was  soon  after  released  from  the  power  of  the  despot, 
and  from  his  own  sufferings.  "This  month  of  May  1622," 
says  one  of  his  intimate  friends,  "  we  received  intelligence  of  the 

Mrs.  Welch.  See  the  article  concerning  Knox's  descendants  in  Additions. 
The  life  of  Welch  contains  an  account  of  an  extraordinary  occurrence  relating1 
to  the  first  Lord  Castlestewart,  (ancestor  of  Lord  Castlereagh,)  who,  when  a 
young  man,  lodged  with  Mr.  Welch  in  France. 

*  Asked.  |  Enjoyed.  |  Receive. 

§  1  met  with  the  account  of  this  conversation  in  a  MS.  written  by  Mr. 
Robert  Trail!,  minister  in  London,  entitled,  "  An  Accompt  of  several  pas- 
sages in  the  lives  of  some  eminent  men  in  the  nation,  not  recorded  in  any 
history."  It  is  inserted  in  the  heart  of  a  common-place  book,  containing 
notes  of  Sermons,  &c.  written  by  him  when  a  student  of  divinity  at  St.  An- 
drews, between  1659  and  1663.  He  received  the  account  from  aged  per- 
sons, and  says,  that  the  conference  between  King  James  and  Mrs.  Welch 
"  is  current  to  this  day  in  the  mouths  of  many."  I  have  since  seen  the  same 
story  in  Wodrow's  MS.  Collections,  vol.  i.  Life  of  Welch,  p.  27,  Bibl,  Coll. 
Glass.  James  stood  in  great  awe  .of  Mr.  Welch,  who  often  reproved  him  for 
his  habit  of  profane  swearing.  If  he  had,  at  any  time,  been  swearing  in  a 
public  place,  he  would  have  turned  round,  and  asked  if  Welch  was  near. 
Traill's  MS.  ut  supra. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  363 

death  of  that  holy  servant  of  God,  Mr.  Welch,  one  of  the  fathers 
and  pillars  of  that  church,  and  the  light  of  his  age,  who  died  at 
London,  an  exile  from  his  native  country,  on  account  of  his 
opposition  to  the  re-establishment  of  episcopal  government,  and 
his  firm  support  of  the  presbyterian  and  synodical  discipline, 
received  and  established  among  us;  and  that  after  eighteen 
years'  banishment — a  man  full  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  zeal,  charity, 
and  incredible  diligence  in  the  duties  of  his  office."  The  death 
of  his  wife  is  recorded  by  the  same  pen.  "  This  month  of  Janu- 
ary 1625,  died  at  Ayr,  my  cousin,  Mrs.  Welch,  daughter  of  that 
great  servant  of  God,  the  late  John  Knox,  and  wife  of  that  holy 
man  of  God,  Mr.  Welch,  above  mentioned ;  a  spouse  and  daugh- 
ter worthy  of  such  a  husband,  and  such  a  father."  * 

The  account  of  our  Reformer's  publications  has  been  partly 
anticipated  in  the  course  of  the  preceding  narrative.  Though 
his  writings  were  of  great  utility,  it  was  not  by  them,  but  by  his 
personal  exertions,  that  he  chiefly  advanced  the  Reformation, 
and  transmitted  his  name  to  posterity.  He  did  not  view  this  as 
the  field  in  which  he  was  called  to  labour.  "  That  I  did  not  in 
writing  communicate  my  judgment  upon  the  Scriptures,"  says 
he,  "  I  have  ever  thought  myself  to  have  most  just  reason.  For, 
considering  myself  rather  called  of  my  God  to  instruct  the  igno- 
rant, comfort  the  sorrowful,  confirm  the  weak,  and  rebuke  the 
proud,  by  tongue  and  lively  voice,  in  these  most  corrupt  days, 
than  to  compose  books  for  the  age  to  come  (seeing  that  so  much 
is  written,  and  by  men  of  most  singular  erudition,  and  yet  so 
little  well  observed),  I  decreed  to  contain  myself  within  the 
bounds  of  that  vocation  whereunto  I  found  myself  especially 
called."  t  This  resolution  was  most  judiciously  formed.  His 
situation  was  very  different  from  that  of  the  first  Protestant 
reformers.  They  found  the  whole  world  in  ignorance  of  the 
doctrines  of  Christianity.  Men  were  either  destitute  of  books, 
or  such  as  they  possessed  were  calculated  only  to  mislead.  The 
oral  instructions  of  a  few  individuals  could  extend  but  a  small 
way  ;  it  was  principally  by  means  of  their  writings,  which  cir- 
culated with  amazing  rapidity,  that  they  benefited  mankind,  and 
became  not  merely  the  instructors  of  the  particular  cities  and 
countries  where  they  resided  and  preached,  but  the  reformers  of 
Europe.  By  the  time  that  Knox  appeared  on  the  field,  their 
translations  of  Scripture,  their  judicious  commentaries  on  its  dif- 
ferent books,  and  their  able  defences  of  its  doctrines,  were  laid 


*  Obituary  -of  Robert  Boyd  of  Trochrig,  in  Wodrow's  MS.  Collections,  vol. 
v.  pp.  145, 148.  Bannatyne  Miscellany,  vol.  i.  pp.  291, 295.  See  Mrs.  Welch's 
Testament,  in  the  Appendix. 

t  Preface  to  his  Sermon,  apud  History,  p.  113.    Edin.  1644. 


364  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

open  to  the  English  reader.*  What  was  more  immediately 
required  of  him  was  to  use  the  peculiar  talent  in  which  he  ex- 
celled, and,  "  by  tongue  and  lively  voice,"  to  imprint  the  doc- 
trines of  the  Bible  upon  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen.  When 
he  was  deprived  of  an  opportunity  of  doing  this  during  his  ex- 
ile, there  could  not  be  a  more  proper  substitute  than  that  which 
he  adopted,  by  publishing  familiar  epistles,  exhortations,  and 
admonitions,  in  which  he  briefly  reminded  them  of  the  truths 
which  they  had  embraced,  and  warned  them  to  flee  from  the 
abominations  of  Popery.  These  could  be  circulated  and  read 
with  far  more  ease,  and  to  a  far  greater  extent,  than  large 
treatises. 

Of  the  many  sermons  preached  by  him  during  his  ministry,  he 
published  but  one,  which  was  extorted  from  him  by  peculiar 
circumstances.  It  affords  a  very  favourable  specimen  of  his 
talents ;  and  shows,  that  if  he  had  applied  himself  to  writing,  he 
was  qualified  for  excelling  in  that  department.  He  had  a  ready 
command  of  language,  and  expressed  himself  with  great  per- 
spicuity, animation,  and  force.  Though  he  despised  the  tinsel 
of  rhetoric,  he  was  acquainted  with  the  principles  of  that  art, 
and  when  he  had  leisure  and  inclination  to  polish  his  style, 
wrote  with  propriety,  and  even  with  elegance.  Those  who 
have  read  his  Letter  to  the  Queen  Regent,  his  Answer  to  Tyrie, 
or  his  papers  in  the  account  of  the  dispute  with  Kennedy,  will 
be  satisfied  of  this.  During  his  residence  in  England,  he  ac- 
quired the  habit  of  writing  the  language  according  to  the  man- 
ner of  that  country ;  and  in  all  his  publications  which  appeared 
during  his  lifetime,  the  English  and  not  the  Scottish  orthogra- 
phy and  mode  of  expression  are  used.t  In  this  respect,  there 
is  a  very  evident  difference  between  them  and  the  vernacular 
writings  of  Buchanan. 

His  practical  treatises  are  among  the  least  known,  but  most 
valuable,  of  his  writings.  In  depth  of  religious  feeling,  and  in 
power  of  utterance,  they  are  superior  to  any  works  of  the  same 
kind  which  appeared  in  that  age.  The  thoughts  are  often 
original,  and  always  expressed  in  a  style  of  originality,  pos- 

*  Those  who  have  not  directed  their  attention  to  this  point  cannot  easily 
conceive  to  what  extent  the  translation  of  foreign  theological  books  into  our 
language  was  carried  at  that  time.  There  was  scarcely  a  book  of  any 
celebrity  published  in  Latin  by  the  continental  reformers,  that  did  not  appear 
in  an  English  version.  Bibliographers,  and  the  annalists  of  printing,  are 
very  defective  in  the  information  which  they  commucicate  on  this  branch. 

t  It  is  to  this  that  Ninian  Winget  refers  in  one  of  his  letters  addressed  to 
Knox.  "  Gif  ye,  throw  curiositie  of  novationis,  hes  forzet  our  auld  plane 
Scottis,  quhilk  zour  mother  lernit  zow,  in  tymes  coming  I  sail  wrytt  to  zow 
my  mynd  in  Latin,  for  I  am  nocht  acquyntit  with  zour  Southeroun"  Keith, 
Append.  254. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX.  365 

sessing  great  dignity  and  strength,  without  affectation  or  ex- 
travagance.* 

The  freedoms  which  have  been  used  in  the  republication  of 
such  of  his  works  as  are  best  known,  have  contributed  to  injure 
his  literary  reputation.  They  were  translated  into  the  language 
commonly  used  in  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century,  by 
which  they  were  deprived  of  the  antique  costume  which  they 
formerly  wore,  and  contracted  an  air  of  vulgarity  which  did  not 
originally  belong  to  them.  Besides  this,  they  have  been  re- 
printed with  innumerable  omissions,  interpolations,  and  altera- 
tions, which  frequently  affect  the  sense,  and  always  enfeeble 
the  language.  The  two  works  which  have  been  most  read, 
are  the  least  accurate  and  polished,  in  point  of  style,  of  all  his 
writings.  His  tract  against  female  government  was  hastily 
published  by  him,  under  great  irritation  of  mind  at  the  increas- 
ing cruelty  of  Mary  Queen  of  England.  His  History  of  the 
Reformation  was  undertaken  during  the  confusions  of  the  civil 
war,  and  was  afterwards  continued  by  him  at  intervals  snatched 
from  numerous  avocations.  The  collection  of  historical  mate- 
rials is  a  work  of  labour  and  time ;  the  digesting  and  arranging 
of  them  into  a  regular  narrative  require  much  leisure  and  undi- 
vided attention.  The  want  of  these  sufficiently  accounts  for  the 
confusion  that  is  often  observable  in  that  work.  But,  notwith- 
standing this,  and  particular  mistakes  from  which  no  work  of 
the  kind  can  be  free,  it  still  continues  to  be  the  principal  source 
of  information  as  to  ecclesiastical  proceedings  in  that  period ; 
and  although  great  keenness  has  been  shown  in  attacking  its 
authenticity  and  accuracy,  it  has  been  confirmed,  in  all  the  lead- 
ing facts,  by  ah  examination  of  those  ancient  documents  which 
the  industry  of  later  times  has  brought  to  light,  t 

His  defence  of  Predestination,  the  only  theological  treatise  of 
any  extent  which  was  published  by  him,  is  rare,  and  has  been 
seen  by  few.  It  is  written  with  perspicuity,  and  discovers  his 
controversial  acuteness,  with  becoming  caution,  in  handling 
that  delicate  question.  A  catalogue  of  his  publications,  as 
complete  as  I  have  been  able  to  draw  up,  will  be  found  in  the 
notes.* 

*  Knox's  practical  writings  have  been  lately  collected  and  reprinted.  This, 
so  far  as  it  may  have  arisen,  even  indirectly,  from  what  I  have  done  in  illus- 
trating the  events  of  his  life,  I  regard  as  one  of  the  most  pleasing  fruits  of 
my  labour ;  nor  do  I  regret  (though  I  did  regret  it)  that  the  work  has  issued 
from  the  press  of  London,  instead  of  Edinburgh. 

t  See  Note  TTT. 

|  See  Note  UUU.  It  may  be  proper  to  notice  that  our  Reformer's  writings 
had  the  honour  of  being  marked  in  the  Index  Expurgatorius  of  Rome. 
"  Joannes  Chnoxus  Scotus"  occurs  in  Index  Librorum  Prohibitorum,  p.  49. 
Rothomagi,  1625. 


366  LIFE    OF    JOHN    KNOX. 

I  have  thus  attempted  to  give  an  account  of  our  national  Re- 
former, of  the  principal  events  of  his  life,  his  sentiments,  writings, 
and  exertions  in  the  cause  of  religion  and  liberty.  If  what  I 
have  done  shall  contribute  to  set  his  character  in  a  more  just 
light  than  that  in  which  it  has  been  generally  represented,  and 
to  correct  the  erroneous  views  of  it  which  have  long  been  preva- 
lent ;  or  if  it  shall  tend  to  elucidate  the  ecclesiastical  history  of 
the  eventful  period  in  which  he  lived,  and  be  the  means  of  illus- 
trating the  superintendence  of  a  wise  and  merciful  Providence, 
in  the  accomplishment  of  a  revolution  of  all  others  the  most  in- 
teresting and  beneficial  to  this  country,  I  shall  not  think  any 
labour  which  I  have  bestowed  on  the  subject  to  have  been 
thrown  away,  or  unrewarded. 


NOTES. 


Note  A.  page  17. 

Place  of  Knox's  Birth,  and  his  Parentage. — Although  the  question 
respecting  Knox's  birth-place  is  not  of  very  great  importance,  I  shall 
state  the  authorities  for  the  different  opinions  which  are  entertained 
on  the  subject. 

Beza,  who  was  contemporary,  and  personally  acquainted,  with  our 
Reformer,  designs  him  "  Joannes  Cnoxus,  Scotus,  Giffordiensis,"  evi- 
dently meaning  that  he  was  a  native  of  the  town  of  Gifford.  Icones, 
seu  Imagines  Illustrium  Virorum,  Ee.  iij.  an.  1580.  Spots  wood,  who 
was  born  in  1565,  and  could  receive  information  from  his  father,  and 
other  persons  intimately  acquainted  with  Knox,  says  that  he  was 
«  born  in  Gifford  within  Lothian."  History,  p.  265,  edit.  1677.  David 
Buchanan,  in  his  Memoir  of  Knox,  prefixed  to  the  edition  of  his  His- 
tory, and  published  in  1644,  gives  the  same  account;  which  has  been 
followed  in  the  Life  written  by  Matthew  Crawfurd,  and  prefixed  to 
the  edition  of  the  History,  1732;  and  by  Wodrow,  in  his  MS.  Collec- 
tions, respecting  the  Scottish  Reformers,  in  Bibl.  Coll.  Glas.  In  a 
Genealogical  Account  of  the  Knoxes,  which  is  in  the  possession  of  the 
family  of  the  late  Mr.  James  Knox,  minister  of  Scoon,  the  Reformer's 
father  is  said  to  have  been  a  brother  of  the  family  of  Ranferlie,  and 
"  proprietor  of  the  estate  of  Gifford."  Scott's  History  of  the  Scottish 
Reformers,  p.  94. 

On  the  other  hand,  Archibald  Hamilton,  who  was  his  countryman, 
as  well  as  his  contemporary  and  acquaintance,  says  that  Knox  was 
born  in  the  town  of  Haddington :  "  Obscuris  natus  parentibus  in  Had- 
intona  oppido  in  Laudonia."  De  Confusione  Calvinianae  Sectae  apud 
Scotos  Dialogus,  fol.  64,  a.  Parisiis,  1577.  Another  Scotsman,  who 
wrote  in  that  age,  says  that  he  was  born  near  Haddington ;  "  prope 
Haddintonam."  Lainggeus  De  vita,  et  moribus,  atque  rebus  gestis 
Haereticorum  nostri  temporis,  fol.  113,  b.  Parisiis,  1581.  Dr.  Barclay, 
late  minister  of  Haddington,  advanced  an  opinion  which  reconciles 
the  two  last  authorities,  (although  it  is  probable  that  he  never  saw 
either  of  them,)  by  asserting  that  our  Reformer  was  born  in  one  of  the 
suburbs  of  Haddington,  called  the  Giffordgate.  Transactions  of  the 
Society  of  Antiquaries  in  Scotland,  pp.  69,  70. 

367 


368  NOTES. 

The  testimony  of  Archibald  Hamilton,  is  not  altogether  without 
weight ;  for,  although  he  has  retailed  a  number  of  gross  falsehoods  in 
the  work  referred  to,  there  does  not  appear  to  be  any  reason  for  sup- 
posing that  he  would  intentionally  mislead  his  readers  on  such  a  cir- 
cumstance as  the  birth-place  of  the  Reformer.  But  I  consider  Spots- 
wood's  statement  as  going  far  to  set  aside  Hamilton's;  for,  as  the 
archbishop  could  scarcely  be  ignorant  of  it,  and  as  he  fixes  Knox's 
birth  at  a  different  place,  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  he  had  good 
reasons  for  varying  from  a  preceding  authority.  The  grounds  of  Dr. 
Barclay's  opinion  are,  that,  according  to  the  tradition  of  the  place,  the 
Reformer  was  a  native  of  Haddington ;  that  the  house  in  which  he 
was  born  is  still  pointed  out  in  the  Giffordgate ;  and  that  this  house, 
with  some  adjoining  acres  of  land,  belonged  for  a  number  of  generations 
to  a  family  of  the  name  of  Knox,  who  claimed  kindred  with  the  Re- 
former, and  who  lately  sold  the  property  to  the  Earl  of  Wemyss.  I 
acknowledge  that  popular  tradition  may  be  allowed  to  determine  a 

Eoint  of  this  nature,  provided  it  is  not  contradicted  by  other  evidence, 
i  the  present  case,  it  is  not  altogether  free  from  this  objection.  As 
the  sons  of  the  Reformer  died  without  issue,  there  is  no  reason  to 
think  that  the  family  which  resided  in  the  Giffordgate  was  lineally 
descended  from  him.  Still,  however,  the  property  might  have  be- 
longed to  his  elder  brother,  which  is  consistent  with  the  supposition 
of  his  being  born  in  the  house  which  tradition  has  marked  out.  But 
I  have  lately  been  favoured  with  extracts  from  the  title-deeds  of  that 
property,  now  in  the  possession  of  the  Earl  of  Wemyss,  extending 
from  the  year  1 598  downwards,  which  are  not  favourable  to  that  sup- 
position. On  the  18th  of  February,  1598,  William  Knox  in  Moreham, 
and  Elizabeth  Schortes  his  wife,  were  infeft  in  subjects  in  Nungate 
(of  Haddington,)  by  virtue  of  a  crown  charter.  This  charter  contains 
no  statement  of  the  warrants  on  which  it  proceeded,  further  than  the 
lands  formerly  belonged  to  the  Abbey  of  Haddington,  and  were  an- 
nexed to  the  crown.  Having  communicated  the  names  of  the  persons 
mentioned  in  the  first  charter  and  subsequent  deeds  to  the  Reverend 
Mr.  Scott  of  Perth,  with  a  request  to  be  informed,  if  any  such  names 
occur  in  the  genealogy  of  the  Knox  family  which  belonged  to  the  late 
Mr.  Knox,  minister  of  Scoon,  I  was  favoured  with  an  answer,  saying, 
that  neither  the  name  of  William  Knox  at  Moreham,  nor  that  of  any 
other  person  answering  to  the  description  in  my  letter,  is  to  be  found 
in  that  genealogy.  But,  further,  the  charter  expressly  states,  that  the 
lands  in  question  belonged  to  the  Abbey  of  Haddington,  and,  as  they 
must  have  been  annexed  to  the  crown  subsequently  to  the  Reforma- 
tion, they  could  not  be  the  property  of  the  family  at  the  time  of  our 
Reformer's  birth.  The  tradition  of  his  having  been  born  in  the  Gif- 
fordgate is  therefore  supported  merely  by  the  possibility  that  his  pa- 
rents might  have  resided  in  that  house  while  it  was  the  property  of 
the  Abbey.  In  opposition  to  this,  we  have  the  authorities  already 
mentioned  in  support  of  the  opinion  that  he  was  born  in  the  village  of 
Gifford. 

With  respect  to  the  parentage  of  our  Reformer,  David  Buchanan 
says  that  his  "  father  was  a  brother's  son  of  the  house  of  Ranferlie." 
Life,  prefixed  to  History  of  the  Reformation,  edit.  1644.  In  a  conver- 


sation with  the  Earl  of  Bothwell,  Knox  gave  the  following  account  of 
his  ancestors :  "  My  Lord,"  said  he,  "  my  great  grandfather,  gudeschir 
and  father,  have  served  your  Lordchip's  predecessours,  and  some  of 


them  have  dyed  under  their  standards ;  and  this  is  a  pairt  of  the  obli- 
gatioun  of  our  Scottish  kindness."  Historic  of  the  Reformatioun,  p. 
306,  edit.  1732.  Matthew  Crawfurd  says,  that  *4  these  words  seem  to 
import  that  Mr.  Knox's  predecessors  were  in  some  honourable  station 


NOTES.  369 

under  the  Earls  of  Bothwell,  at  that  time  the  most  powerful  family  in 
East-Lothian."  Life  of  the  Author,  p.  ii.  prefixed  to  Historic,  edit. 
1732.  The  only  thing  which  I  would  infer  from  his  words  is,  that  his 
ancestors  had  settled  in  Lothian  as  early  as  the  time  of  his  great- 
grandfather. I  do  not  wish  to  represent  the  Reformer  as  either  of 
noble  or  of  gentle  birth,  and  cannot  place  much  dependence  on  the 
assertion  in  the  preceding  note,  which  makes  his  father  "  proprietor 
of  the  estate  of  Gifford."  John  Davidson,  in  the  poem  written  in  com- 
mendation of  him,  says, 

First  he  descendit  bol  of  lineage  small, 

As  commonly  God  usis  for  to  call 

The  sempill  sort  his  summoundis  til  expres. 

At  the  same  time,  the  statement  given  by  some  authors  of  the  mean- 
ness and  poverty  of  his  parents  is  not  supported  by  good  evidence, 
and  can  in  part  be  disproved.  Dr.  Mackenzie  says  the  Reformer  was 
•*  the  son  of  a  poor  countryman,  as  we  are  informed  by  those  who 
knew  him  very  well :  his  parents,  though  in  a  mean  condition,  put 
their  son  to  the  grammar-school  of  Haddington ;  where,  after  he  had 
learned  his  grammar,  he  served  for  some  time  the  Laird  of  Langnid- 
drie's  children,  who  being  sent  by  their  parents  to  the  university  of 
St.  Andrews,  he  thereby  had  occasion  of  learning  his  philosophy." 
Lives  of  Scottish  Writers,  vol.  iii.  p.  1 1 1.  As  his  authorities  for  these 
assertions,  the  Doctor  has  printed  on  the  margin,  "  Dr.  Hamilton,  Dr. 
Bailie,  and  many  others ;"  Popish  writers,  who,  regardless  of  their 
own  character,  fabricated  or  retailed  such  stories  as  they  thought 
most  discreditable  to  the  Reformer,  many  of  which  Mackenzie  him- 
self is  obliged  to  pronounce  "  ridiculous  stories,  that  are  altogether 
improbable,"  p.  132.  "Dr.  Bailie"  was  Alexander  Bailie,  a  Benedic- 
tine monk  in  the  Scottish  monastery  of  Wirtsburgh ;  and,  as  he  pub- 
lished the  work  to  which  Mackenzie  refers  in  the  year  1628,  it  is  ridi- 
culous to  talk  of  his  being  well  acquainted  with  either  the  Reformer 
or  his  father.  Hamilton,  (the  earliest  authority,)  instead  of  supporting 
Mackenzie's  assertions,  informs  us,  as  far  as  his  language  is  intelligi- 
ble, that  Knox  was  in  priest's  orders  before  he  undertook  the  care  of 
children :  "  quo  victum  sibi  pararet  magis  quam  ut  deo  serviret  (Sim- 
onis  illius  magi  hue  usque  sequutus  vestigia)  presbyter  primum  fieri 
de  more,  quamvis  illiteratus,  turn  in  privatis  sedibus  puerorum  in  vul- 
garibus  literis  formandorum  curam  capere  coactus  est."  De  Confu- 
sione  Calv.  Sectze,  p.  64.  The  fact  is,  that  Knox  entered  into  the 
family  of  Langniddrie  as  tutor,  after  he  had  finished  his  education  at 
the  university;  and  so  late  as  1547,  he  was  employed  in  teaching  the 
young  men  their  grammar.  Historic,  p.  67. 


Note  B,  p.  18. 

Of  Knox's  Academical  Education. — I  have  been  a  good  deal  puz- 
zled on  the  subject  of  the  academical  studies  of  our  Reformer.  De- 
pending on  the  testimony  of  the  earliest  and  most  credible  writers,  I 
stated,  in  the  former  editions  of  this  work,  that  he  studied,  and  took 
the  degree  of  Master  of  Arts,  at  St  Andrews.  After  a  minute  exami- 
nation, however,  I  was  unable  to  find  his  name  in  the  records  of  that 
university.  Still  I  did  not  feel  warranted  to  drop  the  account  which  I 
had  given  on  such  respectable  authority,  and  contented  myself  with 
mentioning  the  unsuccessful  result  of  my  investigations.  But  when  en- 
gaged in  examining  the  records  of  the  university  of  Glasgow  with  a 

W2 


370  NOTES. 

view  to  another  work,  I  accidentally  met  with  evidence  which  con- 
vinces me  that  the  common  statement  is  erroneous.  Knox  was  educa- 
ted at  the  university,  not  of  St  Andrews,  but  of  Glasgow. 

In  the  "  Annales  Universitatis  Glasguensis,"  the  name  "  Johannes 
Knox"  occurs  among  the  Incorporate  or  those  who  were  matriculated, 
in  the  year  1522.  In  coming  to  the  conclusion  that  this  was  our  Re- 
former, I  do  not  rest  simply  on  his  name  occurring  in  the  record.  This 
opinion  is  confirmed  by  the  two  following  circumstances.  1.  The  time 
answers  to  that  at  which  he  might  be  supposed  to  have  entered  the 
university ;  for  in  1522,  he  was  seventeen  years  of  age.  2.  John  Major 
was  at  that  time  Principal  of  the  university  of  Glasgow ;  and  all  the 
ancient  accounts  agree  that  Knox  studied  under  that  celebrated  profes- 
sor.—This  circumstance  may  perhaps  account  for  the  mistake  into 
which  the  old  writers  have  fallen  on  this  subject.  They  appear  to 
have  been  ignorant  of  the  fact  that  Major  taught  at  that  time  in  Glas- 
gow ;  and  being  informed  that  Knox  studied  under  him,  they  conclu- 
ded that  he  did  so  at  St  Andrews,  where  that  professor  was  known  to 
have  resided  for  many  years. 

I  take  this  opportunity  of  filling  up  a  blank  in  the  life  of  Major. 
Dempster,  Dupin,  and  other  writers,  mention  that,  after  being  made 
Doctor  of  Divinity  in  1505,  he  taught  for  some  years  at  Glasgow,  but 
that,  owing  to  the  confusions  of  his  native  country,  he  removed  from 
it  to  Paris.  I  will  not  take  upon  me  to  say  that  this  account  is  erro- 
neous ;  but  I  have  not  been  able  to  discover  the  name  of  Major  in  the 
records  of  the  university  of  Glasgow  at  that  period.  Upon  Major's 
return  from  France,  the  above-mentioned  authors  represent  him  as 
going  directly  to  St  Andrews.  But  from  the  subsequent  extracts  it 
will  appear  that  he  went  first  to  Glasgow,  and  for  several  years  held 
the  situation  .of  Principal  and  Professor  of  Divinity  in  the  university 
of  that  city. 

In  the  old  Register  entitled  "  Annales  Universitatis  Glasguensis,"  are 
the  following  minutes  relating  to  Major.  The  last  of  them  contains 
the  matriculation  of  Knox. 

"  ELECTIO  RECTORIS. 

"  Congregatione  generali  alme  Universitatis  Glasguen.  Citatione 
previa,  &c.  Die  tertio  mensis  Novembris  anno  Dni.  millesimo  quin- 
gentesimo  decimo  octavo,  &c. 

"  Eodem  die— Incorporati  sub  dicto  Dno.  Rectore  Egregius  vir  Magr. 
Johannes  Majoris  Doctor  Parisiensis  ac  principals  regens  Collegie  et 
pedagogii  dicte  Universitatis  Canonicusque  Capelli  regie,  ac  Vicarius 
de  Dunlop,  &c."  (43  names  follow.) 

There  is  no  farther  mention  made  of  Major  until  1521,  when  the  fol- 
lowing minute  is  found ; 

"  ELECTIO  RECTORIS. 

"  Congregatione  generali,  &c.  In  festo  sanctorum  Marthirum  Cris- 
pini  et  Crispiniani,  anno  Domi. millesimo  quingentesimo  vicesimo  pri- 
mo.  Pro  Electione  novi  Rectoris — In  quaquidem  Congregatione  Electi 
fuerunt  tres  Intrantes,  viz.  Magr.  Mattheus  Steward  Decanus  facultatis 
Johannes  Majoris  Theologie  Professor,  et  nationis  Albanie  nullus  inter- 
fuit,  et  Willmus.CrechtounCanonicus  Glasguensis — Q,ui  remoti,  matu- 
raque  deliberatione  prehabita,  unanimi  eorum  consensu,  Venerabilem 
et  egregium  Virum  Jacobum  Steward  Prepositum  ecclesie  Collegiate  de 
Dunbertane,  absentem  tanquam  presentem,  in  Rectorem  elegerunt  et 
electum  pronunciarunt.  Q,ui  postea  inclinatus  supplicationib us  suppos- 


NOTES.  371 

itorum  hujus  modi  onus  in  se  acceptavit.  Insuper  in  eadem  Congrega- 
tione  elect!  fuerunt  quatuor  Deputati  ad  consulendum  et  assistendum 
dicto  Dno.  rectori  in  omnibus  et  singulis  causis  per  ipsum  tractandis, 
viz.  Magri.  Johannes  Majoris  predictus,  Willms.  Chrichtoun,  Johannes 
Reid,  Jacobus  Neilsoun — Necnon  Electus  fuit  in  bursarium  discretus 
vir  Magr.  Mattheus  Reid,  Magr.  schole  grammaticalis.  Et  in  promo- 
torem  Magr.  Andreas  Smyth.  Et  in  ProCuratorem  Magr.  Nicholaus 
Witherspuyne. 

"  Die  xxiiij  mensis  Maij  anno  Dni.  millesimo  quingentesimo  xxij. 
"  Congregatione  generali  Universitatis  Glasguen.  facta  loco  Capitu- 
lari  ecclesie  metropolitane  ejusdem  die  xxiiij  mensis  maij  Anno  Dni. 
Millesimo  quingentesimo  xxij,  per  Venerabilem  Virum  Mgrm.  Jacobum 
Steward  Prepositum  ecclie  Collegiate  de  Dunbertane  ac  Rectorem 
dicte  Universitatis,  Presentibus  Ibidem  Honorabilibus  Viris,  Magistris 
Johanne  Majore,  theologie  professore,  thesaurario  Capelle  regie  Stirlin- 
gensis,  Vicarioque  de  Dunlop,  ac  Principal!  regente  dicte  Collegie,  Jo- 
hanne Doby  Canonico  Glasguensi  ac  prebendario  de  Ancrum,  Jacobo 
Neilson  Vicario  de  Colmanel,  Johanne  Spruele  Vicario  de  Dundonald, 
Jacobo  Lyndesay  secundario  regente,  aliisque  patribus,  Magistris,  Stu- 
dentibus,  ac  suppositis,  inibi  Congregatis — In  quaquidem  Congrega- 
tione Idem  Dnus.  Rector  Exposuit  et  Decjaravit,  &c. 

"  ELECTIO  RECTORIS. 

"  Congregatione  generali  alme  Universitatis  Glass.  Citatione  previa 
per  edictum  publicum  in  Valvis  ecclesie  metropolitane  affixum,  Cele- 
brata  loco  Capitulari  ejusdem,  In  festo  Sanctorum  Marthirum  Crispini 
et  Crispiniani,  Anno  Dni.  Millesimo  quingentesimo  Vicesimo  secundo, 
Pro  electione  novi  Rectoris.  In  quaquidem  Congregatione  electi  fue- 
runt tres  Intrantes,  eoquod  nullus  nationis  albanie  extunc  intermit,  viz. 
Mgr.  Thomas  ieiss  Canonicus  Dunblanensis,  Johannes  Majoris  Prin- 
cipalis  regens,  et  Johannes  Reid  Vicarius  de  Campsy — Q,ui  remoti,  ma- 
tura  et  digesta  deliberatione  prehabita,  unanimi  eorum  Consensu, 
Venerabilem  et  egregium  Virum  Mgrm.  Jacobum  Steward  prepositum 
Ecclesie  Collegiate  de  Dunbertane,  absentem  tanquam  presentem,  in 
rectorem  Continuarunt,  elegerunt,  et  prpnunciarunt — Q,ui  postea  sup- 
plicationibus  magistrorum  inclinatus  hujus  modi  onus  in  se  acceptavit. 
Insuper  in  eadem  Congregatione  electi  fuerunt  tres  Deputati  ad  as- 
sistendum et  consulendum  dicto  Dno.  Rectori  in  omnibus  et  singulis 
causis  dicte  Universitatis  per  eundem  tractandis,  viz.  Prescripti  mag- 
istri,  Johannes  Majoris,  Johannes  Reid,  et  Mgr.  Mattheus  Steward 
Vicarius  de  Mayboile,  et  Continuatus  fuit  in  bursarium  Mgr.  Mattheus 
Reid.  Necnon  electus  fuit  in  procuratorem  et  promotorem  Universita- 
tis Mgr.  Nicholaus  Vitherspuyne  Vicarius  de  Straithawane — Incorpora- 
ti  sub  dicto  Dno.  Rectore, 

Andreas  Cottis  Alexr  Dikke 

Johannes  hereot  Adam  Kyngorne 

Nigellus  Campbal  Nigellus  fofguissone 

Willmus  Steward  Johannes  huntar 

Johannes  Hamyltoun  Jacobus  Mosman 

Johannes  Knox  Dnus  Johannes  Keyne  presbiter 

Archibaldus  Langsyd  Patricius  letryg  Civis  Glass." 

«  „ 

In  the  records  of  the  university  of  Glasgow,  Major  is  uniformly  called 
Johannes  Majoris.  It  appears  from  Dr  Lee's  extracts,  published  in  the 


372  NOTES. 

second  edition  of  Dr.  Trving's  Memoirs  of  Buchanan,  (p.  373,)  that 
Major  was  incorporated  into  the  university  of  St  Andrews  on  the  9th 
of  June  1523.  He  is  there  designed  "  Doctor  Theologus  Parisiensis,  et 
Thesaurarius  Capellae  Regia3 ;"  and  in  an  instrument  of  seisin,  belonging 
to  that  seminary,  he  is  styled  "  Vicarius  de  Dunloppie  Glasg." — Some 
may  perhaps  be  inclined  to  suppose  that  Knox  followed  Major  to  St 
Andrews,  and  attended  his"  lectures,  though  not  formally  incorporated 
into  that  university ;  and  consequently  that  the  old  writers  had  some 
foundation  for  their  statement  on  this  head.  But  if  this  was  the  case, 
it  is  not  very  probable  that  the  truth  of  it  can  be  now  ascertained.  I 
have  only  to  add,  that  I  cannot  perceive,  from  the  records  of  Glasgow, 
that  Knox  took  any  degree  there,  which  confirms  the  doubt  that  I  have 
already  expressed  on  that  subject. 


Note  C,  p.  20. 

Of  the  Early  State  of  Grecian  Literature  in  Scotland.— In  this  note 
I  shall  throw  together  such  facts  as  I  have  met  with  relating  to  the 
introduction  of  the  Greek  language  into  Scotland,  and  the  progress 
which  it  made  during  the  sixteenth  century.  They  are  scanty ;  but  I 
trust  they  will  not  be  altogether  unacceptable  to  those  who  take  an 
interest  in  the  subject. 

In  the  year  1522,  Boece  mentions  George  Dundas  as  a  good  Greek 
scholar.  He  was  master  of  the  Knights  of  St  John  in  Scotland,  and 
had,  most  probably,  acquired  the  knowledge  of  the  language  on  the 
Continent.  "Georgius  Dundas  grecas  atq;  latinas  literas  apprime 
doctus,  equitum  Hierosolymitanorum  intra  Scotorum  regnum  magis- 
tratuni  multo  sudore  (superatis  emulis)  postea  adeptus."  Boetii  Vitae 
Episcop.  Murth.  et  Aberdon.  fol.  xxvii.  b.  It  is  reasonable  to  suppose 
that  some  other  individuals  in  the  nation  acquired  it  in  the  same  way ; 
but  Boece  makes  no  mention  of  Greek  among  the  branches  taught  at 
the  universities  in  his  time,  although  he  is  minute  in  his  details.  Nor 
do  I  find  any  other  reference  to  the  subject  previous  to  the  year  1534, 
when  Erskine  of  Dun  brought  a  learned  man  from  France,  and  em- 
ployed him  to  teach  Greek  in  Montrose,  as  mentioned  in  that  part  of 
the  Life  to  which  this  note  refers.  At  his  school,  George  Wishart,  the 
jmartyr,  must  have  obtained  the  knowledge  of  the  language,  and  he 
seems  to  have  been  assistant  or  successor^  his  master.  The  bishop 
of  Brechin  (William  Chisholm,)  hearing  that  Wishart  taught  the  Greek 
New  Testament  in  Montrose,  summoned  him  to  appear  before  him 
on  a  charge  of  heresy,  upon  which  he  fled  the  kingdom.  This  was  in 
1538.  Petrie,  part  ii.  p.  182.  It  is  likely  that  Knox  was  taught  Greek 
by  Wishart  after  the  return  of  the  latter  from  England.  Buchanan 
seems  to  have  acquired  the  language  during  his  residence  on  the  Con- 
tinent. Epist.  p.  25.  Oper.  edit.  Rudd. 

Lesley  says,  that  James  V.  during  his  progress  through  the  kingdom, 
in  1540,  came  to  Aberdeen,  and  among  other  entertainments  which 
were  given  him,  the  students  of  the  university  "recited  orations  in  the 
Greek  and  Latin  tongue,  composed  with  the  greatest  skill" — "Ora- 
tiones  in  Greca  Latinaque  lingua,  summo  artificio  instruct®."  Les- 
laeus  de  rebus  gestis  Scotorum,  lib.  ix.  p.  430.  edit.  1675.  When  we 
consider  the  state  of  learning  at  that  period  in  Scotland,  there  is  reason 
for  suspecting  that  the  bishop's  description  is  highly  coloured,  yet  as 
he  entered  that  university  a  few  years  after,  we  may  conclude  from  it 
that*  some  attention  was  at  that  time  paid  to  the  study  of  Greek  in 
Aberdeen.  It  might  have  been  introduced  by  Hector  Boece,  the 
learned  principal  of  that  university.  If  the  king  was  entertained  with 


NOTES.  373 

the  great  learning  of  the  students  of  Aberdeen,  the  English  ambassador 
was  no  less  diverted,  in  the  very  same  year,  with  the  ignorance  which 
our  bishops  discovered  of  the  Greek  tongue.  The  ambassador,  who 
was  a  scholar  as  well  as  a  statesman,  hact  caused  his  men  to  wear  on 
their  sleeves  the  following  Greek  motto  MONH  ANAKTI  AOTAETH,  "I 
serve  the  king  only."  This  the  Scottish  bishops,  whose  knowledge 
did  not  extend  beyond  Latin,  read  MONACHULUS,  "  a  little  monk,"  and 
thereupon  circulated  the  report  that  the  ambassador's  servants  were 
monks,  who  had  been  taken  out  of  the  monasteries  lately  suppressed 
in  England.  To  counteract  this  report,  Sadler  was  obliged  to  furnish 
a  translation  of  the  inscription.  "  It  appeareth  (says  he)  they  are  no 
good  Grecians.  And  now  the  effect  of  my  words  is  known,  and  they 
be  well  laughed  at  for  their  learned  interpretation."  Sadler's  Letters, 
i.  48,  49.  Edinburgh,  1809.  In  a  debate  which  occurred  in  the  Parlia- 
ment which  met  in  1543,  individuals  among  the  nobility  and  other  lay 
members  discovered  more  knowledge  of  Greek  than  all  the  ecclesiasti- 
cal bench.  Knox,  Historie,  34. 

Foreign  writers  have  been  amused  with  the  information,  that  many 
of  the  Scottish  clergy  affirmed,  "  that  Martin  Luther  had  lately  com- 
posed a  wicked  book  called  the  New  Testament ;  but  that  they,  for 
their  part,  would  adhere  to  the  Old  Testament."  Perizonii  Hist. 
Seculi  xvi.  p.  233.  Gerdesii  Histor.  Reform,  torn.  iv.  p.  314.  Buchanani 
Oper.  i.  291.  Ignorant,  however,  as  our  clergy  were,  they  were  not 
more  illiterate  than  many  on  the  Continent.  A  foreign  monk,  de- 
claiming one  day  in  the  pulpit  against  Lutherans  and  Zuinglians,  said 
to  his  audience:  "A  new  language  was  invented  some  time  ago, 
called  Greek,  which  has  been  the  mother  of  all  these  heresies.  A  book 
is  printed  in  this  language,  called  the  New  Testament,  which  contains 
many  dangerous  things.  Another  language  is  now  forming,  the  He- 
brew ;  whoever  learns  it  immediately  becomes  a  Jew."  No  wonder, 
after  this,  that  the  commissioners  of  the  senate  of  Lucern  should  have 
confiscated  the  works  of  Aristotle,  Plato,  and  some  of  the  Greek  poets, 
which  they  found  in  the  library  of  a  friend  of  Zuinglius,  concluding  that 
every  book  printed  in  that  language  must  be  infected  with  Lutheran- 
ism.  J.  von.  Mullers  Schw.  Gesch.  Hess,  Life  of  Ulrich  Zuingle,  p.  213. 

To  return  to  the  seminary  at  Montrose :  it  was  kept  up,  by  the  pub- 
lic spirit  of  its  patron,  until  the  establishment  of  the  Reformation. 
Some  years  before  that  event,  the  celebrated  linguist,  Andrew  Mel- 
ville, received  his  education  at  this  school,  under  Pierre  de  Marsiliers, 
a  Frenchman.  And  he  had  made  such  proficiency  in  Greek,  when  he 
entered  the  university  of  St  Andrews,  about  the  year  1559,  that  he  was 
able  to  read  Aristotle  in  the  original  language,  "  which  even  his  mas- 
ters themselves  understood  not."  Life  of  Andrew  Melville,  p.  2,  in  Wod- 
row's  MSS.  Bibl.  Coll.  Glas.  vol.  i.  and  James  Melville's  Diary,  p.  32. 
For,  although  the  logics,  ethics,  &c.  of  Aristotle,  were  then  read  in  the 
colleges,  it  was  in  a  Latin  translation.  "  The  regent  of  St  Leonard's," 
says  James  Melville,  "tauld  me  of  my  uncle  Mr.  Andro  Melvill,  whom 
he  knew,  in  the  time  of  his  cours  in  the  new  collag,  to  use  the  Greik 
logicks  of  Aristotle,  quhilk  was  a  wonder  to  them,  he  was  so.fyne  a 
scholar,  and  of  sic  expectation."  MS.  Diary,  p.  25. 

By  the  First  book  of  Discipline,  it  was  provided,  that  there  should 
"  be  a  reader  of  Greek"  in  one  of  the  colleges  of  each  university,  who 
"  shall  compleat  the  grammar  thereof  in  three  months,"  and  "  shall  in- 
terpret some  book  of  Plato,  together  with  some  places  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament, and  shall  compleat  his  course  the  same  year."  Dunlop's  Con- 
fessions, ii.  553.  The  small  number  of  learned  men,  the  deficiency  of 
funds,  and  the  confusions  in  which  the  country  was  afterwards 
involved,  prevented,  in  a  great  degree,  the  execution  of  this  wise  mea- 
32 


374  NOTES. 

sure.  Owing  to  the  last  of  these  circumstances,  some  learned  Scots- 
men  devoted  their  talents  to  the  service  of  foreign  seminaries,  instead 
of  returning  to  their  native  country.  Buchanani  Epist.  pp.  7,  9,  10,  33. 
One  of  these  was  Henry  Scrimger,  celebrated  for  his  Grecian  literature. 
Some  particulars  respecting  him  may  be  seen  in  Senebier,  Hist.  Liter, 
de  Geneve,  torn.  i.  art.  Scrimger.  See  also  Teissier,  Eloges.  torn.  iii. 
383—385.  Leide,  1715.  On  account  of  the  scarcity  of  preachers,  it 
was  also  found  necessary  to  settle  several  of  the  learned  men  in  towns 
which  were  not  the  seat  of  a  university.  Some  of  these  undertook  the 
instruction  of  youth,  along  with  the  pastoral  inspection  of  their  par- 
ishes. John  Row  taught  the  Greek  tongue  in  Perth.  See  Note  PP. 
The  venerable  teacher,  Andrew  Simpson,  (see  p.  19,)  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  capable  of  this  task ;  but  he  was  careful  that  his  son  Pat- 
rick should  not  labour  under  the  same  defect.  He  was  sent  to  the 
university  of  Cambridge,  in  which  he  made  great  proficiency ;  and 
after  his  return  to  Scotland,  taught  Greek  at  Spot,  a  village  in  East 
Lothian,  where  he  was  minister  for  some  time.  Row's  MS.  p.  96  of  a 
copy  in  the  Divinity  Lib.  Edin.  It  is  reasonable  to  suppose,  that  this 
branch  of  study  would  not  be  neglected  at  St  Andrews  during  the 
time  that  Buchanan  was  principal  of  St  Leonard's  college,  from  1565 
to  1570.  Patrick  Adamson,  to  whom  he  demitted  this  office,  and 
whom  he  recommended  for  his  "  literature  and  sufficiency,"  (Buch. 
Op.  i.  10,)  was  not  then  in  the  kingdom ;  and  the  state  of  education 
languished  for  some  time  in  that  university.  James  Melville,  who  en- 
tered it  in  1570,  gives  the  following  account.  "Our  regent  be  goud, 
and  teacheth  us  the  a,  b,  c,  of  the  Griek,  and  the  simple  declinationis, 
but  went  no  farder."  MS.  Diary,  p.  26.  Grcecum  est,  non  legitur, 
was  at  this  time  an  adage,  even  with  persons  who  had  received  a  uni- 
versity education.  Row's  MS.  ut  supra. 

The  return  of  Andrew  Melville  in  1574,  gave  a  new  impulse  to 
literature  in  Scotland.  That  celebrated  scholar  had  perfected  himself 
in  the  knowledge  of  the  languages  during  the  nine  years  which  he 
spent  on  the  Continent,  and  had  astonished  the  learned  at  Geneva  by 
the  fluency  with  which  he  read  and  spoke  Greek.  MS.  Diary,  ut  sup. 
p.  33.  He  was  first  made  Principal  of  the  university  of  Glasgow,  and 
afterwards  removed  to  the  university  of  St  Andrews.  Such  was 
his  celebrity,  that  he  attracted  students  from  England  and  foreign, 
countries,  whereas  formerly  it  had  been  the  custom  for  the 
Scottish  youth  to  go  abroad  for  their  education.  Spotswood,  with 
whom  he  was  no  favourite,  and  Calderwood,  equally  bear  testimony 
to  his  profound  knowledge  of  this  language.  Soon  after  Melville, 
Thomas  Smeton,  another  Greek  scholar,  returned  to  Scotland,  and 
was  made  Principal  of  the  university  of  Glasgow.  I  may  mention 
here,  although  it  belongs  to  the  subject  of  typography,  that  there  ap- 
pear to  have  been  neither  Greek  nor  Hebrew  types  in  this  country  in 
1579,  when  Smeton's  Answer  to  Archibald  Hamilton  was  printed;  for 
blanks  are  left  for  all  the  phrases  and  quotations  in  these  languages, 
which  the  author  intended  to  introduce.  In  my  copy  of  the  book,  a 
number  of  the  blanks  have  been  filled  up  with  a  pen  by  the  author's 
own  hand. 

Note  D,  p.  21. 

Of  Major's  Political  Sentiments. — The  following  are  some  of  the 
passages  from  which  the  account  of  these,  given  in  the  text,  has  been 
drawn.  Similar  sentiments  occur  in  his  History  of  Scotland ;  but  as 
it  has  been  insinuated  that  he,  in  that  work,  merely  copied  Boece,  I 
shall  quote  from  his  other  writings,  which  are  more  rarely  consulted. 


NOTES.  375 

"  Ad  policiam  regalem  non  requiritur  quod  rex  sit  supra  omnes  sui 
regni  tarn  regulariter  quam  casualiter — sed  sat  est  quod  rex  sit  supra 
unurnquemlibet,  et  supra  totum  regnum  regulariter,  et  regnum  sit 
supra  eum  casualiter  et  in  aliquo  eventu."  Again,  "  Similiter  in  regno : 
et  in  toto  populo  libero  est  suprema  fontalis  potestas  inabrogabilis ;  in 
rege  vero  potestas  mysterialis  [minister ialis  /]  honesto  ministerio.  Et 
sic  aliquo  modo  sunt  duo  potestates ;  sed  quia  una  ordinetur  propter 
aliam,  potest  vocari  una  effectualiter,  et  casu  quo  regnum  rex  in  ty- 
rannidem  convertat  et  etiam  incorrigibilis,  potest  a  populo  deponi, 
tanquam  a  superiore  potestate."  Expos.  Matth.  fol.  71,  a.  c.  Paris.  1518. 
To  the  objection  urged  against  this  principle  from  the  metaphorical 
designation  of  head  given  to  a  king,  he  answers :  "  Non  est  omnino 
simile  inter  caput  verum  et  corpus  verum,  et  inter  caput  mysticum  et 
corpus  mysticum.  Caput  verum  est  supra  reliquam  partem  sui  corpo- 
ris,  et  tamen  nego  regem  esse  majoris  potestatis  quam  reliquam  par- 
tem sui  regni,  &c.  Ibid.  fol.  62,  b.  "  Rex  utilitatem  reipublicae  dissi- 
pans  et  evertens  incorrigibilis,  est  deponendus  a  communitate  cui 
praeest.  Rex  non  habet  robur  et  auctoritatem  nisi  a  regno  cui  libere 
priest."  Ibid.  fol.  69,  c.  Speaking  of  the  excision  of  a  corrupt  mem- 
ber from  the  human  body,  in  illustration  of  the  treatment  of  a  tyrant, 
he  says:  "Cum  licentia  totius  corporis  veri  tollitur  hoc  membrum; 
etiam  facilitate  totius  corporis  mystici,  tu,  tamque  minister  comitatis, 
potes  hunc  tyrannum  occidere,  dum  est  licite  condempnatus."  Tert. 
Sen  tent.  fol.  139,  c,  d.  Paris.  1517. 


Note  E,  p.  23. 

Concerning  the  Popish  Ordination  of  Knox. — Some  have  hesitated 
to  admit  that  Knox  was  in  priest's  orders  in  the  Church  of  Rome :  I 
think  it  unquestionable.  The  fact  is  attested  both  by  Protestant  and 
Popish  writers.  Beza  says,  "  Cnoxius,  igitur,  (ut  manifesto  appareat 
totum  hoc  admirabile  Domini  opus  esse,)  ad  Joannis  illius  Majoris, 
celeberrimi  inter  Sophistas  nominis,  veluti  pedes  in  Sanctandreae  oppido 
educatus,  atque  adeo  SACERDOS  FACTUS,  apertaque  celebri  schola,  quum 
jam  videretur  illo  suo  praeceptore  nihil  inferior  Sophista  futurus,  lucem 
tamen  in  tenebris  et  sibi  et  aliis  accendit."  Icones  Illustr.  Viror.  Ee.  iij. 
Comp.  Spotswood's  History,  p.  265.  Lond.  1677.  Ninian  Winget,  in  cer- 
tain letters  sent  by  him  to  Knox  in  the  year  1561,  says,  "  Ye  renunce 
andestemis  that  ordinatioun  null  or  erar  wikit,  be  the  quhilk  some- 
tyme  ye  war  callit  Schir  Johne."  And  again :  "  We  can  persave,  be 
your  awin  allegiance,  na  power  that  ever  ye  had,  except  it  quhilk  was 
gevin  to  you  in  the  sacrament  of  ordination,  be  auctoritie  of  priesthed. 
Q,uhilk  auctoritie  give  ye  esteme  as  nochtis,  be  reasoun  it  was  gevin 
to  you  (as  ye  speik)  by  ane  Papist  Bishope,"  &c.  Winzet's  Letteris 
and  Tractatis :  Keith  Append,  pp.  212, 213.  Winget's  drift  was  to  prove, 
that  Knox  had  no  lawful  call  to  the  ministry ;  consequently,  he  would 
not  have  mentioned  his  Popish  ordination,  if  the  fact  had  not  been 
well  known  and  undeniable.  Nicol  Burne,  arguing  on  the  same  point, 
allows  that  Knox  had  received  the  order  of  priesthood  from  the  Rom- 
ish Church.  Disputation  concerning  the  Controversit  Headdis  of  Re- 
ligion, p.  128.  Paris,  1581.  And  in  a  scurrilous  poem  against  the  min- 
isters of  Scotland,  printed  at  the  end  of  that  book,  he  calls  him, 

that  fals  apostat  priest, 

Enemie  to  Christ,  and  maunis  salvation, 
Your  maister  Knox. 


375  NOTES. 

The  objection  of  the  Roman  Catholics  to  the  legality  of  our  Reform- 
er's vocation,  was,  that  although  he  had  received  the  power  of  order, 
he  wanted  that  of  jurisdiction ;  these  two  being  distinct  according  to 
the  canon  law.  "  The  powere  of  ordere  is  not  sufficient  to  ane  man 
to  preache,  hot  he  man  have  also  jurisdictione  over  thame  to  whom  he 
preaches.  Johann  Kmnox  resavit  never  sic  jurisdictione  fra  the  Ro- 
man Kirk  to  preache  in  the  realme  of  Scotland ;  thairfoir  suppoise  he 
receavit  from  it  the  ordere  of  priestheade,  yet  he  had  na  pouar  to 
preache  nor  to  lauchfuliie  administrat  the  Sacramentes."  Nicol 
Burne's  Disputation,  p.  128. 


Note  F,  p.  27. 

Number  of  Scottish  Monks. — We  have  no  good  Monasticon  of  Scot- 
land ;  and  it  is  now  impossible  to  ascertain  the  exact  number  of  regu- 
lar clergy,  or  even  religious  houses,  that  were  in  this  country.  The 
best  and  most  particular  account  of  the  introduction  of  the  different 
monastic  orders  from  England  and  the  Continent,  is  contained  in  the 
first  volume  of  Mr.  Chalmers's  Caledonia.  Dr.  Jamieson,  in  his  History 
of  the  Ancient  Culdees,  lately  published,  has  traced,  with  much  atten- 
tion, the  measures  pursued  for  suppressing  the  ancient  monks,  to  make 
way  for  the  new  orders  which  were  immediately  dependent  upon 
Rome.  In  Spotswood's  Account,  published  at  the  end  of  Keith's  Cata- 
logue of  Bishops,  170  religious  houses  are  enumerated ;  but  his  account 
is  defective.  Mr.  Dalyell,  upon  the  authority  of  a  MS.,  has  stated  the 
number  of  the  monks  and  nuns  in  this  country,  as  amounting  only  to 
1114,  about  the  period  of  the  Reformation.  Cursory  Remarks  prefixed 
to  Scottish  Poems  of  the  16th  century;  vol.  i.  pp.  38,  39.  Edin,  1801. 
Taking  the  number  of  monasteries  according  to  Spotswood's  account, 
this  would  allow  only  seven  persons  to  each  house  on  an  average,  a 
number  incredibly  small.  It  will  be  still  smaller,  if  we  suppose  that 
there  were  260  religious  houses,  as  stated  by  Mr.  Dalyell  in  another 
publication.  Fragments  of  Scottish  History,  pp.  11,28.  In  the  year 
1542,  there  were  200  monks  in  Melrose  alone.  Ibid.  The  number  in 
the  abbey  of  Dunfermline  seems  to  have  varied  from  30  to  50.  Dai- 
yell's  Tract  on  Monastic  Antiquities,  p.  13.  And  Paisley,  Elgin,  and 
Arbroath,  were  not  inferior  to  it  in  their  endowments. 

In  general  it  may  be  observed,  that  the  passion  for  the  monastic  life 
appears  not  to  have  been  on  the  increase  even  in  the  early  part  of  the 
16th  century.  But  if  we  would  form  an  estimate  of  the  number  of 
the  monks,  we  must  allow  for  a  great  diminution  from  1538  to  1559. 
During  that  period,  many  of  them,  and  especially  the  younger  ones, 
embraced  the  reformed  opinions,  and  deserted  the  convents.  Cald. 
MS.  i.  97,  100,  151.  When  the  monastery  of  the  Greyfriars  at  Perth 
was  destroyed  in  1559,  only  eight  monks  belonged  to  it.  Knox,  His- 
toric, p.  128. 


Note  G,  p.  29. 

Of  the  Corpse-present. — This  was  a  forced  benevolence,  not  due  by 
any  law,  or  canon  of  the  Church,  at  least  in  Scotland.  It  was  demand- 
ed by  the  vicar,  and  seems  to  have  been  distinct  from  the  ordinary 
dues  exacted  for  the  interment  of  the  body,  and  deliverance  of  the 
soul  from  purgatory.  This  perquisite  consisted,  in  country  parishes,  of 
the  best  cow  which  belonged  to  the  deceased,  and  the  uppermost  cloth 
or  covering  of  his  bed,  or  the  finest  of  his  body-clothes.  It  has  been 


€> 


NOTES.  377 

suggested,  that  it  was  exacted  on  pretext  of  dues  which  the  person 
might  have  failed  to  pay  during  his  lifetime.  But  whatever  might 
afterwards  be  made  the  pretext,  I  think  it  most  probable  that  the  clergy 
borrowed  the  hint  from  the  perquisites  common  in  feudal  times.  The 
"  cors-presant  kow"  answers  to  the  "  hereyield  horse,"  which  was  paid 
to  a  landlord  on  the  death  of  his  tenant.  The  uppermost  cloth  seems 
to  have  been  a  perquisite  belonging  to  persons  occupying  different 
offices.  When  Bishop  Leslie  was  relieved  from  the  Tower  of  London, 
a  demand  of  this  kind  was  made  upon  him.  "  The  gentleman-porter  of 
the  Tower,"  says  he,  "  retained  my  satin  gown  as  due  to  him,  because 
it  was  my  uppermost-cloth  when  I  entered  in  the  Tower."  Negotia- 
tions, in  Anderson's  Collections,  iii.  247. 

The  corpse-present  was  not  confined  to  Scotland.  We  find  the 
English  House  of  Commons  complaining  of  it,  in  1530.  Fox,  907,  edit. 
1596.  It  was  exacted  with  great  rigour  in  Scotland ;  and  if  any  vicar, 
more  humane  than  the  rest,  passed  from  the  demand,  he  gave  an  un- 
pardonable offence  to  his  brethreh.  Lindsay  of  Pitscottie's  Hist.  p. 
151,  folio  edit.  Edin.  1728.  Fox,  1153.  It  was  felt  as  a  very  galling 
oppression,  and  is  often  mentioned  with  indignation  in  the  writings  of 
Sir  David  Lindsay. 

Schir,  be  quhat  law,  tell  me  quharefor,  or  why, 
That  ane  vickar  suld  tak  fra  me  three  ky  ? 
Ane  for  my  father,  and  for  my  wyfe  ane  uther, 
And  the  third  kow  he  tuke  for  Maid  my  mother. 
They  haif  na  law,  exceptand  consuetude, 
Quhilk  law  to  them  is  sufficient  and  gude. 

And  alfe  the  vicar,  as  I  trow, 

He  will  nocht  fail  to  tak  ane  kow, 

And  upmaist  claim,  thocht  babis  thame  ban, 

From  ane  pure  selie  husbandman ; 

Quhen  that  he  lyis  for  til  de, 

Having  small  bairnis  twa  or  thre, 

And  hes  thre  ky  withoutin  mo, 

The  vicar  must  have  ane  of  tho, 

With  the  gray  cloke  that  happis  the  bed, 

Howbeit  that  he  be  pureleye  cled ; 

And  gif  the  wyfe  de  on  the  morne, 

Thocht  all  the  babis  suld  be  forlorne, 

The  uther  kow  he  cliekis  away, 

With  hir  pure  cote  of  roplock  gray ; 

And  gif,  within  twa  days  or  thre, 

The  eldest  chyld  happinis  to  de, 

Of  the  third  kow  he  will  be  sure, 

Quhen  he  hes  all  then  under  his  cure, 

And  father  and  mother  baith  ar  deid, 

Beg  mon  the  babis,  without  remeid. 

Chalmers's  Lindsay,  ii.  7,  8,  iii.  105. 

When  the  alarming  progress  of  the  new  opinions  threatened  the 
overthrow  of  the  whole  establishment,  the  clergy  professed  their  wil- 
lingness to  remit,  or  at  least  to  moderate  this  shameful  tribute.  But 
they  did  not  make  this  concession  until  a  remonstrance  on  the  subject 
was  presented  by  a  number  of  persons  who  were  attached  to  the  Ro- 
man Catholic  faith.  This  remonstrance  was  laid  before  the  Provincial 
Council  in  1558 — 9,  and  contains  the  following  article,  which  serves  to 
corroborate  the  strong  statement  which  the  poet  has  given  of  the 
rigour  of  the  clergy  in  extorting  these  benevolences.  "  Item,  Because 
yat  ye  corps  presentes,  kow,  and  finest  claith,  and  the  silver  commonlie 
callit  the  kirk  richts,  and  Pasch  offrands,  quhilk  is  taken  at  Pasch  fra 
men  and  women  for  distribution  of  ye  sacraments  of  ye  blessit  body 
and  blud  of  Jesus  Christ,  were  at  ye  beginning  but  as  offrands  and 
32*  X2 


S7S  NOTES. 

gifts,  at  the  discretion  and  benevolence  of  the  givar  only ;  and  now  be 
distance  of  tym,  ye  kirkmen  usis  to  compell  men  to  ye  paying  yarof 
be  authority  and  jurisdiction,  sua  that  yai  will  not  only  fulmiiiat  yar 
sentence  of  cursing,  but  als  stop  and  debar  men  and  women  to  cum 
to  ye  reddy  using  of  ye  sacraments  of  haly  kirk,  quhile  yai  be  satisfiet 
yarof  with  all  rigor :  quhilk  thing  has  na  ground  of  ye  law  of  God,  nor 
halie  kirk,  and  als  is  veray  sclandrous,  and  gives  occasion  to  the  pun- 
to  murmur  gretymly  againes  ye  state  ecclesiastick  for  the  doing  of  ye 
premissis;  and  therefore  it  is  thocht  expedient  yat  ane  reformation 
be  maid  of  ye  premissis,  and  that  sic  things  be  na  mair  usit  in  tymes  to 
cum  within  this  realm,  at  ye  least  yat  na^man  be  compellit  be  author- 
ity of  haly  kirk  to  pay  ye  premissis ;  but  yat  it  shall  onlie  remain  in 
the  free  will  of  the  giver  to  gif  and  offir  sic  things  be  way  of  almous, 
and  for  upholding  of  ye  priests  and  ministers  of  the  halie  kirk,  as  his 
conscience  and  charitie  moves  him  to :  and  quhair  ye  curatis  and  min- 
isters forsaids,  has  not  eneuch  of  yar  sustentation  by  the  saids  kirk 
richts,  that  ye  ordinaries  every  man  within  his  awin  diocesie  take  order, 
that  the  persons  and  uplifters  of  ye  other  deutys  perteining  to  the  kirk, 
contribute  to  yar  sustentation  effeirindlie."  Wilkins,  Concilia  Magn» 
Britanniae,  torn.  iv.  p.  208. 

Upon  this,  the  council  came  to  the  following  curious  resolution  on 
the  subject :  That  to  "  take  away  the  murmurs  of  those  who  spoke 
against  mortuaries,"  when  any  person  died,  his  goods,  after  paying 
his  debts,  should  be  divided  into  due  portions,  (debitas  partes,)  and  if 
the  dead's  part,  (defuncti  pars)  [see  Note  X]  did  not  exceed  ten 
pounds  Scots,  the  vicar  should  compound  for  his  mortuary  and  upper- 
most cloth  by  taking  forty  shillings ;  if  it  was  under  ten  pounds,  and 
not  below  twenty  shillings,  that  he  should  compbund  according  to  the 
above  proportion,  (pro  rata  quadraginta  solidorum  de  decem  libris ;) 
but  if  it  was  under  twenty  shillings,  that  the  vicar  should  make  no  de- 
mand. With  respect  to  barons  and  burgesses,  and  all  persons  whose 
portion  exceeded  ten  pounds,  the  old  custom  was  to  remain  in  force ; 
and  the  ordinary  remedy  was  to  be  used  against  those  who  should 
make  wrong  inventories ;  i.  e.  they  should  be  subjected  to  excommuni- 
cation and  its  penalties.  With  respect  to  pasch-offerings,  and  small 
tithes,  the  council  decreed,  that  "  for  avoiding  popular  murmur,  especi- 
ally at  the  time  of  Easter,"  the  vicars  should,  a  little  before  Lent,  in  the 
month  of  February,  settle  (or,  make  an  agreement,  rationem  ineant) 
with  their  parishioners  for  their  small  tithes,  both  personal  and  mixed, 
and  also  for  other  offerings  due  to  the  Church  (aliis  quoque  oblation- 
ibus  ecclesiae  debitis ;)  and  that  there  should  be  no  exactions  during 
Easter,  although  spontaneous  oblations  might  still  be  received  at  that 
time.  Can.  Concil.  21.  and  32:  Wilkins,  Concil.  ut  supra,  pp. 
214,216. 

It  appears  from  this,  how  very  cautious  the  clergy  were  in  their 
plans  of  reform,  and  how  eagerly  they  clung  to  the  most  illegal  and 
invidious  claims,  at  the  very  time  when  they  were  in  the  utmost  dan- 
ger of  being  deprived  of  all  their  usurped  prerogatives  and  possessions. 
Lord  Hailes's  words  need  explication,  when  he  says,  that  "  the  32d 
canon  [of  this  council]  abolishes  oblations  at  Easter."  Provincial 
Councils,  p.  40. 

1  need  scarcely  add,  that  all  these  exactions  were  abolished  at  the 
establishment  of  the  Reformation.  "  The  uppermost  claith,  corps- 
present,  clerk  maile,  the  pasche-offering,  teind-aile,  and  all  handlings 
upaland,  can  neither  be  required  nor  received  of  good  conscience." 
First  Book  of  Discipline,  p.  48.  Printed  anno  1621.  Dunlop's  Confes- 
sions, ii.  563. 


NOTES.  379 

Note  H,  p.  34. 

Scottish  Martyrs,  and  Prosecutions  for  Heresy. — We  are  indebted 
to  John  Fox,  the  industrious  English  martyrologist,  for  a  great  part 
of  the  facts  respecting  our  countrymen  who  suffered  for  the  reformed 
doctrine.  John  Davidson,  minister  of  Prestonpans,  composed,  in  La- 
tin, an  account  of  Scottish  Martyrs,  which,  if  it  had  been  preserved, 
would  have  furnished  us  with  more  full  information  respecting  them. 
Calderwood,  however,  had  the  use  of  it,  when  he  compiled  his  history. 
A  late  author  has  said,  that  "  most  of  those  martyred  seem  to  have 
been  weak  illiterate  men ;  nay,  they  appear  even  to  have  been  defi- 
cient in  intellect."  Cursory  Remarks,  prefixed  to  Scottish  Poems  of 
16th  century,  L  24.  I  must  take  it  for  granted,  that  this  author  had 
not  in  his  eye  Patrick  Hamilton,  whose  vigorous  understanding  dis- 
covered truth  in  the  midst  of  darkness  worse  than  Cimmerian,  who 
obtained  the  praises  of  Luther,  Melancthon,  and  Lambert  of  Avignon, 
and  of  whom  a  modem  historian  has  said,  that  he  received  "  the  eter- 
nal fame  of  being  the  proto-martyr  of  the  freedom  of  the  human  mind." 
Nor  George  Wishart,  whose  learning,  fortitude,  and  mild  benevolence, 
have  been  celebrated  by  writers  of  every  description.  But  even 
among  those  who  suffered,  from  Hamilton  to  Wishart,  there  was 
scarcely  one  who  was  not  above  the  ordinary  class,  both  as  to  talents 
and  learning. 

Henry  Forrest,  who  suffered  at  St  Andrews  in  1530,  for  possessing 
a  copy  of  the  New  Testament,  and  affirming  that  Patrick  Hamilton 
was  a  true  martyr,  had  been,  though  a  young  man,  invested  with  the 
orders  of  Bennet  and  Colet.  Fox,  895.  Knox,  19.  Spotswood,  65. 
David  Straiton  was  a  gentleman,  and  brother  to  the  Laird  of  Lauris- 
ton.  He  was  instructed  in  the  Protestant  principles  by  John  Erskine 
of  Dun,  who  had  newly  arrived  from  his  travels.  In  1534,  he  was 
committed  to  the  flames  at  Greenside,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Edin- 
burgh. His  fellow-sufferer,  Norman  Gourlay,  was  in  secular  orders, 
and  "  a  man  of  reasonabell  eruditioun."  He  had  been  abroad,  and 
had  married  upon  his  return,  which  was  the  chief  offence  for  which  he 
suffered.  "For,"  says  Pitscottie,  "they  would  thole  no  priest  to 
marry,  but  they  would  punish,  and  burn  him  to  the  dead ;  but  if  he 
had  used  then  ten  thousand  whores,  he  had  not  been  burnt"  His- 
tory, pp.  150,  152.  Fox,  896.  Knox,  21,  22.  Spotswood,  66.  In 
1538,  two  young  men  of  the  most  interesting  characters  suffered,  with 
the  greatest  heroism,  at  Glasgow.  The  one  was  Jerom  Russel,  a  cor- 
delier friar,  "  a  young  man  of  a  meek  nature,  quick  spirit,  and  of  good 
letteris  ;"  the  other  was  a  young  gentleman  of  the  name  of  Kennedy, 
only  eighteen  years  of  age,  and  "  of  excellent  ingyne  for  Scottische 
poetry."  Knox,  22.  Spotsw.  67.  Keith,  9.  During  the  same  year,  five 
persons  were  burnt  on  the  Castle  Hill  of  Edinburgh :  Robert  Forrester 
was  a  gentleman ;  Sir  Duncan  Simson  was  a  secular  priest ;  Beveridge 
and  Kyllor  were  friars.  The  last  of  these  had  (according  to  the  cus- 
tom of  the  times)  composed  a  tragedy  on  the  crucifixion  of  Christ,  in 
which  he  painted,  in  a  very  lively  manner,  the  conduct  of  the  Popish 
clersy,  under  that  of  the  priests.  Ibid. 

The  other  person  who  suffered  at  that  time  was  Thomas  Forrest, 
commonly  called  the  Vicar  of  Dollar.  I  shall  add  some  particulars 
respecting  this  excellent  man,  which  are  not  to  be  found  in  the  com- 
mon histories.  He  was  of  the  house  of  Forret,  or  Forest,  in  Fife,  and 
his  father  had  been  master-stabler  to  James  IV.  After  acquiring  the 
rudiments  of  grammar  in  Scotland,  he  was  sent  abroad  by  the  kind- 
ness of  a  noblewoman,  and  prosecuted  his  education  at  Cologne.  Re- 


380  NOTES. 

turning  to  his  native  country,  he  was  admitted  a  canon  regular  in  the 
monastery  of  St  Colm's  Inch.  It  happened  that  a  dispute  arose  be- 
tween the  abbot  and  the  canons,  respecting  the  allowance  due  to 
them,  and  the  latter  got  the  book  of  foundation  to  examine  into  their 
rights.  With  the  view  of  inducing  them  to  part  with  it,  the  abbot  gave 
them  a  volume  of  Augustine's  works,  which  was  in  the  monastery. 
«'  Oh,  happy  and  blessed  was  that  book  to  me,"  did  Forrest  often  say, 
"  by  which  I  came  to  the  knowledge  of  the  truth  !"  Having  applied 
himself  to  the  reading  of  the  scriptures,  he  was  the  means  of  conver- 
ting a  number  of  the  young  canons :  "  but  the  old  bottles,"  he  used  to 
say,  "  would  not  receive  the  new  wine."  The  abbot  frequently  ad- 
vised him  to  keep  his  mind  to  himself,  else  he  would  incur  punishment. 
"  I  thank  you,  my  lord,"  was  his  answer,  "  ye  are  a  friend  to  my  body, 
but  not  to  my  soul "  He  was  afterwards  admitted  to  the  vicarage  of 
Dollar,  in  which  situation,  he  rendered  himself  obnoxious  to  his  breth- 
ren, by  his  diligence  in  instructing  his  parish,  and  his  benevolence  in 
freeing  them  from  oppressive  exactions.  When  the  agents  of  the  pope 
came  into  his  bounds  to  sell  indulgences,  he  said,  "  Parishioners,  I  am 
bound  to  speak  the  truth  to  you ;  this  is  but  to  deceive  you.  There  is 
no  pardon  for  our  sins  that  can  come  to  us,  either  from  pope  or  any 
other,  but  only  by  the  blood  of  Christ."  He  composed  a  short  cate- 
chism. It  was  his  custom  to  rise  at  six  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and 
study  till  mid-day.  He  committed  three  chapters  of  the  Bible  to  mem- 
ory every  day,  and  made  his  servant  hear  him  repeat  them  at  night. 
He  was  often  summoned  before  the  Bishops  of  Dunkeld  and  St  And- 
drews.  These  facts  were  communicated  by  his  servant  Andrew 
Kirkie,  in  a  letter  to  John  Davidson,  who  inserted  them  in  his  account 
of  Scottish  martyrs.  Cald.  MS.  i.  99,  100,  151. 

An  amusing  account  of  the  vicar's  examination  before  the  Bishop 
of  Dunkeld  may  be  seen  in  Fox,  1153 ;  and  an  interesting  account  of 
his  trial,  in  Pitscottie,  150 — 152.  But  both  these  authors  are  wrong  as 
to  the  time  of  his  martyrdom,  the  latter  placing  it  in  1530,  and  thelfor- 
mer  in  1540,  instead  of  1538.  Fox  says,  that  three  or  four  men  of 
Stirling  suffered  death  at  the  same  time,  because  they  were  present  at 
the  marriage  of  "  the  vicar  of  Twybode,  [Tullybody,]  near  Stirling, 
and  did  eat  flesh  in  Lent,  at  the  said  bridal."  P.  1 1 54. 

In  consequence  of  a  more  diligent  search  into  our  ancient  records, 
made  since  the  former  editions  of  this  work  appeared,  I  have  discov- 
ered a  number  of  additional  facts  respecting  those  who  suffered  for 
the  reformed  opinions  in  Scotland.  I  think  it  best  to  give  these  in  the 
form,  and  in  the  order,  in  which  they  occur  in  the  several  records 
that  I  have  consulted.  It  appears  that  the  prosecutions  for  heresy 
from  1534  to  1540  were  numerous.  How  many  poor  persons  suffered 
during  that  period  it  is  impossible  to  ascertain,  as  the  names  of  those 
only  who  possessed  property  have  a  place  in  the  documents  to  be 
quoted. 

The  following  extracts  are  taken  from  the  books  kept  by  the  lord 
treasurer,  and  preserved  in  the  Register  House,  under  the  title  of 
"  Compot.  Thesaur."  The  dates  will  be  sufficient  to  guide  those  who 
wish  to  consult  the  original  document.* 

Anno  1534.  Item,  for  16  sergis  to  thame  to  turss  that  was  accusit  of 
heresy 10s.  Sd. 

Item,  (Sept.  1536.)  to  James  Bissat,  mr.  to  pas  with  lettres  to  the 

*  In  an  early  part  of  the  Record,  is  the  following  entry: — 

Item,  the  12th  of  November,  (1516,)  to  Margaret  Cornewle  for  i  buk  takin  fra  her  and 
geventomy  1.  ofSanct  Andros, 33J. 


NOTES.  381 

provost  and  bailies  of  Dunde  and  Sanct  Johnestoun  to  serche  and 
seik  John  BJacat  and  George  Lowett  [Lovell  ]]  suspect  of  hanging  of 
the  image  of  Sanct  Francis,  and  to  his  wage  .  .  .  20$. 

Item,  28.  (May,  1 537.)  to  Cudde  George,  mr.  to  pas  to  summon  the 
men  of  Aire,  to  compeir  befoir  the  Lordis,  anent  the  geir  of  theme 
quhilk  was  convict  of  heresy 20*. 

Annis  1537,  1538.  Et  (onerat  se)  de  41.  integre  compositionis 
bonorum  eschaetorum  quondam  Andrea  Alexandersoun,  justificat. 
pro  crimine  heresis. 

Et  de  14/.  6s.  8d.  integre  compositionis  bonorum  eschaetorum  Git- 
berti  Wedderburne,  et  Johannis  Patersoun,  burgen.  de  Dunde,  perti- 
nent, domino  Regi,  ratione  quod  ipsi  convicti  fuerint  per  judicium 
ecclesiae,  de  crimine  heresis  eiisd.  vendit. 

Annis  1538,  1539.  Et  (onerat  se)  de  [01.  in  completam  solutionem 
compositionis  bonorum  eschaetorum  Thome  Kyd,  Roberti  Patersone, 
Alexandri  Wannand,  et  Johannis  Patersone,  commoran.  in  oppido  de 
Dunde,  abiurat.  de  certis  criminibus  heresies  eisdem  concess.  de 
mandato  domini  regis. 

Et  de  61.  13s.  4d  in  completam  solutionem  bonorum  eschaetorum 
quondam  domini  Duncani  Symsone  capellani  condemnati  et  ad 
mortem  justificati  pro  certis  criminibus  heresios  concess.  Jacobo 
Menteith. 

Et  de  20Z.  in  completam  solutionem  compositionis  vnius  tenement! 
jacen.  infra  burgum  de  Dunde,  pertinen.  domino  Regi  per  decessum 
David  Straitoun  in  Q,uhitstoun,  justificati  ad  mortem  pro  certis  crimi- 
nibus heresios  concess.  Dauid  Game  et  Mariote  Erskyn. 

Et  de  61.  13s.  4c/.  in  completam  solutionem  compositionis  bonorum 
eschaetorum  Roberti  Cant,  abiurati  de  certis  criminibus  heresios 
concess.  dicto  Roberto. 

Et  de  20/.  in  completam  solutionem  compositionis  bonorum  eschae- 
torum Walter!  Cowsland,  burgensis  de  Striueling,  abiurati  de  simili- 
bus  criminibus  concess.  dicto  Waltero. 

Et  de  31.  in  completam  solutionem  compositionis  bonorum  eschae- 
torum Johannis  Robesone,  pauperis,  abiurati  certis  criminibus  heresios 
eidem  concess. 

Et  de  20/.  in  completam  solutionem  compositionis  unius  partis  bono- 
rum eschaetorum  Jacobi  Rollok,  burgensis  de  Dunde,  condampnati 
de  certis  criminibus  heresios  concess.  David  Rollok,  eius  fratri. 

Et  de  40s/  in  completam  solutionem  compositionis  bonorum  eschae- 
torum magistri  Johannis  Wedderburn,  convict,  de  certis  criminibus 
heresios  concess.  Henrico  Wedderburn  eius  fratri. 

Et  de,  &c.  Margarete  Jamesone  in  Tulybody,  condampnate  de 
certis  criminibus  heresios  concess.  Jacobo  Murray,  servitor!  domini 
regis. 

Et  de,  &c.  Henrici  Carnys,  incole  de  Leith,  fugitiui  et  condamp- 
nati de  certis  criminibus  heresios  concess.  uxori  et  prolibus  eiusdem 
de  mandato  domini  Regis. 

Et  de,  &c.  Willielmi  Clerk  fugitiui  et  condampnati  de  certis  crimi- 
nibus heresios  concess.  Alexro.  Urrok  de  Sillebanke. 

Et  de,  &c.    Willielmi  Foster  abiurati  de  certis  criminibus  heresios 
I  concess.  Johanni  Cowane  et  Jonete  Tenand,  eius  sponse. 

Item,  idem  onerat  se  de  40/.  in  completam  solutionem  compositionis 
bonorum  eschaetorum  domini  Thome  Coklaw,  curati  de  Tulybody, 
condampnati  de  certis  criminibus  heresios  concess.  Jacobo  Murray, 
seruitori  domini  regis. 

Marche  (1538-9.)  Item,  deliuerit  to  Archibald  Heriot,  messinger, 
to  pass  and  serche  thair  gudis,  quhilkis  war  obiurit  and  declarit  heri- 
tikis  in  Edinburt  and  Striueling 6s. 


382  NOTES. 

Item,  denuerit  to  Johnne  Patersone  Pursevant — to  pass  to  Dunde, 
and  serche  James  Rollokis  gudis,  and  Maister  Johnne  Wedder- 
burn .  205. 

Annis  1539,  1540.  (Non  onerat  se,  &c.)  Nee  de  10/.  in  completam 
solutionem  compositionis  bonorum  eschaetorum  magistri  Henrici 
Henderson  convict,  de  crimine  heresios  ab  antique  concess.  Jacobo 
Bannattyne,  ex  eo  quod  dominus  rex  remisit  eandem  summam  dicto 
Jacobo,  in  compensatione  suorum  laborum  in  officio  thesaurarie. 

Anno  1 542-3.  Item,  the  21st  day  of  Marche,  geven  to  William 
Champney,  messinger,  passand  with  lettres  to  proclame  the  act  anent 
the  haying  of  the  New  Testament  in  Inglis  in  the  Westland  40s. 

Similar  letters  to  the  Magistrates  of  Dundee,  Aberdeen,  Elgin,  For- 
res,  and  Inverness ;  and  to  Lanark,  Dumfries,  Kirkcudbright,  Wigton. 

Item,  the  28th  day  of  Marche,  geven  to  Johnne  Cob,  messinger, 
passand  to  Dumfermeling  and  Perth,  to  proclame  twa  letteris  tuiching 
the  having  of  the  Scripture  in  Inglis,  and  with  ane  clois  writting  to 
the  erle  of  Argyle 22s. 

Item,  the  20th  day  of  Februar,  gevin  to  Carrick  pursuivant,  passand 
with  lettres  to  proclame  in  Sanctandrois  and  Cowper  the  act  tuiching 
the  doing  of  devyne  service,  and  lettres  raisit  thereupon  .  22s. 

Annis  1543-1546.  Et  (onerat  se)  de  200£  compositionis  bonorum 
eschaetorum.  Jacobi  Huncan  et  Robert!  Cant,  convict,  pro  disputa- 
tione  in  Sacris  Scripturis  contra  tenorem  acti  parliamenti,  concess. 
Cristine  Pipar. 

Willielmi  Anderson  convict,  ut  supra  ob  causam 

suprascriptam,  concess.  Cristine  Kerss,  sponse  dicti  Willielmi. 

Et  de  200Z.  compositionis  remissionis  concess.  Johanni  Elder,*  bur- 
gensi  de  Perth,  pro  disputatione  in  Sacris  Scripturis  contra  tenorem 
acti  parliamenti. 

Et  de  40£  compositionis  remissionis  concess.  Laurencio  Pillour,  pro 
predicta  causa.* 

Item,  the  12th  day  of  Januar  1543-4,  after  the  aggreance  maid  be- 
twixt my  lord  governour  and  the  saidis  lordis,  convenit  in  Leith, 
aganis  his  grace  hyrit  Hiij  cart  hors  quhilk  past  agane  to  Striviling  with 
the  said  artalze,  and  fra  Striviling  to  Sanct  Johnstoun,  Dunde,  for 
punissing  of  certane  hereticks  within  the  said  townes,  and  paid  the 
saidis  hors  eight  days  wages,  &c. 

January  20.  At  my  lord  governoris  departing  toward  Sanct  John- 
estoun,  for  punishment  as  said  is. 

Item,  (16  March  1545-6,)  to  summons  the  laird  of  Ormistoun  to 
underly  the  law  in  Edinburgh,  the  12th  day  of  Aprile  nixt  to  cum,  for 
resetting  of  Maister  George  Wischeart,  he  being  at  the  home,  &c.  and 
for  breaking  ward. 

Item,  28th  May,  (1546.)  to  ane  boy  to  pas  to  my  lord  Argyle  with 
ane  closit  writting  of  my  lord  governours,  to  shew  the  slaughtar  of 
the  Cardinal 8s. 

November  24,  1546.  For  copying  of  the  gret  cursing  raisit  upon 
Normond  Leslie,  laird  of  Grange,  and  their  complices,  for  the  slauchter 
of  my  lord  Cardinall,  quhilk  copie  was  sent  to  thame  in  the  castell  5s. 

December.  For  summonding  Jonet  Monnypennie,  dochter  of  the 
laird  of  Pitmilly,  for  remaining  in  the  castle,  and  assisting  Leslie  and 
his  complices. 

December  1 548.  Summons  of  treason  against  the  laird  of  Pitmilly, 
and  Mr.  Henry  Balnaves. 

January  1551-2.    Item,  for  the  Inglis  bukis  to  my  lord  governour 

*  Comp.  Knox,  Historic,  p.  40. 


NOTES.  383 

viz.  ane  perraphrasis  upoun  the  Evangelistis,  and  ane  New  Testament, 
and  Hopper  on  the  ten  Commandementes  31.  15s. 

The  extracts  which  follow  are  from  the  Register  of  Privy  Seal,  and 
contain  grants  of  property  which  had  been  confiscated  by  sentences 
of  the  ecclesiastical  courts  for  heresy,  but  which  was  afterwards  be- 
stowed on  certain  individuals  upon  their  paying  a  composition  to  the 
royal  treasury. 

Ane  letter  maid  to  Andro,  lord  Vchiltre,  of  the  gift  of  all  eschete 
gudis  movabill  and  vnmovabill,  als  wele  of  the  byrun  malis  of  parroche 
clerkschippis,  as  vtherwais  pertenyng  to  vmqll  Walter  Stewart,  sone 
to  the  said  lord,  and  pertenis  to  our  souerane  lord,  be  resoun  that  the 
said  Walter  was  abiurit  of  heresy,  etc.  At  Linlithgow,  the  29th  day  of 
December,  the  yeir  of  God  1537  yeris  20*. 
[Reg.  Sec.  Sigilli,  lib.  xi.  f.  51.]  Per  Signaturam. 

Ane  letter  maid  to  James  Annand,  George  Annand,  Robert  Ander- 
soun,  Johnne  Flescheour,  and  Alexander  Flescheour,  burges  of 
Dunde,  makand  mentioun  that  thai  ar  convict  be  ane  sentence  of  the 
spirituale  juge  of  heresy,  of  the  quhilk  thai  wer  dilatit  and  abiurit, 
quharthro  w  all  thare  gudis,  movabill  and  vnmovabill,  pertenis,  and  suld 
pertene,  to  our  souerane  lord,  be  resoun  of  eschete.  And  for  thair 
gude,  trew,  and  thankfull  seruice,  done  be  thame  to  his  hienes,  and 
compsitioun  pait  be  thame  to  his  thesaurer,  his  grace  hes  remittit  and 
forgevin  to  thame  the  eschete  of  all  thair  gudis,  movabill  and  vnmova- 
bill, and  hes  quitclamit  and  dischargit  thaim  thairof,  and  all  that  may 
follow  thairvpoun,  foreuer.  And  als  his  grace,  of  his  speciale  grace, 
autorite  riall  and  kinglie  power,  hes  rehabilit  the  saidis  personis  to 
stand  in  prief  and  witness,  and  to  vse  and  exerce  all  lefull  dedis  in 
jugement,  and  outwith  siclik  and  als  frelie  in  all  thingis,  as  thai  myt 
haue  done  befor  the  tyme  that  thai  wer  convict  of  the  said  heresy,  and 
incurrit  thairthrow  notam  infamie.  And  hes  restorit,  reponit,  and 
reintegrate  thame  to  thare  gude  fame,  heritage,  landis,  gudis,  and 
warldie  honouris,  in  all,  and  be  all  thingis,  as  thai  wer  befor  the  tyme 
thai  wer  convict  of  the  said  heresy,  without  ony  reproche,  murmur, 
detractioun,  or  blasphematioun,  to  be  maid,  said,  or  done  to  thame 
thairthrow,  in  word  or  deid,  in  onywys  in  tyme  coming,  &c.  At 
Edinburgh,  the  17th  day  of  July,  the  yer  of  God  1538  yeris,  100/. 
Lib.  xii.  f.  23.]  Per  Signaturam. 

Ane  letter  maid  to  Dauid  Wod,  in  the  craig,  his  airis  and  assignais, 
of  the  gift  of  all  gudis,  movable  and  vnmovable,  quhilkis  pertenit  to 
James  Hay,  burges  of  Dunde.  And  now  ar  decernit  be  ane  sentence 
of  the  spirituale  juge,  to  pertene  to  our  souerane  lord  be  resoun  of 
eschete  for  heresy,  of  the  quhilk  he  wes  dilatit,  &c.  At  Edinburgh, 
27th  day  of  July,  the  yeire  of  God  forsaid  (1538.) 
[Lib.  xii.  f.  3.]  Per  Signaturam. 

Ane  letter  maid  to  Maister  Laurence  Young,  his  airis  and  assignais, 
ane  or  ma,  of  the  gift  of  all  gudis,  movabill  and  vnmovabill,  qlkis  per- 
tenit to  vmqll  Andro  Alexandersoun,  and  now  pertenyng  to  our  sou- 
erane lord  be  resoun  of  eschete,  throw  being  of  the  said  vmqle  Andro 
convict  of  heresy,  and  justifyit  to  the  deid  for  the  samyn,  with  power, 
&c.  At  Stirling,  the  23d  day  of  August,  the  yeir  of  God  1538  yeris 
41.  [Lib.  xii.  f.  19.] 

Ane  letter  rnaid  to  Gilbert  Wedderburn,  and  Johne  Patersoim,  bur- 
gesses of  Dunde,  in  forme  aboue  writtin,  &c.    At  Linlithgow,  the  8th 
day  of  September,  the  yer  forsaid.  13£.  6s.  Sd. 
[Lib.  xii.  f.  23.]  Per  Signaturam. 

Ane  letter  maid  to  Richart  Rollok,  burges  of  Dunde,  in  forme  follow- 
ing :  James  be  the  grace  of  God  king  of  Scottis,  to  all  and  sindry  our 


384  NOTES. 

officiaris,  liegis,  and  subditis,  quham  it  efferis,  quhais  knawlege  thir 
our  letters  sal  cum,  greting.  fforsamekle  as  Richart  Rollok,  burges  of 
our  burgh  of  Dunde,  wes  dilatit  of  certane  poyntis  of  heresy,  and  wes 
abiurit  and  convict  throf,  quharthrow  all  his  landis  and  gudis,  &c.  &c. 
[as  above,]  in  tyme  cuming.  Q,uharfore  we  charge  straitlie,  and  com- 
mandis  you,  all  and  sindry  our  officiaris,  liegis,  and  subditis  forsaidis, 
that  nane  of  you  tak  apoun  hand  to  do  or  attempt  ony  thing  in  contrar, 
violatioun,  or  breking  of  this  our  remit,  and  discharge,  rehabilitatioun, 
restitutioun,  and  reintegratioun,  in  ony  wyse  in  tyme  cuming,  vnder  all 
the  hieast  pane,  charge,  and  offence,  that  ye,  and  ilk.  ane  of  you,  may 
committ  and  inrin  aganis  our  maiestie  in  that  part,  dischargeing  you, 
all  our  officiaris  present  and  tocum,  of  all  intrometting,  poynding,  dis- 
trinyeing,  and  vptaking  of  the  said  Richartis  gudis,  as  our  eschete  for 
the  causs  forsaid,  and  of  your  offices  in  that  part,  be  thir  our  letteris 
for  euer.  Subscriuit  with  our  hand,  and  vnder  our  priue  sele,  at 
Abirbrothok,  the  13th  day  of  October,  the  yere  of  God  1538  yeris. 
[Lib.  xii.  f.  33,  b.]  Subscript  per  Regem. 

Ane  letter  maid  to  Thomas  Kyd,  Robert  Patersoun,  Alexander  Van- 
nand,  and  Johne  Duncane,  burges  of  Dunde,  in  forme  of  the  letter 
befor  writtin,  &c.  At  Linlithgow,  the  last  day  of  September,  the  yer 
of  God  1538  yeris.  10/.  [Lib.  xii.  f.  33.]  Per  Signaturam. 

Ane  letter  maid  to  maister  Johne  Porterfeild,  his  aids  and  assignais, 
ane  or  ma,  of  the  gift  of  all  gudis,  movabill  and  vnmovabill,  als  weile 
of  the  birun  proffittis  of  parroche-clerkschippis,  as  vtheris  quhilkis  per- 
tenit  to  vmqll  Walter  Stewart,  sone  to  Andro,  lord  Vchiltre,  and  throw 
his  abiuratioun  of  heresy,  pertenyng  to  our  souerane  lord  be  resoun 
of  eschete,  &c.  At  Edinburgh,  the  13th  day  of  December,  the  yeire  of 
God  1538  yeris.  [Lib.  xiii.  f.  18.]  Per  Signaturam. 

Ane  letter  maid  to  the  said  James  (Murray,)  his  airis  and  assignais, 
ane  or  ma,  of  the  gift  of  the  gudis,  movabill  and  vnmovabill,  quhilkis 
pertenit  to  Sr.  Thomas  Coklaw,  curat  of  Tulibody,  and  now  to  our 
souerane  lord,  throw  being  of  the  said  Sr.  Thomas  abiurit  of  heresy, 
&c.  At  Linlithgow,  the  17th  day  of  Januar,  the  yer  of  God  1538  yeris. 
401.  [Lib.  xii.  f.  94.]  Per  Signaturam. 

Presentatio  Alexandri  Scott,  super  prebenda  capelle  regie  Striuilin- 
gen.  nuncupat.  are  quam  Dominus  Johannes  Lambert  prius  habuit 
nunc  vacan.  ob  inhabilitatem.  ipsius  Domini  Johannis,  ex  eo  quod  ipse 
de  suis  ordinibus,  sacerdotalibus,  degradatus,  extitit  ad  presenta- 
tionem  domini  regis,  et  collationem  episcopi  Candidecase  et  capelle 
regie  pleno  jure  spectan.,  &c.  Apud  Edinburgh,  vltimo  February, 
anno  predict  (1538.)  [Ib.  f.  71.]  Per  Signaturam. 

Ane  letter  maid  to  James  Menteith,  his  airis  and  assignais,  of  the 
gift  of  the  esehete  of  all  gudis,  quhilkis  pertenit  to  vmqll  Sir  Duncan 
Symsoun,  chaplane,  and  pertenyng  to  our  souerane  lord  be  resoun  of 
eschete,  throw  justifying  of  the  said  Sr.  Duncane  to  the  deid  for  cer- 
tane crymes  of  heresy,  imput  to  him,  &c.  At  Edinburgh,  the  first  day 
of  Marche,  the  yer  forsaid  (1538.)  61.  13s.  4d.  except  takis  and  sted- 
ingis.  [Lib.  xii.  f.  76.]  Per  Signaturam. 

Ane  letter  maid  to  Robert  Cant,  burges  of  Edinburgh,  of  the  gift  of 
his  avne  eschete  guidis  pertenyng  to  the  king  be  resoun  forsaid,  &c. 
At  Linlithgow,  the  6th, day  of  Marche,  the  yer  forsaid  (1538.)  61.  IBs.  4d. 
[Ib.  f.  80.]  Per  Signaturam. 

Ane  letter  maid  to  Walter  Cowsland,  burges  of  Striuiling,  of  the 
gift  of  his  avne  gudis,  movabill  and  vnmovabill,  pertening  to  the 
kingis  grace  be  resoun  of  eschete  throw  being  of  the  said  Robert 
abiurit  of  heresy,  &c.  At  Linlithgow,  the  aucht  day  of  Marche,  the 
yer  forsaid  (1538.)  [Ib.  f.  80.]  Per  Signaturam. 

Preceptum  carte  Davidis  Gardin,  burgen.  de  Dunde,  et  Mariote 


NOTES.  385 

Erskin,  sue  sponse  super  toto  et  integro  illo  tenemento,  cum  pertinen. 
jacen.  infra  predictum  burgum,  ex  parte  boreali  vici  vulgo  Murray 
gait  eiusdem  nuncupat.  inter  terras  heredum  quondam  Johannis  Barie 
ex  parte  oriental!  et  terras  heredum  quondam  Robert!  Ramsay  ex 
occidental  Quodquidem  terre  tenementum  quondam  Dauid  Stratoun 
perprius  hereditarie  pertinuit  et  nunc  Regi  pertinet  ratione  eschaete 
ob  heresis  punctus  per  ipsum  commiss.  de  quibus  accusatus  et  ad 
mortem  justificatus  extitit,  &c.  Apud  Linlithgow,  decimo  die  mensis 
Martij,  anno  domini  1538.  [Lib.  xiii.  f.  26.]  Per  Signetum. 

Ane  letter  maid  to  Martyne  Ballesky,  renunceand  to  him  the  eschete 
of  all  his  gudis,  movabill  and  vnmovabill,  and  quitclamand  and  dis- 
chargeand  him  thairof,  pertening  to  our  souerane  lord  throw  cumin 
in  will  of  the  said  Martyne  befor  the  justice,  for  breking  of  our  soue- 
rane lordis  proclamatioun,  in  having  and  vsing,  efter  the  making 
thairof,  of  certane  Inglis  bukis  contenit  in  the  samyn,  &c.  At  Linlith- 
gow,  the  12th  day  of  Marche,  the  yer  forsaid  (1538.)  250/. 
[Lib.  xii.  f.  81.]  Per  Signaturam. 

Ane  letter  maid  to  Maister  James  Foulis  of  Colintoun,  clerk  of 
register,  his  airis  and  assignais,  ane  or  ma,  of  the  gift  of  all  and  sindry 
the  gudis,  movabill  and  vnmovabill,  landis,  rentis,  possessionis,  rever- 
sionis,  dettis,  obligationis,  and  contractis,  with  the  advocatioun  and 
donatioun  of  the  chaplanrie  foundit  at  Sanct  Francis  altar,  within  the 
college  kirk  of  Sanct  Gele,  in  Edinburgh,  with  all  richt  of  the  patron- 
age thairof,  and  all  vther  richtis  quhatsumever  quhilkis  pertenit  to 
Johne  Broun,  burges  of  Edinburgh,  and  now  pertenis  to  our  souerane 
lord,  be  resoun  of  eschete  throw  being  of  the  said  Johne  dilatit,  accu- 
sit,  and  abiurit  of  certane  crymes  and  poyntis  of  heresy,  as  in  the  pro- 
ces  and  sentence  led,  deducit,  and  gevin  aganis  him  thairupon  at  mair 
lenth,  is  contenit,  with  power,  &c.  At  Linlithgow,  the  13th  day  of 
Marche,  the  yeire  of  God  1538  yeiris,  1001.  [Ib.  f.  83.]  Per  Signaturam. 

Ane  letter  maid  to  Andro  Cunnynghame,  sone  to  William  Cun- 
nynghame,  knyt,  maister  of  Glencarne,  amittand  and  forgevand  to 
the  said  Andro  his  eschete  goods,  movabill  and  vnmovabill,  pertenying 
to  our  souerane  lord,  be  resoun  of  eschete  throw  being  of  the  said 
Andro  abiurit  of  heresy  before  the  spirituale  juge,  as  the  sentence 
gevin  thairupoun  beris,  &c.  At  Linlithgow,  the  15th  day  of  Marche, 
the  yer  of  God,  1538.  [Lib.  xiii.  f.  3.  b.]  Per  Signaturam. 

Ane  letter  maid  to  Dauid  Rollok,  burges  of  Dunde,  his  airis  and 
assignais,  ane  or  ma,  of  the  gift  of  the  eschete  of  all  gudis,  movabill 
and  vnmovabill,  heretages,  dettis,  takkis,  stedingis,  cornis,  cattale, 
money,  gold,  siluer,  jowellis,  and  vtheris  quhatsumever  quhilkis  per- 
tenit to  James  Rollok,  burges  of  the  said  burgh,  except  the  said  James 
part  of  ane  wynd-myln  Hand  within  Dunde  and  now  pertening  to  our 
souerane  lord,  be  resoun  of  eschete  throw  being  of  the  said  James 
fugityve  fra  the  law  for  certane  poyntis  of  heresy  imput  to  him,  &c. 
At  Linlithgow,  the  22d  day  of  Marche,  the  yer  forsaid  (1538.)  20/. 
[Lib.  xii.  f.  87,  b.]  Per  Signaturam. 

Ane  letter  maid  to  Johnne  Cowane,  burges  of  Striueling,  and  Jonet 
Tennent,  his  spous,  thare  airis  and  assignais,  ane  or  ma,  of  the  gift  of 
all  gudis,  movabill  and  vnmovabill,  landis,  heretages,  cornis,  catale,  tak- 
kis, stedingis,  dettis,  obligationis,  jowellis,  sovmesof money,  and  vtheris 
quhatsumever  quhilkis  pertenit  to  William  Forester,  sone  and  apper- 
and  are  to  Johne  Forester,  burges  of  the  said  burgh,  and  now  per- 
tenying to  our  souerane  lord,  be  resoun  of  eschete 'throw  abiuration 
of  the  said  William  for  certane  poyntis  of  heresy  confessit  be  him  in 
jugement,  &c.  At  Linlithgow,  the  24th  day  of  Marche,  the  yer  of 
God  1538  yeris.  9/.  [Lib.  xiii.  f.  40.]  Per  Signaturam. 

Preceptum  carte  Johannis  Domini  Erskin  super  vna  domo  cum  per- 
33  Y2 


386  NOTES. 

tinen.  jacen.  ex  parte  austral!  vici  public!  burg!  de  Striueling  inter 
vinellam  pretorij  eiusdem  ex  parte  oriental!  etc.  Quequidem  domus 
quondam  Roberto  Forester  perprius  hereditarie  pertinuit,  et  nunc  regi 
pertinet  ratione  eschaete  ob  nonnulla  heresis  crimina  per  dictum 
quondam  Robertum  commiss.,  etc.  Apud  Linlithgow  24to  die  mensis 
Martij,  anno,  &c.  1538.  [Lib.  xiii.  f.  14.]  Per  Signetum. 

Ane  letter  maid  to  Richard  Carmichaell,  remittand  to  him  his 
eschete  gudis  pertenying  to  our  souerane,  throw  being  of  the  said 
Richard  abiurit  of  heresy,  &c.  At  Linlithgow,  the  25th  day  of  Marche, 
the  yer  of  God  1539  yeris.  [Lib.  xii.  f.  87.]  Per  signaturam. 

Ane  letter  maid  to  Walter  Scrymgeour  of  Glaswell  his  airis  and 
assignais,  ane  or  ma,  of  the  gift  of  all  and  haile  the  takkis  and  asseda- 
tionis  quhilkis  James  Rollok,  burges  of  Dunde,  had  of  the  common 
myln  and  wynd-myln  of  the  said  burgh  of  Dunde,  now  fallin  and 
cumin  into  our  souerane  lordis  handis,  be  resoun  of  eschete  for  cer- 
tane  crymes  of  heresis  committit  be  the  said  James,  and  he  adjugit  and 
condamnit  thairintill,  as  the  process  led  thairupon  at  mair  lenth  pro- 
portis,  with  power,  &c.  At  Linlithgow,  the  28th  day  of  Marche,  the 
yeir  forsaid  (1539.)  [Lib.  xii.  f.  93.]  Per  Signaturam. 

Ane  letter  maid  to  James  Murray,  maister  of  aile  seller,  his  airis  and 
assignais,  ane  or  ma,  of  the  gift  of  all  gudis,  movabill  and  vnmovabill, 
dettis,  takkis,  stedingis,  sovmes  of  money,  and  vtheris  quhatsumever, 
quhilkis  pertenit  to  Margarete  Jamesoun  in  Tulibody,  and  now  per- 
tenying, or  onywis  sail  happin  or  may  pertene  to  our  souerane  lord, 
be  resoun  of  eschete,  throw  non  fulfilling  of  certane  pennance  ordanit 
to  be  done  be  hir  be  the  ordinar,  for  certane  crymes  of  heresy  com- 
mittit be  hir,  of  the  quhilkis  scho  wes  convict  in  jugement,  &c.  At 
Stirling,  the  aucht  day  of  April],  the  yer  forsaid  (1539.)  61.  13s.  4d. 
[Lib.  xii.  f.  93.]  Per  Signaturam. 

Ane  letter  maid  to  Charlis,  James,  Robert,  George,  Johnne,  Andro, 
Archibald,  Helene,  Margaret,  Elizabeth,  Isabel!,  and  Agnes  Carnis, 
sonis  and  dochteris  to  Henry  Carnis  in  Leith,  yair  airis  and  assignais, 
ane  or  ma,  off  the  gift  of  all  gudis,  movabill  and  vnmovabill,  dettis, 
takkis,  schip,  obligationis,  sovmes  of  money,  and  vtheris  gudis  quhat- 
sumever quhilkis  pertenit  to  the  said  Henry,  and  now  decernit  to  per- 
tene to  our  souerane  lord,  be  resoun  of  eschete  for  heresy,  of  the 
quhilk  the  said  Henry  was  abiurit  be  ane  sentence  gevin  be  the  spirit- 
uale  juge  aganis  him  for  the  samyn,  &c.  At  Stirling,  the  8th  day  of 
Aprile,  the  yer  forsaid  (1539.)  10/.  12s. 
[Lib.  xii.  f.  94.]  Per  Signaturam. 

Ane  letter  maid  to  Alexander  Orrok  of  Silliebawke,  his  airis  and 
assignais,  of  the  gift  of  all  gudis,  movabill  and  vnmovabill,  cornis,  cat- 
ale,  dettis,  takkis,  stedingis,  money,  gold,  siluer,  and  vtheris  gudis  qu- 
hatsumever quhilkis  pertenit  to  William  Clerk,  clerk  of  the  schip  callit 
the  Barge,  and  now  pertenying  to  our  souerane  lord,  be  resoun 
of  eschete  throw  being  of  the  said  William  convict  of  heresy,  &c.  At 
Stirling,  the  8th  day  of  Aprile,  the  yeire  forsaid  (1539.)  10/. 
[Lib.  xii.  f.  94.]  Per  Signaturam. 

Ane  letter  maid  to  James  Lovell,  of  the  gift  of  his  awne  eschete 
gudis,  movabill  and  vnmovabill,  pertenying  to  our  souerane  lord  throw 
being  of  the  said  James  abiurit  of  heresy,  &c.  At  Sanctandros,  the  llth 
day  of  May,  the  yer  forsaid  (1539.)  [Lib.  xiii.  f.  4.] 

Ane  letter  maid  to  Johnne  Henry,  his  airis  and  assignais,  ane  or 
ma,  of  the  gift  of  all  gudis,  movabill  and  vnmovabill,  quhilkis  pertenit 
to  Johnne  Cameroun,  burges  of  Perth,  and  now  pertening  to  our  soue- 
rane lord,  be  resoun  of  eschete  throw  being  of  the  said  Johne  declarit 
heretyke,  etc.  At  Sanctandros,  the  26th  day  of  May,  ye  yer  forsaid 
(1539.)  [Lib.  xiii.  f.  26.]  Per  Signaturam. 


NOTES.  387 

Ane  letter  maid  to  Johne  Stewart,  sone  to  Henry,  Lord  Methven, 
rehabilland  him  to  stand  in  preif  and  witness,  and  to  exerce  all  lefull 
dedis  in  jugement,  and  outwith,  arid  als  frelie,  in  all  thingis  as  he  myt 
have  done  befor  the  tyme  he  was  convict  of  heresy,  etc.  At  Edin- 
burgh, the  22d  day  of  Februare,  the  yerforsaid  (1539.) 
[Lib.  xiii.  f.  65,  b.]  Per  Signaturam. 

Ane  letter  maid  to  Oliuer  Sinclar  and  his  assignais,  ane  or  maa,  of 
the  gift  of  all  gudis,  movable  and  vnmovable,  dettis,  takkis,  obliga- 
tionis,  sovmes  of  money,  and  vtheris  gudis  quhatsumever  quhilkis  per- 
tenit  to  Sir  David  Huchesone,  prouest  of  Rosling,  and  now  pertening, 
or  ony  wise  sal  happin  or  may  pertene  to  ws,  throw  being  of  the  said 
Sir  Dauid  abiurit  of  certane  poyntis  of  heresy,  of  the  quhilkis  he  was 
dilatit,  and  ane  sentence  of  the  spirituale  juge  gevin  aganis  him  thair- 
upoun,  as  the  same  proportis,  with  power  to  the  said  Oliuer  and  his 
assignais,  ane  or  maa,  to  intromet  and  tak  vp  ye  saidis  eschete  gudis, 
etc.  At  Edinburt  the  13th  day  of  August,  the  yer  foirsaid  (1540.) 
[Lib.  xiv.  f.  8,  b.]  Per  Signaturam. 

Ane  letter  maid  to  Maister  Williame  Arthur,  citinare  of  Sanctan- 
dross,  his  airis  and  assignais,  of  the  gift  of  the  escheit  of  all  gudis, 
movable  and  vnmovable,  dettis,  takkis,  steiddingis,  rowmes,  posses- 
sions, teyndis,  cornis,  catale,  actiones,  obligationis,  sowmes  of  money, 
and  vtheris  gudis  quhatsumevir,  quhilkis  pertenit  to  George  Wyn- 
chister,  cietinar  of  the  said  ciete,  and  now  pertening  to  oure  souerane 
lady,  and  being  in  hir  hienes  handis  be  resoun  of  escheit  throw  the  said 
Georgeis  noncomperance  before  ane  maist  reverand  fader  in  God, 
Johnne,  Archbishop  of  Sanctandros,  his  juge  ordner,  to  haif  vnderlyne 
the  law  for  certane  crymes  of  herisie  quhairof  he  was  dilaittit  and  con- 
vict of  the  samyn,  and  yairfore  declarit  heretick,  as  at  mair  length  is 
contenit  in  the  sentence  and  proces  led  and  gevin  aganis  him  thair- 
vpone,  with  powar,  &c.  At  Edinburh.  the  14th  day  of  September,  the 
yeir  of  God,  ane  thousand,  fyve  hundreith,  and  fyfty  3reiris. 
[Lib.  xxiv.  f.  24,  b.]  Per  Signaturam. 

Ane  letter  maid,  makand  mentioun,  That  yair  was  ane  pretendit 
sentence  of  auld  gevin  againis  Johnne  Boirthwikt  of  Ciueray,  knyt, 
declaring  him  to  be  ane  allegit  heretike,  as  the  said  sentence  beiris, 
quhilk  was  gevin  aganis  him  in  his  absence,  without  ony  defence  maid 
be  him,  and  he  yairby  allegit  to  be  depriuit  of  all  honour,  and  dis- 
possessit  of  all  his  landes,  rowmes,  and  possessionis ;  Nochttheles,  oure 
souerane  lady,  of  hir  auctorite  royal,  speciall  grace,  and  fauour,  rehab- 
illis  the  said  Johnne,  and  restoiris  him  to  all  his  landis,  heretages, 
takkis,  stedingis,  rowmes,  and  possessionis,  and  to  all  and  sindrie  his 
gudis,  movable  and  vnmovable,  quhatsumevir,  and  to  his  honour, 
fame,  and  dignitie  ;  and  reponis  him  agane  in  the  same  estait  he  was 
in  befoir  the  leding  and  deducing  of  the  said  pretendit  sentence  aganis 
him,  sua  that  he  may  peaceabillie  brouk,  joys,  occupy,  labour,  and 
manure  his  landis,  rowmes,  takis,  stedingis,  and  possessionis,  intro- 
met and  vptak  the  malis,  fermes,  proffittis,  and  dewiteis  yairof,  off  all 
yeiris  and  termes  bigane,  restand  vnpayit  sin  the  geving  and  dedu- 
ceing  of  the  said  pretendit  sentence  aganis  him,  and  gif  neid  be,  to 
convene,  call,  follow,  and  persew  the  detenaris  yairof,  befoir  quhat- 
sumeuir  juge  or  jugeis,  spirituale  or  temporale,  vnto  the  finall  end  and 
recovering  of  the  samin  vpoun  yame,  and  to  stand  in  jugement,  beir 
witnes,  and  frelie  vse  and  exerce  all  manner  of  offices  or  vther  publict 
efferis  in  hir  common  well],  in  jugement,  and  outwith,  and  joys  and 
brouk  siclike  priuilegeis  as  he  did,"or  myt  have  done,  befoir  the  leding 
and  deduceing  of  the  said  pretendit  proces  aganis  him,  siclike  as  the 
samyn  had  neuer  bene  gevin  or  pronunceit,  &c.  With  inhibitioun  in 
the  samyn  to  all  and  sindrie  our  souerane  lady's  liegis  and  subdittis 


388  NOTES. 

baith  spiritual!  and  temporal!,  of  quhatsumeuir  auctoritie  or  dignitie 
yai  be  of,  that  nane  of  thame  tak  vpoun  hand  to  molest,  truble,  or  in- 
vaid  the  said  Johnne  in  his  person,  fame,  landis,  gudis,  or  possessions, 
for  quhatsumevir  caus  or  actioun  bigane ;  or  to  detract,  bakbyte, 
sclander,  or  defame  him,  in  ony  manner  of  way,  vnder  all  hieast  pane, 
and  charge,  and  offence.  That  thai  and  ilk  ane  of  thame  may  commit 
and  inryn  agariis  her  maiestie,  in  that  parte,  &c.  At  Sanctandrois, 
the  last  day  of  Februare,  the  yeir  of  God  1562  yeiris. 
[Lib.  xxxi.  f.  79,  b.]  Per  Signaturam.* 

Ane  letter  maid  makand  mention  that  thair  wes  ane  pretendit  sen- 
tence gevin  and  pronunceit  againis  James  Hamiltoun  of  Kincavill,  of 
lang  tyme  begane  in  his  absence,  for  null  defence,  declaring  him  to  be 
ane  allegeit  heretike,  as  the  pretendit  sentence  gevin  thairupone  buir ; 
be  the  quhilk,  he  was  allegit  to  be  depryvit  of  all  honoure,  fame,  and 
dignitie,  and  dispossessit  of  all  his  landis,  heretages,  rowmes,  posses- 
sionis,  teyndis,  and  vtheris  pertening  to  him,  quhilk  pretended  de- 
crete  and  sentence  the  said  James  hes  gotten  retretit  and  reducit,  with 
all  that  followith  thairupoune :  Thairfore  oure  said  souerane  ladie,  of 
her  auctorite  royall,  speciale  grace  and  favoure,  rehabillis  the  said 
James,  and  restoris  him  to  all  his  landis,  &c.  [in  similar  terms  with  the 
preceding.]  At  Edinburgh,  the  fift  day  of  Merche,  the  yeir  of  God, 
1563  yeris.  [Lib.  xxxi.  f.  35,  b.]  Per  Signaturam. 


Note  I,  p.  34. 

Protestant  Exiles  from  Scotland. — I  have  not  reckoned  it  necessary 
to  insert  in  this  work  those  particulars  respecting  Scottish  reformers 
before  Patrick  Hamilton,  which  have  been  repeatedly  published  in  the 
Life  of  Andrew  Melville.  The  reader  may  consult  vol.  i.  pp.  8,  418 — 
421  of  the  second  edition,  of  that  work.  In  this  note,  I  shall  state 
a  few  facts  respecting  those  eminent  men  who  were  obliged  to  forsake 
their  native  country  subsequently  to  Hamilton's  martyrdom,  in  conse- 
quence of  having  expressed  sentiments  favourable  to  the  Refor- 
mation. 

Gawin  Logic,  who,  in  his  important  station  of  rector  of  St  Leonard's 
College,  was  so  useful  in  spreading  the  reformed  doctrine,  drew  upon 
himself  the  jealousy  of  the  clergy.  More  decided  in  his  sentiments, 
and  more  avowed  in  his  censure  of  the  prevailing  abuses,  than  the 
sub-prior  of  the  abbey,  (who  maintained  his  situation  until  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  Reformation,)  Logie  found  it  necessary  to  consult  his 
safety  by  leaving  the  country  in  1533.  Cald.  MS.  i.  82.  I  have  not 
seen  any  notice  of  him  after  this.  Robert  Logie,  a  kinsman  of  Gawin, 
was  a  canon  regular  of  Cambuskenneth,  and  employed  in  instructing 
the  novices.  Having  embraced  the  reformed  sentiments,  he,  in  1538, 
fled  into  England,  and  became  a  preacher  there.  Thomas  Cocklaw, 
parish  priest  of  Tullibody,  seems  to  have  accompanied  him,  and  was 
also  employed  as  a  preacher  in  England.  Ibid.  p.  97. 

Alexander  Seaton  was  confessor  to  James  V.  The  cause  of  his 
flight  from  Scotland,  his  letter  to  the  King,  and  his  retiring  to  Eng- 
land, are  recorded  in  our  common  histories.  Fox  (p.  1000)  informs 
us  that  he  was  accused  of  heresy  before  Gardiner,  bishop  of  Winches- 
ter, in  1541,  and  induced  to  recant  certain  articles  which  he  had 
preached.  Spotswood  (p.  65)  speaks  of  "  the  treatises  he  left  behind 
him,"  and,  among  others,  his  "Examination  by  Gardiner  and  Bon- 
ner,"  from  which  it  appears  that  "  he  never  denied  any  point  which 

*  Comp,  Bannatyne  Miscellany,  vol.  i.  p.  253—263. 


NOTES.  389 

formerly  he  taught."  Fox  had  not  seen  this.  We  learn  from  another 
quarter,  that,  after  his  trial,  he  continued  to  preach  the  truths  for 
which  he  had  been  accused.  Bale  says  that  he  died  in  1542,  in  the 
family  of  Charles  Brandon,  duke  of  Suffolk,  who  retained  him  as  his 
chaplain.  Script.  Brytan.  Post.  Pars.  p.  224. 

Alexander  Aless  was  a  canon  of  the  metropolitan  church  of  St  An- 
drews. His  conversion  to  the  Protestant  faith  was  very  singular. 
Being  a  young  man  of  quick  parts,  and  well  versed  in  scholastic  the- 
ology, and  having  studied  the  Lutheran  controversy,  he  undertook 
to  reclaim  Patrick  Hamilton  from  heresy,  and  held  several  conferen- 
ces with  him  for  this  purpose.  But,  instead  of  making  a  convert  of 
Hamilton,  he  was  himself  staggered  by  the  reasoning  of  that  gentle- 
man. His  doubts  were  greatly  strengthened  by  the  constancy  with 
which  he  saw  the  martyr  adhere  to  his  sentiments  to  the  last,  amidst 
the  scorn,  rage,  and  cruelty  of  his  enemies.  Alesii  Praefat.  Comment. 
in  Joannem:  Jacobi  Thomasii  Orationes,  pp.  307,  308.  Lipsiae  1737. 
Bayle,  Dictionnaire,  Art.  Ales.  A  short  time  after  this,  he  delivered  a 
Latin  oration  before  an  ecclesiastical  synod,  in  which  he  censured  the 
vices  of  the  clergy,  and  exhorted  them  to  diligence  and  a  godly  life. 
This  was  enough  to  bring  him  under  the  suspicion  of  heresy,  and  he 
was  thrown  into  prison,  from  wThich  after  a  year's  confinement,  he 
made  his  escape,  and,  getting  into  a  vessel  which  lay  on  the  coast, 
eluded  his  persecutors.  He  escaped  in  1532.  Cald.  MS.  i.  76.  On 
leaving  his  native  country,  Aless  went  to  Germany,  where  he  was 
virulently  attacked  by  Cochlaaus,  whom  the  Scots  bishops  hired  to 
abuse  him.*  On  the  invitation  of  Lord  Cromwell  and  Archbishop 
Cranmer,  he  came  to  England  in  1535,  and  was  appointed  Professor 
of  Theology  in  the  university  of  Cambridge.  But  he  had  scarcely 
commenced  his  lectures,  when  the  Patrons  of  Popery  excited  such 
opposition  to  him  that  he  resolved  to  relinquish  his  situation.  Having, 
at  a  former  period  of  his  life,  applied  to  medical  studies,  he  went  to 
Dr.  Nicol  a  celebrated  physician  in  London,  and,  after  remaining  with 
him  for  some  years,  commenced  practice,  not  without  success.  In 
1537,  Lord  Cromwell  having  met  him  one  day  accidentally  on  the 
street,  carried  him  to  the  convocation,  and  persuaded  him  to  engage 
without  preparation,  in  a  dispute  with  the  bishop  of  London  on"  the 
subject  of  the  sacraments ;  of  which  Aless  has  given  a  particular  ac- 
count in  one  of  his  publications.  De  Authoritate  Verbi  Dei  Liber 
Alexandri  Alesii,  contra  Episcopum  Lundinensem,  p.  13—31.  Argen- 
torati,  apud  Cratonem  Mylium,  An.  M.D.XLIL  Archbishop  Parker 
calls  him,  "virum  in  theologia  perdoctum."  In  1540,  he  returned  to 
Germany,  was  made  Professor  of  Divinity  at  Leipsic,  assisted  at  seve- 
ral public  conferences,  and  wrote  many  books,  which  were  much 
esteemed.  Strype's  Cranmer,  pp.  402,  403.  Bayle,  Diet,  ut  supra. 
He  died  on  the  17th  of  March,  1565,  in  the  65th  year  of  his  age.  (Vita 
Alex.  Alesii,  in  Observ.  Select,  vol.  v.  p.  443.  Halae  Magd.  1702.)  Bi- 
shop Bale  was  personally  acquainted  with  him,  and  has  enumerated 
his  works.  Ut  supra,  p.  176. 

John  Fife  fled  from  St.  Andrews,  accompanied  Aless  to  Germany,  and 
shared  in  his  honours  at  Leipsic.  "  Francofurti  ad  Viadrum,  Scotus 
quidam  Joannes  Fidelis,  Theologies  Doctor  et  Professor  fuit ;  et  anno 
1551  rectoratum  Academiae  gessit,  ut  in  Actis  Lipsiensibus  Eruditorum 
anno  1684,  p.  386,  notatum  est.  Sed  dubitari  vix  debet,  Fidelem  ilium 
eundem  fuisse  qui  Fife,  sive  Fief,  dicebatur,  cum  ea  voxfeudum  signifi- 
cet,  ad  quod  alludit  nomen  Fidelis."  Seckendorf.  Hist.  Luth.  lib.  iii.  sec. 

*  In  the  Treasurer's  Accompts,  under  the  year  1534,  is  the  following  entry  :— "  Item, 

to  ane  servand  of  Cocleus,  quhilk  brot  fra  his  maister  ane  bulk  intitulat ,  to 

his  reward, 10Z. 

33* 


390  NOTES. 

25.  Fife  returned  to  Scotland,  acted  as  a  minister,  and  died  in  St 
Leonard's  College,  soon  after  the  establishment  of  the  Reformation. 
Cald.  MS.  i.  78.  Knox,  20.  Strype's  Cranmer,  403. 

John  Macbee,  known  on  the  continent  by  the  name  of  Dr.  Maeca- 
baeus,  fled  to  England  in  1532,  and  was  entertained  by  Bishop  Shax- 
ton.  He  afterwards  retired  to  Denmark,  and  was  of  great  use  to 
Christian  III.  in  the  settlement  of  the  reformed  religion  in  his  domi- 
nions. He  was  made  a  professor  in  the  university  of  Copenhagen. 
Gerdesii  Historia  Evang.  Renovat.  iii.  417—425.  The  Danish  mon- 
arch held  him  in  great  esteem,  and,  at  his  request,  wrote  to  Queen 
Mary  of  England,  in  behalf  of  his  brother-in-law,  Miles  Coverdale, 
bishop  of  Exeter,  and  the  venerable  translator  of  the  Bible,  who  was 
released  from  prison  through  his  importunity.  Bale,  ut  supra,  p.  226. 
Fox,  1390.  Maccabaeus  was  acquainted  with  the  Danish  and  German 
languages,  and  assisted  in  the  translation  of  the  Bible  into  Danish 
(according  to  Luther's  first  German  translation,)  which  was  printed 
in  folio  at  Copenhagen,  in  1550,  by  Ludov.  Diest,  accompanied  with  a 
marginal  index,  parallel  places,  and  plates.  Maittaire,  apud  Chal- 
mers's Lindsay,  i.  82.  Gerdes.  Hist.  torn.  iii.  Praefatio,  *  *  3.  An  edi- 
tion of  Lindsay's  "  Monarchic"  bears  on  the  title-page,  that  it  was 
"  imprintit  at  the  command  and  expensis  off  Dr.  Machabaeus,  in  Cap- 
manhouin."  But  the  editor  of  Lindsay  insists,  that  this  is  "  a  decep- 
tious  title-page."  Ut  supra,  80, 8 1 .  That  Maccabaeus  was  alive  in  1 557, 
appears  from  the  following  passage  of  a  Danish  literary  work :  "  In 
facultate  Theologica,  Doctores  creati  sequentes  in  Academia  Hafniae 
Ao.  1557,  a  D.  Joh.  Maccabeo,  M.  Nic.  Hemmingius  Theolog.  Profes- 
sor," &c.  Albert  Thura,  Idea  Histor.  Literar.  Danorum,  p.  333. 
Hamburgi,  1723.  This  writer  (p.  274)  mentions  "  Annot.  in  Matth- 
ssum"  as  written  by  him,  but  does  not  say  whether  it  was  a  MS.  or  a 
printed  book.  Bale  mentions  another  work  of  his,  entitled,  "  De  vera 
et  falsa  Religione."  Ut  supra,  p.  226.  Those  who  have  access  to  the 
Bibliotheca  Danica,  will  find  some  of  his  writings  inserted  in  that 
work,  Part  v.  and  viii.  Gerdes.  iii.  417.  Among  the  MSS.  bequeathed 
by  Archbishop  Parker  to  Corpus  Christi  College,  is  "  De  conjugio  sa- 
cerdotum,  an  liceat  sacris  initiatis  contrahere  matrimonium;  affirmatur 
autore  Johanne  Macchabeo  Scoto." 

We  learn  from  Bale,  that  Maccabaeus  was  well  born  ("praeclara 
familia ;")  and  that,  having  discovered  from  his  infancy  a  strong  pro- 
pensity to  learning,  his  parents  provided  him  with  the  best  teachers. 
But  I  have  an  additional  piece  of  information  to  communicate,  which 
cannot  fail  to  be  gratifying  to  some  readers :  The  proper  name  of  this 
divine  was  neither  Maccabseus  nor  Macbee,  but  Macalpine,  and  he 
belonged  to  the  noble  and  celebrated  Clan  Alpine.  In  what  degree  of 
kindred  he  stood  to  the  noted  Roderigh  Vich  Alpine  dhu,  and  whether 
he  was  obliged  to  change  his  name  on  account  of  the  outrage  which 
caused  that  chieftain  and  his  whole  clan  to  be  proclaimed  rebels,  I  can- 
not determine,  as  I  have  met  with  no  northern  Scald,  or  Gaelish  bard, 
who  has  touched  on  these  circumstances.  But  the  following  are  my 
authorities  for  the  statement  which  I  have  given :  "  Ad  docendas  sac- 
ras  literas  accersivit  [Danniae  Rex]  Johannem  Maccabaeum,  proprio 
nomine  Macalpinum,  Scotum,  virum  doctrina  et  pietate  gravem,  Re- 
gique  ac  bonis  omnibus  modestia  longe  carissimum.  Vinding.  Des- 
cript  Acad.  Hafniae,  p.  71—73.  "Reliquerat  is,  qui  ex  nobili  et  anti- 
qua  Macalpinorum  in  Scotia  familia  ortum  trahebat,  Religionis  erga, 
Scotiam,  et  migraverat  Witebergam,  atque  ibi  cum  Luthero  et  Me- 
lanchthone  familiaritatem  contraxerat,  unde  Hafniam  vocatus  Aca- 
demiae  prfaeuit  per  annos  sedecim,  mortuus  d.  6.  Decemb.  1557." 
Gerdes.  iii.  p.  417.  See  also  the  verses  on  Maccabaeus  in  Supplement. 


NOTES.  391 

Macdowal  repaired  to  Holland,  and  was  so  much  esteemed,  that  he 
was  raised,  though  a  stranger,  to  the  chief  magistracy  in  one  of  its 
boroughs.  Knox,  20. 

John  Macjkbjcay^or  Macbrair,  a  gentleman  of  Galloway,  fled  to  Eng- 
land about  1538,  and  at  the  death  of  Edward  VI.  retired  to  Frankfort 
where  he  preached  to  the  English  congregation.  Troubles  at  Frank- 
ford,  pp.  13,  20,  25.  Spots  wood,  97.  He  afterwards  became  pastor  of  a 
congregation  in  Lower  Germany,  and  wrote  an  account  of  the  forma- 
tion and  progress  of  that  church,  Balei  Scriptores  M.  Brytaji.  p.  229. 
On  the  accession  of  Elizabeth,  he  returned  to  England,  and  officiated 
as  a  preacher  in  that  country.  He  is  called  "  an  eminent  exile,"  in 
Strype's  Annals,  i.  130.  Grindal,  p.  26.  On  the  13th  of  November, 
1568,  he  was  inducted  to  the  vicarage  of  St.  Nicholas,  in  Newcastle, 
and  was  buried  there  on  November  16,  1584.  Dr.  Jackson  complains 
that  "Mackbray,  Knox,  and  Udale,  had  sown  their  tares  in  New- 
castle." Heylin  speaks  in  the  same  strain.  Brand's  Hist,  of  New- 
castle, p.  303.  Bale  (p.  229)  mentions  several  works  of  Mackbray, 
and  says  that  he  "  wrote  elegantly  in  Latin."  Spotswood  also  men- 
tions some  of  his  works.  Ut  supra. 

The  causes  of  Buchanan's  imprisonment  and  escape  from  Scotland, 
and  his  reception  and  employments  on  the  Continent,  may  be  found 
in  other  publications  which  are  accessible  to  the  reader.  See  Irving's 
memoirs  of  Buchanan,  and  Chalmers's  Life  of  Ruddiman.  Some  facts 
which  have  not  been  fully  stated  by  his  biographers,  will  be  found  in 
a  subsequent  part  of  this  work. 

James  Harrison  was  a  native  of  the  south  of  Scotland,  and  liberally 
educated,  says  Bale.  He  seems  to  have  gone  to  England  at  a  period 
somewhat  later  than  the  others  mentioned  in  this  note.  He  wrote  a 
treatise,  "  De  regnorum  unione,"  in  which  he  warmly  recommended 
to  his  countrymen  the  advantages  of  a  union  with  England.  It  was 
dedicated  to  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  in  1547.  Bale  (p.  225)  gives  the 
first  words  of  it,  "  Comminiscens,  ut  soleo  per  ocium ;"  and  calls  it 
"  elegans  ac  mellitum  opus." 

Robert  Richardson  was  a  canon  of  the  monastery  of  Cambusken- 
neth,  and  fled  to  England  in  1538.  Cald.  MS.  i.  97.  I  suppose  he  is 
the  person  who  is  called  "  Sir  Robert  Richardson,  priest,"  in  Sadler's 
Letters.  He  was  sent  into  Scotland  in  1543,  by  Henry  VIII.  with  a 
recommendation  to  the  regent  Arran,  who  employed  him  in  preaching 
through  the  kingdom,  along  with  Guillaume  and  Rough.  When  the 
regent  apostatized  from  the  reformed  cause,  he  withdrew  his  protec- 
tion from  Richardson,  who  was  obliged  to  flee  a  second  time  into 
England,  to  escape  the  cardinal's  persecution.  Sadler's  State  Papers, 
i.  210,  217,  344. 


Note  K,  p.  36. 

Influence  of  Poetry  in  promoting"  the  Reformation. — As  the  influence 
which  the  poets  and  satirists  of  the  age  had  upon  the  Reformation,  is 
a  subject  curious  in  itself,  and  to  which  little  attention  has  been  paid, 
the  following  illustrations  of  what  has  been  generally  stated  in  the 
text,  may  not  be  unacceptable  to  some  readers.  Dante,  Petrarch, 
Boccacio,  and  other  Italian  writers,  by  descanting  on  the  ambition, 
luxury,  and  scandalous  manners  of  the  clergy,  had  contributed  greatly 
to  lessen  the  veneration  in  which  they  had  been  long  held,  and  to  pro- 
duce in  the  minds  of  men  a  conviction  of  the  necessity  of  a  reforma- 
tion. "  There  was,"  says  John  Gerson,  chancellor  of  the  university 
of  Paris,  "  one  called  Johannes  Meldinensis,  who  wrote  a  book  called 


392  NOTES. 

the  Romaunt  of  the  Rose,  which  book,  if  I  only  had,  and  that  there 
were  no  more  in  the  world,  I  would  rather  burn  it  than  take  five 
hundred  pounds  for  the  same;  and  if  I  thought  the  author  thereof  did 
not  repent  of  that  book  before  he  died,  I  would  no  more  pray  for  him, 
than  I  would  for  Judas  that  betrayed  Christ."  Catal.  MSS.  in  Adv. 
Lib.  The  writings  of  Chaucer,  and  especially  those  of  Langland,  had 
the  same  effect  in  England.  When  the  religious  struggle  had  actually 
commenced,  and  become  hot,  a  diversion,  by  no  means  inconsider- 
able, was  made  in  favour  of  the  reformers  by  the  satirists  and  poets 
of  the  age.  A  pantomime,  intended  to  degrade  the  court  of  Rome 
and  the  clergy,  was  acted  before  Charles  V.  at  the  Augsburg  assembly. 
Lud.  Fabricius  de  Ludis  Scenicis,  p.  231.  Gerdesii  Historia  Evangel. 
Renovat.  torn.  ii.  Docum.  No.  vii.  p.  48.  In  1524,  a  tragedy  was  acted 
at  Paris,  in  the  presence  of  Francis  I.  in  which  the  success  of  Luther 
was  represented,  and  the  pope  and  cardinals  were  ridiculed,  by  kind- 
ling a  fire,  which  all  their  efforts  could  not  extinguish.  Jacob.  Bur- 
chard,  de  Vita  Ulrici  Hutteni,  pars  ii.  293,  pars  iii.  p.  296.  Gerdes. 
Hist.  iv.  315.  As  late  as  1561,  the  pope's  ambassador  complained  to 
the  queen  mother  of  France,  that  the  young  king,  Charles  IX.  had 
assisted  at  a  show,  in  which  he  had  counterfeited  a  friar.  Letters  of 
the  cardinal  de  St.  Croix,  prefixed  to  Aymons,  Synodes  Nationaux  de 
France,  torn.  i.  p.  7 — 11.  In  Switzerland,  Nic.  Manuel  wrote  certain 
comedies  of  this  description  in  the  year  1522,  which  were  published 
under  the  title  of  Fastnachts  Spielen,  at  Berne,  in  1525.  Gerdes.  ii. 
451.  There  were  similar  compositions  in  Holland.  Brand's  Hist,  of 
the  Reformation,  i.  127, 128.  Lond.  1720.  And  also  in  England.  Bur- 
net's  Hist,  of  the  Reform,  i.  318.  Nasmith,  Catal.  Libr.  Manuscr.  Col- 
leg.  Corporis  Christi,  p.  93. 

In  Scotland,  the  same  weapons  were  employed  in  attacking  the 
Church.  The  first  Protestant  books  circulated  in  Scotland  came 
chiefly  from  England.  Mr.  Chalmers  has  mentioned  "  the  very  first 
reforming  treatise  which  was,  probably,  written  in  Scotland,"  com- 
piled by  "Johne  Gau,"  and  printed  at  Malmoe  in  Sweden,  anno 
1533.  We  would  have  been  still  more  obliged  to  the  learned  author, 
if  he  had  given  us  some  idea  of  its  contents,  instead  of  dismissing  it 
with  the  flourish,  "  Had  all  been  like  this !"  which,  whether  he  meant 
to  apply  to  the  elegance  of  the  printing,  or  the  orthodoxy  of  the  senti- 
ments, it  is  difficult  to  say.  Caledonia,  ii.  616.  Calderwood  seems  to 
say  that  books  against  popery  began  to  be  printed  in  this  country  in 
1543.  MS.  ad  h.  ann.  But,  previously  to  that  period,  the  reformed 
sentiments  were  diffused  by  metrical  and  dramactic  writings.  The 
satire  of  Buchanan  against  the  Franciscan  friars,  for  which  he  was 
thrown  into  prison,  was  elegant  and  pungent,  but,  being  written  in 
Latin,  it  could  be  felt  only  by  the  learned.  The  same  may  be  said  as 
to  his  "  Baptistes."  But  a  passion  for  Scottish  poetry  had  been  lately 
produced  in  the  nation  by  the  compositions  of  some  of  our  ingenious 
countrymen,  and  this  now  began  to  be  improved  by  the  friends  of  the 
Reformation.  Kennedy  and  Kyllor  distinguished  themselves  in  this 
line.  See  above,  p.  379  Kyllor's  Scripture  drama  was  exhibited  be- 
fore James  V.  at  Stirling,  about  the  year  1535;  and  the  most  simple 
perceived  the  resemblance  between  the  Jewish  priests  and  the  Scottish 
clergy,  in  opposing  the  truth,  and  persecuting  its  friends.  Knox,  22. 
Soon  after  this,  Alexander,  Lord  Kilmaurs,  wrote  his  Epistle  from  the 
Hermit  of  Lareit  to  the  Greyfriars.  Ibid.  24,  25.  James  Stewart,  son 
of  Lord  Methven,  composed  poems  and  ballads  in  a  similar  strain, 
after  the  death  of  the  vicar  of  Dollar ;  and  Robert  Alexander,  advo- 
cate, published  the  earl  of  Errol's  "Testament,"  in  Scottish  metre, 
which  was  printed  at  Edinburgh,  Cald.  MS.  i.  103.  James  Wedder- 


NOTES.  393 

turn,  son  of  a  merchant  in  Dundee,  converted  the  history  of  the  be- 
heading of  John  the  Baptist  into  a  dramatic  form,  and  also  the  history 
of  the  tyrant  Dionysius,.  which  were  acted  at  Dundee.  In  both  of 
these,  the  Popish  religion  was  attacked.  Cald.  MS.  ad  an.  1540.  Dai- 
yell's  Cursory  Remarks,  p.  31. 

But  the  poet  who  had  the  greatest  influence  in  promoting  the  Re- 
formation was  Sir  David  Lindsay.  His  "  Satyre  on  the  three  Estates," 
and  his  "  Monarchies,"  had  this  for  their  principal  object.  The  former 
was  acted  at  Cupar  in  Fife,  in  the  year  1535 :  at  Linlithgow,  before  the 
king  and  queen,  the  court,  and  country,  in  1540;  and  at  Edinburgh, 
before  the  queen  regent,  a  great  part  of  the  nobility,  and  a  vast  num- 
ber of  people,  in  1554.  Chalmers's  Lindsay,  i.  60,  61.  Row  says,  that 
it  was  also  acted  "  in  the  amphitheatre  of  St.  Johnstoun."  MS.  History 
of  the  Kirk,  p.  3.  It  exposed  the  avarice,  luxury,  and  profligacy  of  the 
religious  orders;  the  temporal  power  and  opulence  of  the  bishops, 
with  their  total  neglect  of  preaching ;  the  prohibition  of  the  reading 
of  the  Scriptures  in  the  vulgar  tongue;  the  extolling  of  pardons,  relics, 
&c.  In  his  "  Monarchies,"  composed  by  him  at  a  subsequent  period, 
he  traced  the  rise  and  progress  of  the  papacy,  and  has  discovered  a 
knowledge  of  history,  and  of  the  causes  that  produced  the  corruption 
of  Christianity,  which  would  not  disgrace  any  modern  author.  The 
poems  of  Lindsay  were  read  by  "every  man,  woman,  and  child." 
Row  has  preserved  an  anecdote,  which  serves  to  illustrate  their  influ- 
ence, and  the  manner  in  which  the  reformed  sentiments  were  propa- 
gated at  that  period.  Some  time  between  1550  and  1553,  a  friar  was 
preaching  at  Perth  in  the  church  where  the  scholars  of  Andrew  Simson 
attended  public  worship.  In  the  course  of  his  sermon,  after  relating 
some  of  the  miracles  wrought  at  the  shrines  of  the  saints,  he  began  to 
inveigh  bitterly  against  the  Lutheran  preachers  who  were  going  about 
the  country,  and  endeavouring  to  withdraw  the  people  from  the  Ca- 
tholic faith.  When  he  was  in  the  midst  of  his  invective,  a  loud  hissing 
arose  in  that  part  of  the  church  where  the  boys,  to  the  number  of 
three  hundred,  were  seated,  so  that  the  friar,  abashed  and  affrighted, 
broke  off  his  discourse,  and  fled  from  the  pulpit.  A  complaint  having 
been  made  to  the  master,  he  instituted  an  inquiry  into  the  cause  of 
the  disturbance,  and  to  his  astonishment  found  that  it  originated  with 
the  son  of  a  craftsman  in  the  town,  who  had  a  copy  of  Lindsay's 
"Monarchies,"  which  he  had  read  at  intervals  to  his  schoolfellows. 
When  the  master  was  about  to  administer  severe  chastisement  to  him, 
for  the  tumult  which  he  had  occasioned,  and  also  for  retaining  in  his 
possession  such  a  heretical  book,  the  boy  very  spiritedly  replied,  that 
the  book  was  not  heretical,  requested  his  master  to  read  it,  and  pro- 
fessed his  readiness  to  submit  to  punishment,  provided  any  heresy 
was  found  in  it.  This  proposal  appeared  so  reasonable  to  Simson, 
that  he  perused  the  work,  which  he  had  not  formerly  seen,  and  was 
convinced  of  the  truth  of  the  boy's  statement.  He  accordingly  made 
the  best  excuse  which  he  could  to  the  magistrates  for  the  behaviour 
of  his  scholars,  and  advised  the  friar  to  abstain  in  future  from  extolling 
miracles,  and  from  abusing  the  Protestant  preachers.  From  that  time 
Simson  was  friendly  to  the  Reformation.  MS.  Historie  of  the  Kirk, 
pp.  3,  4. 

In  every  Protestant  country,  a  metrical  version  of  the  Psalms,  in 
the  vernacular  language,  appeared  at  a  very  early  period.  The 
French  version,  begun  by  Clement  Marot,  and  completed  by  Beza, 
contributed  much  to  the  spread  of  the  Reformation  in  France.  The 
Psalms  were  sung  by  Francis  I.  and  Henry  II.  and  by  their  courtiers. 
The  Catholics  flocked  for  a  time  to  the  assemblies  of  the  Protestants 
to  listen  to  their  psalmody.  Bayle,  Dictionnaire,  art.  Marot,  Notes  N, 


394  NOTES. 

0,  P.    At  a  later  period,  Cardinal  Chastillon  proposed  to  the  Papal 
ambassador,  as  the  best  method  for  checking  the  progress  of  heresy, 
that  his  holiness  should  authorize  some  "  good  and  godly"  songs  to  be 
sung  by  the  French,  "  cantar  alcune  cose  in  lingua  Francese,  le  quali 
pero  fossero  parole  buono  et  sante,  et  prima  approvate  de  sua  Beati- 
tudine."    Lettres  de  St.  Croix :  Aymons,  ut  supra,  torn.  i.  pp.  7,  9,  1 1. 
It  has  been  said,  that  there  was  a  Scottish  version  of  the  Psalms  at  a 
very  early  period.    Dalyell's  Cursory  Remarks,  p.  35.     It  is  more 
certain,  that  before  the  year  1546,  a  number  of  the  Psalms  were  trans- 
lated in  metre ;  for  George  Wishart  sung  one  of  them  in  the  house  of 
Ormiston,  on  the  night  in  which  he  was  apprehended.  Knox,  Historie, 
p.  49.    The  two  lines  quoted  by  Knox  answer  to  the  beginning  of  the 
second  stanza  of  the  51st  Psalm,  inserted  in  Scottish  Poems  of  the 
16th  Century,  p.  111.    They  were  commonly  sung  in  the  assemblies 
of  the  Protestants,  in  the  year  1556.  Knox,  96.     John  and  Robert 
Wedderburn,  brothers  to  the  poet  of  that  name  mentioned  above, 
appear  to  have  been  the  principal  translators  of  them.    Cald.  MS.  i. 
108,  109.    The  version  was  not  completed;  and  at  the  establishment 
of  the  Reformation,  it  was  supplanted  in  the  churches  by  the  version 
begun  by  Sternhold  and  Hopkins,  and  finished  by  the  English  exiles 
at  Geneva. 

But  the  most  singular  measure  adopted  for  circulating  the  reformed 
opinions  in  Scotland  was  the  composition  of  "gude  and  godly 
ballates,  changed  out  of  prophaine  sanges,  for  avoyding  of  sinne  and 
harlotrie."  John  and  Robert  Wedderburn  were  the  chief  authors  of 
this  work  also.  Cald.  ut  supra.  Row's  Hist,  of  the  Kirk,  p.  4.  The 
title  sufficiently  indicates  their  nature  and  design.  The  air,  the 
measure,  the  initial  line,  or  the  chorus  of  the  ballads  most  commonly 
sung  by  the  people  at  that  time,  were  transferred  to  hyrnns  of  devo- 
tion. Unnatural,  indelicate,  and  gross  as  this  association  appears  to 
us,  these  spiritual  songs  edified  multitudes  in  that  age.  We  must  not 
think  that  this  originated  in  any  peculiar  depravation  of  taste  in 
our  reforming  countrymen.  Spiritual  songs  constructed  upon  the 
same  principle,  were  common  in  Italy.  Roscoe's  Lorenzo  de  Medici, 

1.  309.  4to.    At  the  beginning  of  the  Reformation,  the  very  same 
practice  was  adopted  in  Holland  as  in  Scotland.    "  The  Protestants 
first  sung  in  their  families  and  private  assemblies,  the  psalms  of 
the  noble  lord  of  Nievelte,  which  he  published  in  1540,  ut  homines  ab 
amatoriis,  haud  raro  obscoenis,  aliisque  vanis  canticis,  quibus  omnia  in 
urbibus  et  vicis  personabant,  avocaret.       Sed  quia    modulationes 
vanarum  cantionum  (alias  enim  homines  non  tenebant)  adhibuerat," 
&c.    Gisberti  Voetii  Politica  Ecclesiastica,  torn.  i.  p.  534.    Amstaelod. 
1663,  4to.    Florimond  de  Remond  objected  to  the  psalms  of  Marot, 
that  the  airs  of  some  of  them  were  borrowed  from  vulgar  ballads.    A 
Roman  Catholic  version  of  the  Psalms  in   Flemish  verse,  printed 
at  Antwerp  by  Simon  Cock,  in  1540,  has  the  first  line  of  a  ballad 
printed  at  the  head  of  every  psalm.    Bayle,  Diet.  art.  Marot.  Note  N. 
The  spiritual  songs  of  Colletet,  although  composed  a  century  after  our 
"Godly  Ballates,"    were    constructed    on  still    more  exceptionable 
models.    "  Et  moy,  Monsieur,"  says  Mons.  Jurieu,  "  je  vous  feray 
voir,  quand  il  vous  plaira,  les  cantiques  spirituels  de  Colletet  imprimes 
a  Paris,  ches  Antoine  de  Rafle   avec  privilege  du  Roy,  de  1'an  1660. 
Livre  curieux,  ou  vous  trouveres  des  Noels  sur  le  chant  de  ce  vaude- 
ville infame  qui  commence,  Ilfaut  chanter  une  histoire  de  la  femme 
tfun  manant,  &c.  le  reste  est    un  conte  scandaleux  autant  qu'il 
y  en  ait  dans  le  Satyricon  de  Petrone.    Vous  en  trouveres  un  autre 
sur  1'air  de  ces  paroles  libertines  d'une  chanson  de  1'opera: 

A  quoy  Ion  tant  de  raison,  dans  un  bel  aage. 


NOTES.  395 

Un  autre  sur  ce  vaudeville  impudent : 

Allds  vous    ...... 

Un  galant  tout  nouveau,  fyc. 

Des  le  temps  de  Henri  II.  parce  que  toute  la  Cour  chantoit  les  Pseau- 
mes  de  Marot,  le  Cardinal  de  Lorraine  jugea  que,  pour  arrester  un  si 

frand  desordre,  il  seroit  tres  edifiant  de  faire  tourner   des  odes 
'Horace  en  rime  Francoise,  pour  nourrir  la  piete  de  cette  cour  si  de- 
vote."   Apologie  pour  les  Reformateurs,  &c.  torn.  i.  129.  4to.    A  Rot- 
terdam, 1683. 


Note  L,  p.  41. 

Of  George  Wishart. — The  following  graphic  description  of  this  in- 
teresting martyr  is  contained  in  a  letter  written  by  a  person 
who  had  been  one  of  his  pupils  at  Cambridge,  and  transmitted  by  him 
to  John  Fox,  who  inserted  it  in  his  work,  p.  1 155.  edit.  1596. 

"About  the  yeare  of  our  Lord,  a  thousand,  five  hundreth,  fortie  and 
three,  there  was,  in  the  universitie  of  Cambridge,  one  Maister  George 
Wischart,  commonly  called  Maister  George  of  Bennet's  Colledge,  who 
was  a  man  of  tall  stature,  polde  headed,  and  on  the  same  a  round 
French  cap  of  the  best.  Judged  of  melancholye  complexion  by 
his  phisiognomie,  black  haired,  long  bearded,  comely  of  personage, 
well  spoken  after  his  country  of  Scotland,  courteous,  lowly,  lovely,  glad 
to  teach,  desirous  to  learne,  and  was  well  traulled,  hauing  on  him  for 
his  habit  or  clothing,  neuer  but  a  mantell  frise  gowne  to  the  shoes,  a 
blacke  Millian  fustain  dublet,  and  plaine  blacke  hosen,  course  new 
canuasse  for  his  shirtes,  and  white  falling  bandes  and  cuffes  at 
the  hands.  All  the  which  apparell,  he  gaue  to  thepoore,  some  weekly, 
some  monethly,  some  quarterly,  as  hee  liked,  sauing  his  Frenche  cappe, 
which  hee  kept  the  whole  yeere  of  my  beeing  with  him.  Hee  was  a 
man  modest,  temperate,  fearing  God,  hating  couetousnesse :  for  his 
charitie  had  neuer  ende,  night,  noone,  nor  daye :  hee  forbare  one  meale 
in  three,  one  day  in  four  for  the  most  part,  except  something  to  comfort 
nature.  [When  accused,  at  his  trial,  of  contemning  fasting,  he  replied, 
'  My  Lordis,  I  find  that  fasting  is  commendit  in  the  Scriptur. — And  not 
so  only ;  bot  I  have  leirnit  by  experience,  that  fasting  is  gude  for  the 
healthe  and  conservation  of  the  body.'  Knox,  60.]  Hee  lay  hard  upon 
a  pouffe  of  straw :  course  new  canuasse  sheetes,  which,  when  he 
changed,  he  gaue  away.  Hee  had  commonly  by  his  bedside,  a  tubbe 
of  water,  in  the  which  (his  people  being  in  bed,  the  candle  put  out,  and 
all  quiet)  hee  used  to  bathe  himselfe,  as  I,  being  very  yong,  being 
assured  offen,  heard  him,  and  in  one  light  night  discerned  him.  Hee 
loved  me  tenderly,  and  I  him,  for  my  age,  as  effectually.  Hee  taught 
with  great  modestie  and  grauitie,  so  that  some  of  his  people  thought 
him  seuere,  and  would  haue  slain  him,  but  the  Lord  was  his  defence. 
And  hee,  after  due  correction  for  their  malice,  by  good  exhortation 
amended  them,  and  he  went  his  way.  O  that  the  Lord  had  left  him  to 
mee  his  pooro  boy,  that  hee  might  haue  finished  that  he  had  begunne  ! 
For  in  his  religion  he  was,  as  you  see  heere  in  the  rest  of  his  life,  when 
he  went  into  Scotland  with  diuers  of  the  nobilitie,  that  came  for 
a  treaty  to  King  Henry  the  eight.  His  learning  was  no  less  sufficient 
than  his  desire,  alwayes  prest  and  readie  to  do  good  in  that  hee  was 
able,  both  in  the  house  priuately,  and  in  the  schoole  publickely,  pro- 
fessing and  reading  divors  authours. 

"  If  I  snould  declare  his  loue  to  mee  and  all  men,  his  charitie  to  the 


396  NOTES. 

poore,  in  gluing,  relieuing,  caring,  helping,  prouiding,  yea  infinitely 
studying  how  to  do  good  unto  all,  and  hurt  to  none,  I  should  sooner 
want  words  than  just  cause  to  commend  him. 

"  All  this  I  testifie,  with  my  whole  heart  and  trueth,  of  this  godly 
man.  Hee  that  made  all,  gouerneth  all,  and  shall  iudge  all,  knowetn 
I  speake  the  throth,  that  the  simple  may  be  satisfied,  the  arrogant  con- 
founded, the  hypocrite  disclosed. 

T£\of  Emery  Tylney." 

A  particular  account  of  Wishart's  trial  and  execution  was  published 
in  England,  apparently  soon  after  the  assassination  of  Beatoun.  This 
very  rare  little  book  does  not  appear  to  have  been  seen  by  any  of  the 
writers  who  have  mentioned  it.  The  following  account  is  taken  from 
a  copy,  belonging  to  Richard  Heber,  Esq.  who  communicated  it  to  me 
with  that  liberality  for  which  he  is  so  eminently  distinguished.  The 
general  title  is,  "The  tragical  death  of  Dauid  Beato.  Bishoppe  of 
sainct  Andrewes  in  Scotland ;  Whereunto  is  ioyned  the  martyrdom 
of  maister  George  Wyseharte  gentleman,  for  whose  sake  the  aforesay- 
ed  bishoppe  was  not  longe  after  slayne.  Wherein  thou  maist  learne 
what  a  burnynge  charitie  they  shewed  not  only  towardes  him : 
but  vnto  al  suche  as  come  to  their  handes  for  the  blessed  Gospels  sake." 
On  the  next  leaf  begins,  "Roberte  Burrant  to  the  reader,"  being 
a  preface  extending  to  12  leaves,  ending  on  B.  iiiii.  After  this  is  the 
following  title  of  the  Tragedy  or  Poem :  "  Here  folio weth  the  Tragedy 
of  the  late  moste  reuerende  father  Dauid,  by  the  mercie  of  God  Car- 
dinall  and  archbishoppe  of  sainct  Andrews.  And  of  the  whole  realme 
of  Scotland  primate,  legate  and  chauncelor.  And  administrator  of  the 
bishoprich  of  Merapois  in  Fraunce.  And  comendator  perpetuall  of 
the  abbay  of  Aberbrothoke,  compiled  by  sir  Dauid  Lindsaye  of  the 
mounte  Knyghte.  Alias,  Lione,  kyng  of  armes.  Anno  1546.  Ultimo 
Mail  The  wordes  of  Dauid  Beaton  the  cardinall  aforesaied  at  his 
death.  Alas  alas,  slaye  me  not,  I  am  a  priest."  The  poem  begins  on 
the  reverse,  and  ends  on  the  first  page  of  C.  vii.  On  the  back  of  that 
leaf  is,— "  The  accusation  of  maister  George  Wysehart  gentleman,  who 
suffered  martyrdome  for  the  faith  of  Christ  Jesu,  at  S.  Andrewes  in 
Scotland  the  first  day  of  Marche.  In  the  yere  of  our  Lorde,  1 546,  wyth 
the  articles  which  he  was  accused  of,  and  his  swete  answeres  to  the 
same,  wherunto  are  ioyned  his  godly  orations  and  praiers. — With  most 
tendre  affection  and  unfeyned  herte  considere,"  &c.  The  narrative 
ends  on  the  first  page  of  F.  vi.  with  these  words,  "  complayning  of 
thys  innocent  lambes  slaughter."  — "  Imprinted  at  London,  by  John 
Day,  and  William  Seres,  dwellynge  in  Sepulchres  parish  at  the  signe 
of  the  Resurrection,  a  little  aboue  Holbourne  conduiet.  Cum  gracia 
et  priuilegio  ad  imprimendum  solum."  In  eights.  The  tragedy  of 
Beatoun  is  printed  in  small,  and  the  account  of  Wishart's  trial  in  large 
black  letter.  The  date  of  printing  is  not  mentioned.  Those  who 
have  fixed  on  the  year  1546,  have  been  influenced  by  the  occurring  of 
this  date  on  the  title  of  the  tragedy,  which  evidently  refers  to  the  time 
of  Beatoun's  death.  It  is  probable,  however,  from  some  expressions 
in  the  preface,  as  well  as  from  other  considerations,  that  it  was  printed 
soon  after  that  event.  Fox  has  embodied  the  whole  account  of  Wis- 
hart's trial  in  his  Acts  and  Monuments,  pp.  1154 — 1158,  "  Ex  Histor. 
Impressa"  Knox  has  transcribed  it  from  Fox.  Historic,  p.  72. 

Wishart  had  travelled  on  the  Continent.  Knox,  56.  Lesly,  p.  458. 
Buchanan  calls  him  Sophocardius,  supposing  his  name  to  be  Wise- 
heart ,  a  mistake  which  has  been  corrected  by  an  intelligent  foreign 
historian,  who  says  that  the  original  name  was  Guiscard,  a  name 
common  in  France,  from  which  country  the  Wischards  (for  so  Knox 
writes  it)  originally  came  to  Scotland.  Gerdesii  Hist.  Reformat,  torn. 


NOTES.  397 

iv.  p.  314.  See  also  Ruddiman's  Propriorum  nominum  Interpretatio, 
subjoined  to  Buchanan's  History. 

The  following  extract  from  the  records  of  the  city  of  Bristol  has 
been  obligingly  sent  me  by  Theodore  Laurance,  Esq. 

"  30  Henry  VIII.  That  this  yere  the  15  May  a  Scot  named  George 
Wysard  sett  furth  his  lecture  in  St.  Nicholas  Church  of  Bristowe  the 
most  blasphemous  heresy  that  ever  was  herd,  openly  declarying  that 
Christ's  mother  hath  not  nor  coulde  merite  for  him  nor  yett  for  us,  wich 
heresy  brought  many  of  the  commons  of  this  towne  into  a  greate 
error  and  dyvers  of  theym  were  persuaded  by  that  hereticall  lecture 
to  heresy.  Whereupon  the  said  stiff  necked  Scot  was  accused  by 
Mr.  John  Kerne  deane  of  the  said  diocese  and  soon  after  he 

was  sent  to  the  moost  reverend  father  in  God  the  archebishop  of  Can- 
terbury bifbre  whom  and  others,  that  is  to  signilie,  the  bishops  of  Bathe, 
Norwhiche,  and  Chichester,  with  others,  as  doctors  and  he 

bifore  theym  was  examyned  convicted  and  condemned  in  and  upon 
the  detestable  heresy  above  mentioned,  whereupon  he  was  ejnoyned 
to  bere  a  fagot  in  St.  Nicholas  Church  aforsaid  and  the  parishe  of  the 
same  the  13  July,  and  in  Christe  church  the  20  July  abovesaid  following, 
which  was  duely  executed  in  the  time  aforesaid. 

This  is  extracted  from  the  "  Mayor's  Kalendar,"  a  vellum  manuscript 
book  of  great  antiquity,  which  is  usually  produced  at  the  swearing  in 
of  the  mayor,  as  it  has  a  drawing  of  that  ceremony,  and  refers  to 
some  old  customs  observed  on  the  occasion.  I  have  no  doubt  that 
the  person  referred  to  is  George  Wishart,  the  Scottish  martyr.  The 
facts  related  happened  on  the  year  after  he  left  Scotland.  In  the 
course  of  that  year  John  Lambert  suffered  martyrdom  for  denying 
transubstantiation,  and  Henry  VIII.  was  using  the  severest  measures 
against  the  Protestants.  The  circumstance  of  George  Wysard  having 
recanted  what  he  had  taught  respecting  the  Virgin,  is  not  sufficient  to 
discredit  this  supposition.  Whether  his  recantation  proceeded  from 
fear,  or  from  his  being  entangled  by  the  sophistry  of  his  judges,  any 
stain  which  it  affixed  to  his  character  was  completely  effaced  by  the 
fortitude  and  constancy  with  which  he  afterwards  suffered. 

The  following  is  the  title  of  a  very  rare  book,  which  appears  to  have 
been  written  by  George  Wishart  during  his  travels  on  the  Continent, 
and  printed  after  his  death. 

"  The  Confescion  of  the  fayth  of  the  Sweserlandes. 

"  This  Confescion  was  fyrste  wrytten  and  set  out  by  the  ministers 
of  the  churche  and  congregacion  of  Sweuerland,  where  all  godlyness 
is  receyued,  and  the  word  hadde  in  most  reuerence,  and  from  thence 
was  sent  vnto  the  Emperours  maiestie,  then  holdynge  a  grayt  coun- 
sell  or  parliament  in  the  yeare  of  our  Lord  God  1537,  in  the  moneth  of 
February. 

"  Translated  out  of  Laten  by  George  Vsher,  a  Scotchman,  who  was 
burned  in  Scotland,  the  yeare  of  oure  Lorde  1546." 


Note  M,  p.  45. 

Of  Knox's  Language,  respecting  the  Assassination  of  Cardinal  Bea- 
toun. — Mr.  Hume  has,  not  very  philosophically,  inferred  the  savage- 
ness  of  Knox's  temper  from  the  evident  satisfaction  with  which  he 
wrote  of  Cardinal  Beatoun's  assassination ;  and  in  this  judgment  he 
has  been  followed  by  several  writers.  If  to  express  satisfaction  at 
cutting  off  one  who  was  regarded  as  a  public  enemy  be  viewed  as  an 
infallible  mark  of  cruelty,  we  must  pronounce  this  verdict  upon  many 
who  were  never  before  suspected  of  such  a  disposition.  The  manner 
34 


398  NOTES. 

in  which  the  Christian  fathers  expressed  themselves,  respecting  the 
death  of  the  persecutors  of  the  Church,  is  not  unknown.  See  Julian 
the  Apostate,  chap.  vii.  viii.  in  Works  of  the  Rev.  Samuel  Johnston, 
pp.  22—24.  Bayle,  Critique  General  de  1'Histoire  du  Calvinisme,  p.  295. 
Even  the  mild  and  philosophic  Erasmus  could  not  refrain  from  declar- 
ing his  joy  at  the  violent  death  of  two  of  the  most  learned  and  eminent 
Reformers.  "Bene  habet,"  says  he,  "quod  duo  Coryphaei  perierunt, 
Zuinglius  in  acie,  Oecolampadius  paulo  post  febri  et  apostemate. 
Quod  si  illis  favisset  Evt/awoc,  actum  est  de  nobis."  Epist.  1205 ;  Jortin's 
Life  of  Erasmus,  ii.  28.  Sir  Walter  Scott,  in  his  Cadyow  Castle,  (See 
Lyrical  Pieces,)  has  lately  exerted  all  his  poetic  powers  to  invest  Ham- 
ilton of  Bothwellhaugh  with  the  character  of  a  hero,  in  assassinating 
the  Regent  Murray,  a  person  who  is  no  more  to  be  compared  to  Car- 
dinal Beatoun,  than  "Hyperion  to  a  Satyr."  I  know  the  apology 
that  will  be  made  for  the  poet  (although  I  think  he  might  have  found, 
in  this,  and  in  some  other  instances,  a  subject  more  worthy  of  his 
muse ;)  but  what  shall  we  say  of  the  historian  who  narrates  the  action 
of  Bothwellhaugh  "  approvingly,"  celebrates  the  "  happy  pencil  of  the 
poet"  in  describing  it,  and  insults  over  the  fall  of  Murray,  by  quoting 
a  sarcastic  line  from  the  poem,  in  the  very  act  of  relating  his  death ! 
Chalmers's  Caledonia,  ii.  571.  Yet  the  same  writer  is  highly  displeased 
that  Sir  David  Lindsay,  in  his  Tragedy  of  Beatoun,  has  "  no  burst  of 
indignation"  at  the  cardinal's  murder ;  and  twice  in  the  same  work  he 
has  related  with  triumph,  that,  on  the  margin  of  one  edition  of  Knox's 
History,  the  part  which  James  Melvin  acted  in  that  scene  is  called  a 
"  godly  fact."  And  he  pronounces  the  assassination  of  Beatoun  to 
be  "  the  foulest  crime  which  ever  stained  a  country,  except  perhaps 
the  similar  murder  of  Archbishop  Sharpe,  within  the  same  shire,  in 
the  subsequent  century,  by  similar  miscreants."  Chalmers's  Works 
of  Lindsay,  vol,  i.  34,  35,  ii.  231.  How  marvellously  does  prejudice 
distort  the  judgment  even  of  learned  men !  And  how  surprising  to 
find  the  assassination  of  two  sanguinary  persecutors  represented  as 
more  criminal  than  the  murder  of  the  generous  Henry  IV.  the  patriotic 
Prince  of  Orange,  and  the  brave  and  pious  Coligni !  There  are  not  a 
few  persons  who  can  read  in  cold  blood  of  thousands  of  innocent  per- 
sons being  murdered  under  the  consecrated  cloak  of  authority,  but  who 
"  burst  into  indignation"  at  the  mention  of  the  rare  fact  (occurring 
once  in  a  century)  of  a  person,  who  goaded  by  oppression  and  reduced 
to  despair,  has  been  driven  to  the  extremity  of  taking  vengeance  on 
the  proud  and  tyrannical  author  of  his  own  and  his  country^  wrongs. 
I  mention  these  things  to  show  the  need  which  certain  writers  have  to 
look  at  home,  and  to  judge  of  characters  and  actions  with  a  little  more 
impartiality,  or  at  least  consistency. 

Honest  Keith,  whose  personal  feelings  do  not  appear  to  have  been 
violent,  has  expressed  with  much  simplicity  the  feelings  of  his  party,  in 
the  reflections  which  he  makes  on  the  cardinal's  assassination. 
"  What  might  have  proved  (says  he)  to  be  the  issue  of  such  proce- 
dure [Beatoun's  severe  measures  against  the  Reformers,]  had  he  en- 
joyed his  life  for  any  considerable  time,  I  shall  not  pretend  to  judge ; 
Only  this  seems  to  be  certain,  that  by  his  death  the  reins  of  the 
government  were  much  loosened;  and  some  persons  came  to  be  con- 
siderable soon  after,  who  probably,  if  he  had  lived,  had  never  got  the 
opportunity  to  perpetrate  such  villainies  under  the  cloak  of  religion, 
as  'tis  certain  they  did ;  he  being  at  least  no  less  a  statesman  than  a 
clergyman."  History,  p.  45.  This  language  needs  no  commentary ; 
and  the  callousness  to  the  interests  of  (I  say  not  the  Reformation,  for 
that  is  entirely  out  of  the  question,  but)  humanity,  implied  in  the 
prospect  that  Keith  takes  of  the  cruelties  which  the  Protestants  must 


NOTES.  399 

have  suffered  from  the  cardinal,  if  his  life  had  been  spared,  is  far  more 
reprehensible  than  any  satisfaction  which  Knox  expressed  at  his 
death. 

"  It  is  very  horrid,"  says  Hume,  "  but  at  the  same  time  somewhat 
amusing,  to  consider  the  joy,  alacrity,  and  pleasure  which  that  histo- 
rian [Knox]  discovers  in  his  narrative  of  this  assassination."  History 
of  England,  vol.  vi.  chap.  iv.  Mr.  Hume  makes  a  partial  apology  for 
Knox  by  the  description  which  he  gives  of  his  own  feelings ;  while  he 
allows  that  what,  in  the  main,  excites  horror,  may  produce  some 
amusement.  It  is  well  known  that  there  are  writers  who  can  treat 
the  most  sacred  subjects  with  a  levity  bordering  upon  profaneness. 
Must  we  at  once  pronounce  them  profane  ?  And  is  nothing  to  be  set 
down  to  the  score  of  natural  temper  inclining  them  to  wit  and 
humour  1  The  Reformer  rejoiced  at  the  death  of  Beatoun  ;  and  even 
those  who  could  not  approve  of  the  act  of  the  conspirators,  were  hap- 
py that  he  was  taken  away. 


As  for  the  Cardinal,  we  grant, 

He  was  a  man  we  weell  might  want, 

And  we  '11  forget  him  sone ; 
And  yet  I  think,  the  sooth  to  say, 
Although  the  lown  is  weell  away, 

The  deed  was  foully  done. 


The  pleasantry  which  Knox  has  mingled  with  the  narrative  of  his 
death  and  burial  is  unseasonable  and  unbecoming.  But  it  is  to  be 
imputed,  not  to  any  pleasure  which  he  took  in  describing  a  bloody 
scene,  but  to  the  strong  propensity  which  he  felt  to  indulge  his  vein 
of  humour.  Those  who  have  read  his  History  with  attention,  must 
have  perceived  that  he  is  not  able  to  check  this,  even  on  very  serious 
occasions.  I  shall  at  present  refer  to  one  instance  only.  None  will 
doubt  that  his  mind  was  deeply  affected  in  relating  the  trial  and  exe- 
cution of  his  esteemed  friend,  and  revered  instructor,  George  Wishart. 
Yet,  even  in  the  midst  of  his  narrative  of  this  event,  he  could  not 
abstain  from  inserting  the  truly  ludicrous  description  of  a  quarrel 
which  arose  on  that  occasion  between  the  Archbishops  of  St  Andrews 
and  Glasgow ;  for  which  he  apologizes  thus : — "  Gif  we  interlace  mer- 
rines  with  ernest  matters,  pardone  us,  gude  reidare,  for  the  fact  is  sa 
notable  that  it  deserves  lang  memorie."  Historic,  p.  51. 


Note  N,  p.  57. 

Knox  in  the  French  Galleys. — The  following  curious  notice  as  to 
this  event  in  our  Reformer's  life,  will  form  an  appropriate  introduction 
to  the  extracts  referred  to  in  the  text.  It  has  been  preserved  by  the 
learned  Dr.  Fulke,  and  is  given  as  an  answer  to  a  Popish  writer,  who 
had  said,  in  the  way  of  detraction,  "  Knokes  was  a  galley  slave  three 
yeares." — "The  more  wicked,"  replies  Fulke,  "those  Papistes  which 
betrayed  him  into  the  galley.  The  master  whereof  was  glad  to  be  rid 
of  him,  because  he  never  had  good  successe,  so  long  as  he  kept  that 
holy  man  in  slaverie,  whome  also  in  danger  of  tempest,  though  an 
errant  Papiste,  he  would  desire  to  commend  him  and  his  galley  to 
God  in  his  praiers."  T.  Stapleton  and  Martiall  (two  Popish  heretics) 
confuted.  By  D.  Fulke,  master  of  Pembroke-hall,  in  Cambridge,  p. 
116.  Lond.  1580. 

I  shall  give  Knox's  own  account  of  his  feelings  on  that  occasion 
from  the  MS.  copy  of  his  Treatise  on  Prayer  in  my  possession,  pre- 


400  NOTES. 

serving  the  original  language,  which  is  altered  in  the  printed  edition. 
Those  who  have  access  to  the  latter  can  compare  the  two. 

"  I  mene  not,"  says  he,  "  that  any  man,  in  extreamitie  of  trubill,  can 
be  without  a  present  dolour,  and  without  a  greater  feir  of  trubill  to 
follow.  Trubill  and  feir  are  the  very  spurris  to  prayer.  For  when 
man,  compassit  about  with  vehement  calamities,  arid  vexit  with  con- 
tinewall  solicitude,  having  by  help  of  man  no  hope  of  deliverance,  with 
soir  oppressit  and  punissit  hart,  feiring  also  greater  punisment  to  fol- 
low, from  the  deip  pit  of  tribulation,  doith  call  to  God  for  comfort  and 
support,  such  prayer  ascendeth  into  Godis  presence,  and  returneth 
not  in  vane."  Having  illustrated  this  from  the  exercise  of  David,  as 
described  in  the  7th  psalm,  he  proceeds,  "  This  is  not  written  for  David 
onlie,  but  for  all  such  as  sail  suffer  tribulatioun  to  the  end  of  the  world. 
For  I,  the  wryter  hereof,  (lat  this  be  said  to  the  laude  and  prais  of  God 
allone)  in  angusche  of  mynd,  and  vehement  tribulatioun  and  afflic- 
tioun,  called  to  the  Lord,  when  not  only  the  ungodlie,  but  evin  my 
faithfull  brother,  ye  and  my  awn  self  (that  is,  all  natural  understand- 
ing) judgeit  my  cause  to  be  irremedeable ;  and  yit  in  my  greatest 
calamitie,  and  when  my  panis  wer  most  cruell,  wold  his  eternall  wis- 
dome  that  my  handis  suld  wryt  far  contrarie  to  the  judgement  of  car- 
nail  reasone,  whilk  his  mercie  hath  proved  trew.  Blessit  be  his  halie 
name.*  And  therefore  dar  I  be  bold  in  the  yeritie  of  Godis  word,  to 
promeis  that,  notwithstanding  the  vehemencie  of  trubill,  the  long  con- 
tine  wance  thairof,  the  desperatioun  of  all  men,  the  feirfulness,  danger, 
dolour,  and  angusche  of  our  awn  hartis,  yit,  yf  we  call  constantlie  to 
God,  that,  beyound  expectatioun  of  all  men,  hie  sail  delyver."  pp.  52 
— 54.  After  showing  that  prayers  for  temporal  deliverance  ought 
always  to  be  offered  up  with  submission  to  the  divine  will,  that  God 
often  delays  the  deliverance  of  the  body  while  he  mitigates  the  dis- 
tress of  the  spirit,  and  sometimes  permits  his  saints  "to  drink,  before 
the  maturity  of  age,  the  bitter  cupe  of  corporal!  death,  that  thairby 
they  may  receave  medicine,  and  cure  from  all  infirmitie,"  he  adds : 
"  Albeit  we  sie  thairfoir  no  appeirand  help  to  our  selves,  nor  yit  to 
otheris  afflictit,  lat  ws  not  ceis  to  call,  (thinking  our  prayeris  to  be 
vane ;)  for  whatsoever  cum  of  our  bodeis,  God  sail  gif  unspeakabill 
comfort  to  the  spreit,  and  sail  turne  all  to  our  comodities  beyound  our 
awn  expectatioun.  The  caus  that  I  am  so  lang  and  tedious  in  this 
matter  is,  for  that  I  knaw  how  hard  the  batell  is  between  the  spreit 
and  the  flesche,  under  the  heavie  cros  of  afflictioun,  whair  no  warldlie 
defence,  but  present  death  dois  appeir.  I  knaw  the  grudging  and 
murmuring  complaints  of  the  flesche ;  I  knaw  the  anger,  wrath,  and 
indignatioun,  whilk  it  consaveth  aganis  God,  calling  all  his  promissis 
in  doubt,  and  being  readie  every  hour  utterlie  to  fall  from  God: 
aganis  whilk  restis  onlie  faith  provoking  us  to  call  ernistlie,  and  pray 
for  assistance  of  Godis  spreit,  whairin  if  we  continew,  our  maist  dis- 
perat  calamiteis  sail  hie  turn  to  gladnes,  and  to  a  prosperous  end.f 
To  thee,  O  Lord,  allone  be  prais ;  for  with  experience  I  wryt  this,  and 
speak."  MS.  Letters,  pp.  65,  66. 

The  edition  was  printed  most  probably  in  England,  (Rome  is  on  the 
title-page,)  during  the  persecution,  from  a  MS.  sent  by  Knox  from 
Dieppe,  and  so  incorrectly,  that  it  is  often  impossible  to  make  sense 
of  it.  The  following  are  specimens: — "Diffysed,"  fol.  2.  "difficil," 
MS. — "A  pure  word  of  God,"  fol.  2,  "a  puritie  allowit  of  God,"  MS. — 
"Consent."  fol.  3,  "conceat,"  MS.— "May  any  other  Jesus  Christ, 

*  The  words  in  Italics  are  not  in  the  printed  copies. 

t  The  printed  copies,  instead  of  "  end,"  have  "  fyne ;"  a  word  sometimes  used  in  the 
MS.  Letters. 


NOTES.  401 

except  I,  in  these  wordes,  make  intercession  for  sinners?"  fol.  11. 
"  May  any  other  (Jesus  Christ  except)  in  these  wordes  mak  interces- 
sion for  sinners  1"  MS. ;  the  transcriber  having  mistaken  the  con- 
cluding mark  of  parenthesis  for  the  pronoun. — "  Carkese  slepe,"  fol. 
16,  "  carleslie  slepeth,"  MS.  In  quoting  Isa.  Ixiv.  5.  the  printed  edition 
has  employed  a  word  which  I  have  not  seen  in  any  old  version  of  the 
Bible.  "  Thou  art  crabbid,  O  Lord,  because  we  have  sinned,"  fol.  4 ; 
and  again  in  verse  9,  "  Be  not  crabbid,  O  Lord,  remember  not  our 
iniquities  for  ever."  In  the  MS.  it  is  angrie,  in  both  instances.  In 
fol.  16,  is  a  greater  variation:  "  For  with  such  as  do  aleage  that  God 
may  not  chaunge  his  sentence,  and  our  prayers  therefore  to  be  vayne, 
can  I  no  wyse  agree."  Instead  of  this  the  MS.  has,  "  whilk  thing  if 
we  do  unfeanedlie,  he  will  revoke  his  wrath,  and  in  the  middis  of  his 
furie  think  upon  mercie."  There  are  similar  variations  between  the 
MS.  and  the  printed  copies  of  most  of  his  other  tracts.  They  show 
that  the  MS.  which  I  possess  has  not  been  transcribed  from  these 
copies,  according  to  a  custom  very  common  in  that  age. 


Note  O,  p.  59. 

Extracts  from  Balnaves's  Confession  of  Faith,  or  Treatise  on  Jus- 
tification.— In  reading  the  writings  of  the  first  reformers  there  are  two 
things  which  must  strike  our  minds.  The  first  is  the  exact  con- 
formity between  the  doctrine  maintained  by  them  respecting  the  jus- 
tification of  sinners,  and  that  of  the  apostles.  The  second  is  the  sur- 
prising harmony  which  subsisted  among  them  on  this  important  doc- 
trine. On  some  questions  respecting  the  sacraments,  and  the  external 
government  and  worship  of  the  Church,  they  differed;  but  upon  the 
article  of  free  justification,  Luther  and  Zuinglius,  Melanchthon  and 
Calvin,  Cranmer  and  Knox,  spoke  the  very  same  language.  This 
was  not  owing  to  their  having  read  each  other's  writings,  but  because 
they  copied  from  the  same  divine  original.  The  clearness  with  which 
they  understood  and  explained  this  great  truth  is  also  very  observ- 
able. More  learned  and  able  defences  of  it  have  since  appeared ;  but 
I  question  if  it  has  ever  been  stated  in  more  scriptural,  unequivocal, 
and  decided  language,  than  in  the  writings  of  the  early  reformers. 
Some  of  their  successors,  by  giving  way  to  speculation,  gradually 
lost  sight  of  this  distinguishing  badge  of  the  Reformation,  and  landed 
at  last  in  Arminianism,  which  is  nothing  else  but  the  Popish  doctrine 
in  a  Protestant  dress.  Knox  has  informed  us,  that  his  design,  in  pre- 
paring for  the  press  the  treatise  written  by  Sir  Henry  Balnaves,  was 
to  give,  along  with  the  author,  his  "  confession  of  the  article  of  justifi- 
cation therein  contained."  I  cannot,  therefore,  lay  before  the  reader 
a  more  correct  view  of  our  Reformer's  sentiments  upon  this  funda- 
mental article  of  faith,  than  by  quoting  from  a  book  which  was  revised 
and  approved  by  him. 

Having  given  the  philosophical  definition  of  justice  or  righteousness, 
and  explained  what  is  meant  by  civil  and  ceremonial  justice,  the  au- 
thor proceeds  as  follows : — "  The  justice  of  the  la  we  morall  or  Moses's 
lawe,  which  is  the  la  we  of  God,  exceedeth  and  is  far  above  the  other 
two  justices.  It  is  the  perfite  obedience  required  of  man,  according 
to  all  the  works  and  deeds  of  the  same ;  not  only  in  externall  and  out- 
ward deeds,  but  also  with  the  inward  affections  and  motions  of  the 
hart,  conforme  to  the  commandement  of  the  same  (saying,)  Thou  shalt 
love  thy  Lord  God  with  all  thy  hart,  with  all  thy  mind,  with  all  thy 
power  and  strength,  and  thy  neighbour  as  thyselfe.  This  is  no  oth^r 
thing  but  the  lawe  of  nature,  prented  in  the  hart  of  man,  in  the  be- 
34*  A3 


402  NOTES. 

ginning;  no  we  made  patent  by  the  mouth  of  God  to  man,  to  utter  his 
sin,  and  to  make  his  corrupted  nature  more  patent  to  himselfe.  And 
so  is  the  la  we  of  nature  and  the  law  of  Moses  joyned  together  in  a 
knot;  which  is  a  doctrine  teaching  all  men  a  perfite  rule,  to  know 
what  he  should  do,  and  what  he  should  leave  undone,  both  to  God 
and  his  neighbour.  The  justice  of  the  lawe,  is  to  fulfill  the  la  we ;  that 
is,  to  doo  the  perfite  workes  of  the  lawe  as  they  are  required,  from  the 
bottome  of  the  hart,  and  as  they  are  declared  and  expounded  by 
Christ ;  and  whosoever  "transgresseth  the  same,  shall  never  be  pro- 
nounced just  of  the  lawe.  But  there  was  never  man  that  fulfilled  this 
lawe  to  the  uttermost  perfection  thereof,  except  only  Jesus  Christ. 
Therefore,  in  the  lawe  can  we  not  find  our  justice,  because  of  the 
deedes  of  the  lawe  no  flesh  shall  be  made  just  before  God."  pp.  57,  58. 

"  For  transgression  of  the  commandment  of  God,  our  forefather 
Adam  was  exiled  and  banished  forth  of  paradise,  and  spoiled  of  the 
integrity,  perfection,  and  all  the  excellent  qualities,  dignities,  and  god- 
lie  vertues,  with  which  he  was  endued  by  his  creation,  made  rebel], 
and  disobedient  to  God  in  his  owne  default.  And  therefore  he  might 
not  fulfill  the  lawe  to  the  perfection  as  the  same  required.  For  the 
lawe  remaining  in  the  owne  perfection,  just,  holye,  and  good,  requireth 
and  asketh  the  same  of  man,  to  be  indeed  fulfilled.  But  all  men  pro- 
ceeding from  Adam,  by  natural  propagation,  have  the  same  imperfec- 
tion that  hee  had ;  the  which  corruption  of  nature  resisteth  the  will 
and  goodness  of  the  lawe,  which  is  the  cause  that  wee  fulfill  not  the 
same,  nor  may  not  of  our  power  and  strength,  through  the  infirmitie 
and  weakness  of  our  flesh,  which  is  enemie  to  the  spirit,  as  the  apostle 
saith."  pp.  79,  80. 

"Notwithstanding,  after  the  fall  of  man,  remained  with  our  first 
parents  some  rest  and  footsteppes  of  this  lawe,  knowledge,  and  vertues, 
in  the  which  he  was  created,  and  of  him  descended  in  us ;  by  the 
which  of  our  free  will  and  power,  we  may  do  the  outward  deeds  of 
the  lawe,  as  is  before  written.  This  knowledge  deceaved  and  be- 
guiled the  philosophers ;  for  they  looked  but  to  the  reason  and  judge- 
ment of  man,  and  could  not  perceave  the  inward  corruption  of  nature, 
but  ever  supponed  man  to  bee  clean  and  pure  of  nature,  and  might, 
of  his  own  free  will  and  naturall  reason,  fulfill  all  perfection.  And 
when  they  perceaved  the  wickedness  of  man  from  his  birth,  they 
judged  that  to  be  by  reason  of  the  planete  under  whom  he  was  borne, 
or  through  evill  nourishing,  upbringing,  or  other  accidents,  and  could 
never  consider  the  corrupted  nature  of  man,  which  is  the  cause  of  all 
pur  wickednes ;  and  therefore  they  erred,  and  were  deceaved  in  their 
opinions  and  judgements ;  but  the  perfite  Christian  man  should  looke 
first  in  his  corruption  of  nature,  and  consider  what  the  law  requireth 
of  him,  in  the  which  he  findeth  his  imperfection  and  sinnes  accused, 
(for  that  is  the  office  of  the  lawe,  to  utter  sinne  to  man,  and  giveth  him 
no  remedy,)  then  of  necessitie  is  he  compelled  either  to  despaire  or 
seek  Christ,  by  whom  he  shall  get  the  justice  that  is  of  value  before 
God,  which  can  not  be  gotten  by  any  lawe  or  workes,  because  by  the 
deedes  of  the  lawe  no  flesh  shall  be  justified  before  God."  pp.  81—83. 

"  This  proposition  of  the  Holy  Spirite  is  so  perfite,  that  it  excludeth 
(if  ye  will  understande  the  same  right)  all  the  vaine  foolish  arguments 
of  sophistrie  made  by  the  justifiers,  of  themselfes,  which  perverte  the 
words  of  S.  Paule  (as  they  doo  the  other  Scriptures  of  God)  to  their 
perversed  sence  and  mind ;  saying,  that  the  apostle  excludeth  by  these 
wordes  the  workes  of  the  law  ceremonial,  and  not  the  deeds  of  the 
lawe  of  nature,  and  morall  lawe  of  Moyses.  The  which  shameless 
sayings  are  expressly  evacuat  by  the  wordes  of  the  apostle,  insomuch 
that  no  man  of  righteous  judgement  can  deny,  but  shall  feel  the  same 


.NOTES.  403 

as  it  were  in  their  hands,  by  this  probation.  The  lawe  speaketh  to 
all,  that  is,  accuseth  all  men  that  are  under  the  lawe.  All  men  are 
under  the  lawe  of  nature,  or  the  lawe  of  Moyses,  therefore  the  apostle 
speaketh  of  the  lawe  of  nature,  or  the  lawe  of  Moyses,  and  of  all  men 
which  he  comprehendeth  under  Jewe  and  Gentill,  as  he  proveth  by 
his  argumentes  in  the  first  and  second  chap,  to  the  Romans,  and  con- 
cludeth  in  the  third  chap,  allmen  are  sinners.  If  all  men  bee  sinners, 
none  is  just ;  if  none  bee  just,  none  fulfill  the  lawe ;  if  none  fulfill  the 
lawe,  the  lawe  can  pronounce  none  just;  therefore  concludeth  he, 
that  of  the  deedes  of  the  lawe  no  fleshe  shall  be  fonde  just  before  God. 
The  same  is  proved  by  David  in  the  130  Psalme.  Here  ye  see  by  the 
words  of  the  apostle,  he  intends  to  prove  and  declare  all  men  sinners ; 
that  is,  to  stoppe  all  men's  mouths,  and  to  dry  ve  them  to  Christ  by  the 
accusation  of  the  lawe.  No  lawe  may  make  or  declare  all  men  sin- 
ners, and  subdue  the  whole  world  to  God,  but  the  lawe  of  nature  and 
Moyses ;  therefore,  under  that  word  (lawe)  the  apostle  comprehendeth 
the  lawe  morall,  and  not  the  lawe  ceremonial  only."  pp.  84,  85. 

"  But  think  not  that  I  intend e  through  these  assertions  to  exclude 
good  workes ;  no,  God  forbid,  for  good  workes  are  the  gift  of  God, 
and  his  good  creatures,  and  ought  and  should  be  done  of  a  Christian, 
as  shalbe  showen  hereafter  at  length  in  their  place ;  but  in  this  article 
of  justification,  yee  must  either  exclude  all  workes,  or  els  exclude 
Christ  from  you,  and  make  your  selfes  just ;  the  which  is  impossible 
to  do.  Christ  is  the  end  of  the  lawe  (unto  righteousness)  to  all  that 
beleeve,  that  is,  Christ  is  the  consummation  and  fulfilling  of  the  lawe, 
and  that  justice  whiche  the  law  requireth ;  and  all  they  which  beleeve 
in  him,  are  just  by  imputation  through  faith,  and  for  his  sake  are  re- 
pute and  accepted  as  just.  This  is  the  justice  of  faith,  of  the  which 
the  apostle  speaketh,  Rom.  the  10  chapter:  therefore,  if  ye  wilbee  just, 
seeke  Christ,  and  not  the  lawe,  nor  your  invented  workes,  which  are 
lesse  than  the  lawe.  Christ  shall  have  no  mixtion  with  the  lawe,  nor 
workes  thereof,  in  this  article  of  justification ;  because  the  lawe  is  as 
contrarie  to  the  office  of  Christ,  as  darknes  to  light,  and  is  as  farre 
different  as  heaven  and  earth.  For  the  office  of  the  lawe  is  to  accuse 
the  wicked,  feare  them,  and  condemne  them,  as  transgressors  of  the 
same ;  the  office  of  Christ  is  to  preache  mercy,  remission  of  sinnes, 
freely  in  his  bloode  through  faith,  give  consolation,  and  to  save  sin- 
ners ;  for  hee  came  not  into  this  world  to  call  them  which  ar  just,  or 
think  themselves  just,  but  to  call  sinners  to  repentance."  pp.  100,  126, 
127,  128. 

"  This  faith  which  only  justifieth  and  giveth  life,  is  not  idle  nor  re- 
maineth  alone ;  nevertheless,  it  alone  justifieth,  and  then  it  works  by 
charitie ;  for  unfained  faith  may  no  more  abyde  idle  from  working  in 
love,  than  the  good  tree  may  from  bringing  foorth  her  fruite  in  due 
time;  and  yet  the  fruite  is  not  the  cause  of  the  tree,  nor  maketh  the 
tree  good,  but  the  tree  is  the  cause  of  the  fruite ;  and  the  good  tree 
bringeth  forth  good  fruite,  by  the  which  it  is  knowen  goode ;  even  so 
it  is  of  the  faithfull  man,  the  workes  make  him  not  faithfull  nor  just, 
nor  yet  are  the  cause  thereof;  but  the  faithfull  and  just  man  bringeth 
forth  and  maketh  good  workes,  to  the  honour  and  glorie  of  God,  and 
profit  of  his  neighbour,  which  beare  witnesse  of  his  inward  faith,  and 
testify  him  to  be  just  before  man."  pp.  131,  132.  In  the  following  part 
of  the  treatise,  the  author  shows  at  large,  that  the  doctrine  of  gratui- 
tous justification  does  not  release  Christians  from  obligation  to  per- 
form good  works,  and  inculcates  the  duties  incumbent  upon  them  in 
the  different  spheres  of  life  in  which  they  may  be  placed.  Confession 
of  Faith ;  conteining  how  the  troubled  man  should  seeke  refuge  at  his 


404  NOTES. 

God;  compiled  by  M.  Henry  Balnaves  of  Halhill,*  and  one  of  the 
Lords  of  Session  of  Scotland,  being-  a  prisoner  within  the  old  pallaice 
of  Roane,  in  the  year  1548.  T.  Vautr oilier,  Edin.  1584. 

Note  P,  p.  66. 

Extracts  from,  Knox's  Defence  before  the  Bishop  of  Durham. — 
Since  the  publication  of  the  first  edition  of  this  Life,  I  have  seen  a  copy 
of  this  Defence  in  print.  Its  title  will  be  found  in  the  catalogue  of 
Knox's  works.  (See  Note  UUU  at  the  end  of  the  volume.)  The  print- 
ed edition  agrees  more  exactly  with  the  MS.  in  my  possession  than 
any  of  his  other  works  which  I  have  had  the  opportunity  of  compar- 
ing. The  extracts  given  in  this  note  are  continued  in  their  original 
form,  to  preserve  the  orthography  of  the  MS.  which  constitutes  almost 
the  only  difference  between  it  and  the  printed  edition. 

"  The  fourt  of  Apryle,  in  the  yeir  1550,  was  appoyntit  to  Johne  Knox, 
preacher  of  the  halie  evangell  of  Jesus  Chryst,  to  gif  his  confession n 
why  hie  affirmed  the  mes  idolatrie ;  whilk  day,  in  presence  of  the  con- 
sale  and  congregatioun,  amangis  whome  was  also  present  the  bi- 
schope  of  Duram  and  his  doctors,  on  this  manner  hie  beginneth. 

"  This  day  I  do  appeir  in  your  presence,  honourabill  audience,  to 
gif  a  reasone  why  so  constantlie  I  do  affirme  the  mes  to  be,  and  at  ail 
tymes  to  naif  bene,  idolatrie  and  abominatioun  before  God ;  and  b^- 
caus  men  of  great  eruditioun,  in  your  audience,  affirmed  the  contra- 
rie,  most  gladlie  wold  I  that  heir  thay  wer  present,  either  in  proper 
persone,  or  els  by  thair  learnit  men,  to  ponder  and  wey  the  causis 
moveing  me  thairto :  for  unles  I  evidentlie  prufe  myne  intent  be  God- 
dis  halie  scriptures,  I  will  recant  it  as  wickit  doctrine,  and  confes  my 
self  maist  worthie  of  grevous  punishment.  How  difficil  it  is  to  pull 
furth  of  the  hartis  of  the  pepill  the  thing  whairin  opinioun  of  holines 
standeth,  declareth  the  great  tumult  and  uprore  moveit  aganis  Paule 
by  Demetrius  and  his  fellowis,  who  by  idolatrie  gat  great  vantage,  as 
our  priestis  have  done  be  the  mes  in  tymes  past.  The  pepill,  I  say, 
heiring  that  the  honor  of  thair  great  goddes  Diana  stude  in  jeopardie, 
with  furious  voces  cryit, '  Great  is  Diana  of  the  Ephesians;' — and  heir- 
unto  wer  thay  moveit  be  lang  custom  and  fals  opinioun.  I  knaw,  that 
in  the  mes  hath  not  onlie  bene  estemit  great  holines  and  honoring  of 
God,  but  also  the  ground  and  fundatioun  of  our  religioun :  so  that,  in 
opinioun  of  many,  the  mes  taken  away,  thair  resteth  no  trew  wir- 
schipping  nor  honoring  of  God  in  the  erth.  The  deiper  hath  it  persit 
the  hartis  of  men  yat  it  occupyith  the  place  of  the  last  and  misticall 
supper  of  our  Lord  Jesus.  But  yf  I  sal,  be  plane  and  evident  scrip- 
tures, prove  the  mes,  in  hir  mair  honest  garment,  to  haif  been  idola- 
trie befoire  God,  and  blasphemous  to  the  death  and  passioun  of  Chryst, 
and  contrarie  to  the  supper  of  Jesus  Chryst,  than  gude  hope  have  I, 
honorable  audience  and  belovit  brethrene,  that  the  fair,  love,  and  obe- 
dience of  God,  who  in  his  scriptures  hath  spokin  all  veritie  necessarie 
for  oure  salvatioun,  sail  move  yow  to  gif  place  to  the  same.  O  Lord 
eternal !  move  and  governe  my  toung  to  speak  the  veritie,  and  the 

*  A  charter  of  confirmation  was  granted  to  Mr.  Henry  Balnaves  and  Christian 
Scheves,  his  spouse,  of  the  lands  of  "Ester  Cullessy  vocat.  Halhill,"  on  the  10th  of  Au- 
gust, 1538.  Reg.  Seer.  Sigil.  lib.  13.  f.  20.  On  the  12th  of  May,  1562,  a  letter  under  the 
privy  seal  was  granted  to  Mr.  Henry  Balnaves  of  Halhill,  restoring  him  to  his  lands, 
honours,  &c.  of  which  he  had  been  deprived  "  for  certane  allegit  crymes  of  lese  majestie 
imput  to  him."  Ibid.  lib.  31.  f.  16. 


NOTES.  405 

hartis  of  thir  pepill  to  understand  and  obey  the  same."  MS.  Letters, 
pp.  1,  2. 

In  proof  of  his  position,  he  laid  down  and  defended  two  syllogisms. 
The  first  is  thus  stated :  "  All  wirschipping,  honoring,  or  service  in- 
ventit  by  the  brane  of  man  in  the  religioun  of  God,  without  his  awn 
expres  commandement,  is  idolatrie :  the  mes  is  inventit,  by  the  brane  of 
man  without  any  commandement  of  God :  thairfoir  it  is  idolatrie."  The 
second  syllogism  is  thus  framed :  "All  honoring  or  service  of  God,  whair- 
unto  is  addit  a  wickit  opinioun,  is  abominatioun :  unto  the  mes  is  addit 
a  wickit  opinioun:  thairfoir  it  is  abominatioun."  pp.  3,  21.  In  support 
of  the  major  proposition  of  his  first  syllogism,  he  argues  from  1  Sam. 
xiii.  11—14.  xv.  22,  23.  Deut.  iv.  2.  xii.  8, 32.  1  Cor.  xi.  23.  Take  the 
following  as  a  spec;men : — "  We  may  not  think  ws  so  frie  nor  wyse  that 
we  may  do  unto  God,  and  unto  his  nonour,  what  we  think  expedient. 
No :  the  contrarie  is  commandit  by  God,  saying, '  Unto  my  word  sail  ye 
ad  nothing,  nothing  sail  ye  deminische  thairfrome,  that  ye  might  ob- 
serve the  preceptis  of  your  Lord  God.'  Whilk  wordis  ar  not  to  be  un- 
derstand of  the  decalogue  and  law  moral  onlie,  but  of  statutis,  rytes, 
and  ceremonyis ;  for  equall  obedience  of  all  his  lawis  requyreth  God. 
And  in  witnis  thairof,  Nadab  and  Abihu  offiring  strange  fyre,  whairof 
God  had  geven  unto  thame  na  charge,  wer  instantlie,  as  thay  offirit, 
punissit  to  death  by  fyre. — In  the  punisment  of  theis  two  afoirsaid  is 
to  be  observit,  that  Nadab  and  Abihu  wer  the  principal  priestis  nixt 
to  Aron  thair  father,  and  that  they  were  comprehendit  neither  in  adul- 
terie,  covetusnes,  nor  desyre  of  warldlie  honor,  but  of  a  gud  zeall  and 
simpill  intent  wer  making  sacrifice,  desyreing  no  profit  of  the  pepill 
thairby,  but  to  honor  God,  and  to  metigate  his  wraith.  And  yit  in 
the  doing  of  this  self  same  act  and  sacrifice  wer  they  consumit  away 
with  fyre ;  whairof  it  is  plane,  that  nether  the  preeminence  of  the  per- 
sone  or  man  that  maketh  or  setteth  up  any  religioun  without  the  ex- 
press commandment  of  God,  nor  yet  the  intent  whairof  hie  doith  the 
same,  is  acceptit  befoir  God :  for  nothing  in  his  religioun  will  hie  ad- 
mit without  his  awn  word,  but  all  that  is  addit  thairto  doith  hie  abhor, 
and  punisseth  the  inventoris  and  doeris  thairof,  as  ye  haif  hard  in  Na- 
dab and  Abihu."  pp.  6,  7. 

The  following  extracts  will  exemplify  the  irony  with  which  he 
treated  the  Popish  tenets:  "Jesus  Chryst  sayeth,  "I  will  lay  upon 
yow  none  other  burdene  than  I  haif  alreadie ;'  and,  'that  whilk  ya 
haif  observe  diligentlie.'  O  God  eternal !  hast  thow  laid  none  uther 
burdene  upon  our  backis  than  Jesus  Chryst  laid  be  his  word]  Then 
who  hath  burdenit  ws  with  all  theis  ceremonyis  ?  prescrybid  fasting, 
compellit  chastitie,  unlawful!  vowis,  invocatioun  of  sanctis,  and  with 
the  idolatrie  of  the  mes  1  The  divill,  the  divill,  brethrene,  inventit  all 
theis  burdenis  to  depress  imprudent  men  to  perditioun."  p.  10.  Speak- 
ing of  the  canon  of  the  mass,  he  says,  "  I  will  preve,  that  thairin  is 
indigest,  barbarous,  folische  congestioun  of  wordis,  imperfectioun  of 
sentences,  ungodlie  invocationis,  and  diabolicall  conjurationis.  And 
this  is  that  holie  canon  whois  autoritie  precelleth  all  scriptures !  O ! 
it  was  so  holie  it  might  not  be  spoken  planelie  as  the  rest,  but  secreitlie 
it  behoved  to  be  whisperit !  That  was  not  evil  devysit ;  for  yf  all  men 
had  hard  it,  sum  wold  have  espyit  the  vanitie  thairof. — Thay  say,  Hoc 
est  enim  corpus  meum.  I  pray  thame  schew,  whair  find  thay  enim  ? 
O !  heir  mak  thay  a  great  matter;  and  heir  lyeth  a  secreit  misterie,  and 
hid  operatioun !  For  in  fyve  wordis  conceaved  the  virgin  Marie,  say 
thay,  when  sche  conceavit  the  Sone  of  God.  What  yf  sche  had  spo- 
ken sevin,  ten,  or  twentie  words?  or  what  yf  sche  had  spokin 
thriel  Suld  thairby  the  determinat  consalle  been  impedit?  But,  O 


406  NOTES. 

papists!  is  God  a  juglar?    Useth  he  certane  noumer  of  wordis  in 
performing  his  intent !"  pp.  18,  19. 

QLuintin  Kennedy,  abbot  of  Crossraguel,  in  an  Oration,  composed 
by  him  in  1561,  made  some  remarks  on  Knox's  book  against  the  Mass. 
"  Shortly,"  says  he,  "  will  we  call  to  remembrance  a  notable  syllogis- 
me  (or  argument)  sett  furth  be  ane  famouss  preachour,  callit  John 
Knox,  in  his  sermon  againis  the  mess,  in  manner  as  efter  followis." 
And  having  quoted  the  first  syllogism,  as  already  expressed  in  this 
note,  he  answers :  "  As  to  the  first  part  of  his  syllogisme,  quhar  he 
dois  affirme  all  worschipping  of  God  inuentit  be  the  brayne  of  rnanne 
without  express  command  of  God  to  be  ydolatrie,  it  is  als  falss  as 
Goddis  wourd  is  trew ;  for  quhy  ]  did  not  Abel,  Abraham,  Noe,  and 
diuerse  vtheris  of  the  aulde  fatheris,  inuent  meanis  and  ways  to  the 
worschipping  of  God,  without  expres  commande  of  God,  and  wes  ac- 
ceptable to  the  Lord  God,  as  the  Aulde  Testament  techis  ws  1  Did 
not  Cornelius  centurio  in  likewise  inuent  meanis  and  ways  to  the 
worschipping  of  God,  without  expres  commande  of  God,  quhilk  wes 
acceptable  to  God,  as  the  New  Testament  plainly  teachis  ws  1  Thus 
ma  we  clearlie  persaue  that  this  wickit  syllogisme  aboue  rehersit  is 
express  againis  the  Scripture  of  Almychtie  God,  bayth  Aulde  Testa- 
ment and  New.  Secundlie,  to  preve  his  fals  and  wickit  syllogisme, 
impropirlie  caillis  he  to  remembrance  the  Scripture  of  Almychti  God, 
quhare  mentione  is  maid  how  King  Saule  made  sacrifice  unto  God  of 
.his  owne  brayne,  and  wes  nocht  acceptable  to  the  Lorde  God.  Mark 
this  place  of  the  scripture,  and  it  salbe  easely  persavit  that  it  is  all 
wayis  impropirlie  appliit ;  for  quhy,  his  syllogisme  makis  mentione  of 
the  worschipping  of  God  inuentit  be  the  brayne  of  manne,  without  ex- 
pres commande  of  God ;  and  this  place  of  Scripture  testifeis  plainly 
of  the  worschipping  of  God  inuentit  be  the  brayne  of  manne,  express 
contrar  to  the  commande  of  God.  And  sua  may  we  clearlie  vnderstand 
that  this  first  part  of  his  syllogisme  differis  far  fre  the  testimonie  of 
Scripture,  adducit  be  him  for  confirmatione  of  the  samin ;  bicaus  thair 
is  ane  grete  difference  betuix  the  worschipping  of  God  inuentit  be 
manne,  without  express  commande  of  God,  and  the  worschipping  of 
God  inuentit  be  manne,  express  contrar  to  the  commande  of  God ;  the 
ane  may  neuer  stand  with  the  Scripture ;  the  vther  aggreis  with  the 
Scripture,  bayth  Aulde  Testament  and  New,  as  I  haif  all  reddy  declarit." 
In  fine  the  abbot  insists  that  Saul  "  committit  na  ydolatrie,"  for  "  albeit 
the  Scripture  dois  affirme  that  stubborness  is  as  the  wicketnes  of  ydol- 
atrie nochttheles  stubbornes  is  nocht  ydolatrie."  Ane  Oratioune  set 
furth  be  Master  Q,uintine  Kennedy,  Commendatour  of  Crosraguell, 
ye  zeir  of  Gode  1561,  pp.  5 — 8.  Edinburgh,  1812. 


Note  Q.  p.  67. 

Changes  on  the  English  Liturgy.— In  the  Communion-Book,  as  set 
forth  in  1548,  the  words  pronounced  by  the  minister  at  delivering  the 
bread  were,  "  The  body  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  which  was  given 
for  thee,  preserve  thy  body  and  soul  into  everlasting  life ;"  and  at  the 
delivery  of  the  cup,  "  The  blood  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  which  was 
shed  for  thee  preserve,"  &c.  As  altered  in  the  corrected  Prayer  Book 
of  Edward  VI.  the  words  pronounced  were,  « Take  and  eat  this  in  re- 
membrance that  Christ  died  for  thee ;  and  feed  on  him  in  thy  heart  by 
faith — Drink  this  in  remembrance  Christ's  blood  was  shed  for  thee, 
and  be  thankful."  A  rubric  was  also  added,  to  be  read  at  the  cele- 
bration of  the  communion,  declaring  that,  although  the  posture  of 
kneeling  was  retained  to  signify  our  humble  and  grateful  acknow- 


NOTES.  407 

ledgment  of  the  benefits  of  Christ,  and  to  prevent  profanation  and 
disorder ;  yet  "  no  adoration  is  intended  or  ought  to  be  done,  either  to 
the  sacramental  bread  and  wine  there  bodily  received,  or  unto  any 
corporal  presence  of  Christ's  natural  flesh  and  blood ;  for  the  bread 
and  wine  retained  their  natural  substances,  and  Christ's  natural  body 
was  in  heaven,  and  could  not  be  in  more  places  than  one  at  the  same 
time."  Collier,  ii.  310:  Records,  No.  70. 

In  the  settlement  of  religion,  at  the  commencement  of  Elizabeth's 
reign,  the  old  form  of  words  at  delivering  the  elements  was  superin- 
duced upon  the  new,  which,  like  the  patching  of  old  and  new  cloth  in 
a  garment,  marred  the  whole,  and  pleased  neither  Protestants  nor 
Papists;  and  the  rubric,  explanatory  of  kneeling,  was  thrown  out. 
At  the  restoration  of  Charles  II.  "  the  Church  thought  fit,"  says  Collier, 
"to  condescend  so  far  as  to  restore  the  rubric  of  King  Edward's 
reign,"  to  please  "  some  people  either  of  weak  judgments  or  conten- 
tious humours."  A  piece  of  condescension,  with  which  the  historian 
pretty  plainly  intimates  his  dissatisfaction.  In  the  liturgy,  which  was 
attempted  to  be  imposed  upon  the  Scottish  Church  in  1637,  all  the 
qualifications  and  explications  in  the  last  prayer-book  of  Edward  VI. 
were  completely  excluded,  and  various  expressions,  postures,  and 
gestures,  favourable  to  the  Popish  notions  and  superstitions,  were  un- 
blushingly  borrowed  from  the  mass-book.  But  the  rulers  of  the 
Church  in  the  three  kingdoms  were  then  posting  fast  to  Rome,  when 
they  were  overturned  in  their  mad  career. 


Note  R,  p.  78. 

Sentiments  of  English  Reformers  respecting  the  government  and 
worship  of  the  Church. — I  shall  endeavour  to  compress  the  body  of 
evidence  which  can  be  produced  for  the  conformity  between  the  pri- 
vate sentiments  of  the  English  reformers  respecting  worship  and 
church-government,  and  those  of  Knox,  along  with  the  reformers  of 
Switzerland  and  Geneva.  Hooper,  in  a  letter  dated  Feb.  8,  1550,  in- 
forms Bullinger  that  "  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the  Bishops  of 
Rochester,  Ely,  St.  David's,  Lincoln,  and  Bath,  were  sincerely  bent 
on  advancing  the  purity  of  doctrine,  agreeing  IN  ALL  THINGS  with  the 
Helvetic  churches,"  Burnet,  iii.  201.  Parkhurst,  Bishop  of  Norwich, 
in  a  letter  lo  Gualter,  Feb.  4,  1573,  fervently  exclaims,  "O!  would  to 
God,  would  to  God,  once  at  last,  all  the  English  people  would  in  good 
earnest  propound  to  themselves  to  follow  the  Church  of  Zurich  as  the 
most  absolute  pattern."  Strype's  Annals,  ii.  286,  342. 

Cranmer  expressed  his  opinion  formally  in  writing,  that  "  the  bish- 
ops and  priests  were  at  one  time,  and  were  no  two  things,  but  both 
ONE  OFFICE  in  the  beginning  of  Christ's  religion." — "  The  Bishop  of  St. 
David's,  my  lord  elect  of  Westminster,  Dr.  Cox,  Dr.  Redman,  say 
that  at  the  beginning  they  were  all  ONE."  Collier,  ii.  Records,  No.  49. 
Burnet,  i.  Append,  pp.  223 — 225.  Thirteen  bishops,  with  a  great  num- 
ber of  other  ecclesiastics,  subscribed  this  proposition,  "  that  in  the 
New  Testament  there  is  no  mention  made  of  any  degrees  or  distinc- 
tions in  orders,  but  only  of  deacons  or  ministers,  and  of  priests  or  bish- 
ops." Burnet,  ut  supra,  p.  324.  Cranmer  says,  "  In  the  New  Testa- 
ment, he  that  is  appointed  a  bishop  or  a  priest  needeth  not  consecra- 
tion, by  the  Scripture,  for  election  or  appointment  thereto  is  suffi- 
cient." And  of  the  same  judgment  was  the  Bishop  of  St  David's. 
Ibid.  228,  230.  Latimer  and  Hooper  maintained  the  identity  of  bish- 
ops and  presbyters,  by  divine  institution.  Voetii.  Polit.  Eccles.  torn 
ii.  p.  837.  This  was  also  the  opinion  of  Pilkington,  Bishop  of  Dur 


408  NOTES. 

ham.  Treatise  on  the  burning  of  St  Paul's,  apud  Cald.  Altare  Dam- 
ascenum,  p.  204.  Bishop  Jewel  assents  to  it  in  his  Answer  to  Har- 
ding, p.  121.  And  on  the  accession  of  Elizabeth,  he  expressed  his 
hope,  that  "  the  bishops  would  become  pastors,  labourers,  and  watch- 
men, and  that  the  great  riches  of  bishoprics  would  be  diminished  and 
reduced  to  mediocrity,  that,  being  delivered  from  regal  and  courtly 
pomp,  they  might  take  care  of  the  flock  of  Christ."  Burnet,  iii.  288. 
In  the  same  year,  Dr.  Aylmer  addressed  the  right  reverend  bench  in 
these  terms :  "  Come  off',  you  bishops,  away  with  your  superfluities, 
yield  up  your  thousands,  be  content  with  hundreds,  as  they  be  in  other 
reformed  churches,  where  there  be  as  great  learned  men  as  you  are. 
Let  your  portion  be  priestlike  and  not  princelike.  Let  the  queen  have 
the  rest  of  your  temporalities  and  other  lands  to  maintain  these  war- 
res  which  you  procured,  and  your  mistresse  left  her ;  and  with  the 
reste  builde  and  found  scholes  thorow  out  the  realme:  that  every 
parishe  church  may  have  his  preacher,  every  city  his  superintendent, 
to  live  honestly  and  not  pompously;  which  will  never  be  onles  your 
landes  be  dispersed  and  bestowed  upon  many  which  now  feedeth  and 
fatteth  but  one. — I  would  our  countryman  Wicliefe's  boke  which  he 
wrote,  De  Ecclesia,  were  in  print,  and  there  should  you  see  that  your 
wrinches  and  cavillations  be  nothing  worthie.  It  was  my  chaunce  to 
happen  of  it  in  ones  hand  that  brought  it  out  of  Bohemia."  An  Harbo- 
rowe  for  Faithful  and  Trew  Subjects,  sig.  O,  4.  Cranmer  expressed 
himself  in  a  similar  strain  respecting  the  "  glorious  titles,  styles,  and 
pomps,"  which  were  come  into  the  Church  through  the  working  of  the 
spirit  of  Diotrephes,  and  professed  his  readiness  to  lay  them  aside. 
Strype's  Cranmer,  Append,  p.  20.  Burnet,  iii.  105.  Append,  p.  88.  In 
fact,  the  title  of  bishop  was  very  generally  disused  in  common  speech 
during  the  reign  of  Edward  VI.  and  that  of  superintendent  substituted 
in  its  place.  And  this  change  of  style  was  vindicated  by  Ponet,  Bishop 
of  Winchester,  in  an  answer  which  he  published  to  a  Popish  writer. 
Strype's  Memorials  of  the  Reformation,  ii.  444,  445. 

It  was  proposed  by  Cranmer  to  erect  courts  similar  to  the  kirk-ses- 
sions and  provincial  synods  afterwards  introduced  into  the  Scottish 
Church.  Burnet,  iii.  214.  Reformatio  Leg.  Eccles.  cap.  8,  10.  He 
ardently  wished  the  suppression  of  prebendaries,  "an  estate,"  he  said, 
"  which  St.  Paule,  reckoning  up  the  degrees  and  estates  allowed  in 
his  time,  could  not  find  in  the  Church  of  Christ."  Burnet,  iii.  Ap- 
pend, pp.  157,  158.  All  the  Protestant  bishops  and  divines  in  the 
reign  of  Edward  VI.  were  anxious  for  the  introduction  of  ecclesiasti- 
cal discipline.  Dr.  Cox  (Oct.  5,  1552)  complains  bitterly  of  the  opposi- 
tion of  the  courtiers  to  this  measure,  and  says,  that,  if  it  was  not 
adopted,  "  the  kingdom  of  God  would  be  taken  away  from  them." 
Latimer's  Sermons,  fol.  cix.  b.  Lond.  1570.  Strype's  Memor.  of  the 
Reform,  ii.  366.  Repository  of  Orig.  p.  150. 

Cranmer  and  his  colleagues  were  far  from  being  satisfied  with  the 
purity  of  the  last  Common  Prayer  Book  of  Edward;  and  the  primate 
had  drawn  up  one  which  is  said  to  have  been  "  an  hundred  times 
more  perfect."  Troubles  at  Franckfort,  p.  50.  He  and  Ridley  in- 
tended to  procure  an  act  for  abolishing  the  sacerdotal  habits;  "for 
they  only  defended  their  lawfulness,  but  not  their  fitness."  Burnet's 
Letters  respecting  Switzerland,  &c.  p.  52.  Rotterdam,  1686.  When 
Grindal  was  appointed  to  the  bishopric  of  London,  he  "remained 
under  some  scruples  of  conscience  about  some  things,  especially  the 
habits  and  certain  ceremonies  required  to  be  used  of  such  as  were 
bishops.  For  the  reformed  in  these  times,"  says  Strype,  "  generally 
went  upon  the  ground,  that,  in  order  to  the  complete  freeing  of  the 
Church  of  Christ  from  the  errors  and  corruptions  of  Rome,  every 


NOTES.  409 

usage  and  custom  practised  by  that  apostate  and  idolatrous  Church 
should  be  abolished, — and  that  the  service  of  God  should  be  most 
simple,  stript  of  all  that  show,  pomp,  and  appearance,  that  had  been 
customarily  used  before,  esteeming  all  that  to  be  no  better  than  super- 
stitious and  anti-christian."  Life  of  Grindal,  p.  28.  Horn  and  others 
had  the  same  views  and  scruples.  "  By  the  letters,"  says  Bishop  Bur- 
net,  "of  which  I  read  the  originals,  [in  the  archives  of  Zurich,]  it  ap- 
pears, that  the  bishops  preserved  the  habits  rather  in  compliance  with 
the  queen's  inclinations,  than  out  of  any  liking  they  had  to  them ;  so 
far  were  they  from  liking,  that  they  plainly  expressed  their  dislike  of 
them."  Burnet's  Letters,  ut  supra,  p.  51.  Before  they  accepted  the 
office,  they  endeavoured  to  obtain  the  abrogation  of  the  ceremonies ; 
and  when  the  act  enjoining  them  passed,  they  were  induced  to  com- 
ply chiefly  by  their  fears  that  Papists  or  Lutherans  would  be  put  into 
their  places.  Strype's  Annals,  i.  175.  Burnet,  ii.  376,  and  his  Sermon 
on  Ps.  cxlv.  15,  preached  before  the  House  of  Commons,  Jan.  1688. 
Cox  writes  to  Bullinger,  5th  May,  1551,  "I  think  all  things  in  the 
church  ought  to  be  pure  and  simple,  removed  at  the  greatest  distance 
from  the  pomps  and  elements  of  the  world.  But  in  this  our  church 
what  can  I  do  in  so  low  a  station  ?"  Strype's  Memor.  of  the  Reform, 
ii.  305.  Burnet,  iii.  202.  Jewel,  in  a  letter  to  Martyr,  Nov.  5,  1559, 
calls  the  clerical  habits  "a  stage-dress,"  (vestis  scenica,)  to  which  those 
alone  were  attached  who  "  had  nothing  else  to  recommend  them  to 
the  people,  but  a  comical  dress," — "  stipites  sine  ingenio,  sine  doctrina, 
sine  moribus,  veste  saltern  comica  volebant  populo  commendari."  He 
engages  that  no  exertions  of  his  should  be  wanting  to  banish  utterly 
these  ridiculous  trifles,  "  ludicris  ineptiis,"  and  relics  of  the  Amorties* 
as  his  correspondent  (he  says)  had  well  designed  them.  And,  at  a 
period  still  later,  (Feb.  8,  1566,)he  writes  to  Bullinger,  that  he  "  wished 
that  the  very  slightest  footsteps  of  popery  might  be  removed  out  of 
the  church  and  minds  of  men ;  but  the  queen  would  at  that  time  suffer 
no  change  in  religion."  Burnet,  iii.  Append,  p.  291.  ii.  Append,  p.  .351. 
Strype's  Annals,  i.  174.  Grindal  and  Horn  wrote  to  Zurich,  that  they  did 
not  approve  of,  but  merely  suffered,  kneeling  in  the  eucharist,  and  sign- 
ing with  the  cross  in  baptism,  with  some  other  ceremonies,  hoping  that 
they  would  speedily  obtain  their  abrogation.  Burnet,  ii.  310,  314. 
As  to  Parkhurst,  Bishop  of  Norwich,  Pilkington  of  Durham,  and  Sands 
of  Worcester,  the  non-conformists  bear  testimony,  that  these  prelates 
discovered  the  greatest  zeal  in  endeavouring  to  procure  their  abroga- 
tion. Ibid.  iii.  316.  The  most  respectable  of  the  clergy  in  the  lower 
house  were  of  the  same  sentiments  with  the  bishops  on  this  subject. 
In  the  year  1562,  the  abrogation  of  the  most  offensive  ceremonies  was, 
after  long  reasoning,  put  to  the  vote  in  the  convocation,  and  carried 
by  a  majority  of  those  present,  but,  when  the  proxies  were  included, 
there  was  found  a  majority  of  ONE  for  retaining  them.  The  argu- 
ments used  by  Archbishop  Parker's  chaplains  to  prevail  upon  the 
house  to  agree  to  this,  derived  their  chief  force  from  their  being  un- 
derstood to  be  the  sentiments  of  the  queen.  Burnet,  ii.  Append,  pp. 
319,  320.  Strype's  Annals,  i.  298—300. 

From  these  facts  (and  a  collection  much  more  ample  could  easily  be 
made)  the  reader  will  see  who  were  the  first  puritans,  and  how  very 
different  the  sentiments  of  the  English  reformers  were  from  those  of 
their  successors.  Those  good  men  who  had  the  direction  of  ecclesi- 
astical affairs  in  the  reign  of  Edward  VI.  thought  it  most  prudent  to 
proceed  gradually  and  slowly,  in  removing  the  abuses,  and  correct- 
ing the  evils,  which  had  overspread  the  Church;  and  to  indulge  the 
people  for  a  season  with  those  external  forms  to  which  they  had  been 
habituated,  that  they  might  draw  them  more  easily  from  their  super- 
35  B2 


410  NOTES. 

stitious  notions  and  practices,  and  in  due  time  perfect  the  reformation 
to  the  satisfaction  of  all.  The  plan  was  plausible;  but  its  issue  was 
very  different  from  what  was  intended  by  those  who  proposed  it. 
Nor  was  this  unforeseen  by  persons  who  wished  well  to  the  Church 
of  England.  After  the  bishops  had  resolved  to  rest  satisfied  with  the 
establishment  which  they  obtained,  and  felt  themselves  disturbed  by 
the  complaints  of  the  puritans,  (as  they  were  afterwards  called,)  they 
endeavoured  to  engage  the  foreign  divines  on  their  side ;  and  having, 
by  partial  representations,  and  through  the  respect  entertained  for 
the  government  of  England,  obtained  letters  from  them  somewhat 
favourable  to  their  views,  they  employed  these  to  bear  down  such  as 
pleaded  for  a  more  pure  reformation.  Whitgift  made  great  use  of 
this  weapon  in  his  controversy  .with  Cartwright.  Bishop  Parkhurst 
wrote  to  Gualter,  a  celebrated  Swiss  divine,  cautioning  him  on  this 
head,  adding,  that  he  had  refused  to  communicate  some  of  Gualter's 
letters  to  Whitgift ;  because,  "  if  any  thing  made  for  the  ceremonies, 
he  presently  clapped  it  into  his  book  and  printed  it."  Strype's  Annals, 
ii.  286,  287.  But  these  divines  had  formerly  delivered  their  unbiassed 
judgment,  disapproving  of  such  temporizing  measures.  Cranmer 
having  signified  to  the  Genevese  Reformer,  that  he  "  could  do  nothing 
more  profitable  to  the  church,  than  to  write  often  to  the  king,"  Calvin 
wrote  a  letter  to  the  archbishop  in  1551,  in  which  he  lamented  the 
procrastination  used,  and  expressed  his  fears,  that  "a  long  winter 
would  succeed  to  so  many  harvests  spent  in  deliberation."  Epist.  p. 
62;  Oper.  torn.  ix.  Strype's  Cranmer,  p.  413.  Peter  Martyr,  in  June, 
1550,  gave  it  as  his  opinion,  that  "the  innumerable  corruptions,  infi- 
nite abuses,  and  immense  superstition,  could  be  reformed  only  by  a 
simple  recurrence  to  the  pure  fountain,  and  unadulterated  original 
principles."  And  the  prudential  advice,  that  as  few  changes  as'pos- 
sible  should  be  made,  he  called  "a  device  of  Satan,  to  render  the  re- 
gress to  Popery  more  easy."  Burnet,  iii.  Append,  p.  200.  Gualter, 
in  a. letter  dated  Jan.  16,  1559,  says,  that  such  advices,  though  "ac- 
cording to  a  carnal  judgment  full  of  modesty,  and  apparently  condu- 
cive to  the  maintenance  of  concord,"  were  to  be  ascribed  to  "the  pub- 
lic enemy  of  man's  salvation;"  and  he  prophetically  warns  those  who 
suffered  abuses  to  remain  and  strengthen  themselves  in  England,  that 
"  afterwards  they  would  scarcely  be  able  to  eradicate  them  by  all 
their  efforts  and  struggles."  Ibid.  iii.  273.  Append,  p.  265. 

Fuller  says,  that  the  English  Reformers  "  permitted  ignorant  people 
to  retain  some  fond  customs,  that  they  might  remove  the  most  danger- 
ous and  destructive  superstitions ;  as  mothers,  to  get  children  to  part 
with  knives,  are  content  to  let  them  play  with  rattles"  Very  good ; 
but  if  children  are  suffered  to  play  too  long  with  rattles,  they  are  in 
great  danger  of  not  parting  with  them  all  their  days. 


Note  S,  p.  79. 

Plan  of  Edioard  VI.  for  advancing  the  Reformation  of  the  Church 
of  England. — A  plan  of  improvements  in  the  English  Church,  which 
Edw.ard  VI.  drew  with  his  own  hand,  may  be  seen  in  Strype's  Me- 
morials of  the  Reformation,  ii.  341 — 343.  He  was  desirous  of  the 
establishment  of  ecclesiastical  discipline,  but  sensible  that  the  incum- 
bent bishops  were  in  general  of  such  a  description  as  to  be  unfit  for  its 
exercise.  "  Some  for  papistry,"  says  he,  "  some  for  ignorance,  some  for 
their  ill-name,  some  for  all  these,  are  men  unable  to  execute  discipline." 
Accordingly,  he  adds,  "as  for  discipline,  I  would  wish  no  authority 
given  generally  to  all  bishops ;  but  that  commission  be  given  to  those 


NOTES.  411 

of  the  best  sort  of  them  to  exercise  it  in  their  dioceses."  King  Ed- 
ward's Remains.  Burnet,  ii.  Records,  p.  69. 

Omitting  other  proofs  of  his  intentions,  I  shall  produce  the  decisive 
one  of  his  conduct  towards  the  foreign  churches  settled  in  London 
under  the  inspection  of  John  A  Lasco.  A  Lasco  was  a  Polish  noble- 
man, who  had  forsaken  his  native  country  from  love  to  the  reformed 
religion.  In  his  youth,  he  enjoyed  the  friendship  of  Erasmus,  who,  in 
one  of  his  letters,  passes  a  high  encomium  on  him.  "  Senex,  juvenis 
convictu,  factus  sum  melior;  ac  sobrietatem,  temperantiam,  verecun- 
diam,  linguae  moderationem,  modestiam,  prudentiam,  integritatem, 
quam  juvenis  a  sene  discere  debuerat,  a  juvene  senex  didici."  Erasmi 
Epist.  Jib.  28,  ep.  3.  He  was  offered  two  bishoprics,  one  in  his  native 
country,  and  another  in  Hungary ;  but  he  rejected  both,  and,  retiring 
into  Friesland,  became  pastor  of  a  Protestant  congregation  at  Embden. 
Gerdes.  Hist.  Reform,  iii.  145 — 150.  The  Protestant  churches  in  the 
Low  Countries  being  dissipated  in  consequence  of  the  troubles  pro- 
duced by  the  Interim,  he  came  to  England  at  the  pressing  invitation 
of  Cranmer,  and  was  chosen  superintendent  of  the  German,  French, 
and  Italian  congregations  erected  in  London,  which  consisted  of  be- 
tween 3000  and  4000  persons.  Strype's  Cranmer,  pp.  234—241. 
Gerdes.  ut  sup.  pp.  150,  235. 

A  Lasco  afterwards  published  an  account  of  the  form  of  government 
and  worship  used  in  these  congregations,  which  greatly  resembled 
that  which  was  introduced  into  Scotland  at  the  establishment  of  the 
Reformation.  The  affairs  of  each  congregation  were  managed  by  a 
minister,  ruling  elders,  and  deacons ;  and  each  of  these  offices  was 
considered  as  of  divine  institution.  Ut  infra,  fol.  i.  6,  b.  11.  The  in* 
spection  of  the  different  congregations  was  committed  to  a  superin- 
tendent, "  who  was  greater  only  in  respect  of  his  greater  trouble  and 
care,  not  having  more  authority  than  the  other  elders,  either  as  to 
the  ministry  of  the  word  and  sacraments,  or  as  to  the  exercise  of  eccle- 
siastical discipline,  to  which  he  was  subject  equally  with  the  rest" — 
"  Cestuy  est  appelle,  au  preuilege  du  Roy,  Superintendant,  lequel  est 
plus  grand  que  les  autres,  seulement  en  ce  qu'  il  a  plus  de  peine  et  de 
soing  que  tous  les  autres,  non  seulement  au  gouuernement  de  toute 
F  Eglise,  mais  aussy  a  la  defendre  cotre  les  effortz  de  tous  ses  aduer- 
saires,  et  a  retenir  vn  consentement  vnanime  de  tous,  aux  differens  de 
la  doctrine.  D'avantage  il  n'  a  point  plus  d'  autorite  que  les  autres 
Andes,  au  Ministere  de  la  parole,  et  des  sacremens,  et  en  F  usage  de 
la  discipline  de  F  Eglise,  a  la  quelle  il  est  subiect  come  tous  les  autres. 
Et  comme  il  a  soing  des  autres  au  cause  de  son  Ministere,  parielle- 
ment  il  se  soubmet  au  soing  des  autres,  en  F  obeissance  de  la  parole 
de  Dieu,  et  obseruation  de  la  discipline."  Ut  infra,  fol.  i.  b.  It  is  pro- 
per, however,  to  mention  that  A  Lasco,  although  he  allows  no  supe- 
riority of  office  or  authority  to  superintendents,  considers  that  they 
were  of  divine  appointment,  and  that  Peter  held  this  rank  among  the 
apostles.  "  Premierement  que  la  Ministere  de  Superintendant,  ou  In- 
specteur,  est  vne  ordonnance  diuine  en  F  Eglise  de  Christ,  institute 
du  Seigneur  lesus  Christ  etre  les  Apostres  mesmes :  quad  il  commanda 
a  Pierre  specialement,  de  confirmer  ses  autres  freres  en  la  foy.  Et  non 
pas  qu'  il  luy  ait  donne  autorite  sur  les  autres  Apostres:  comme  le 
Pape  de  Rome  songe :  mais  qu'  il  failloit  retenir  en  F  Eglise  vne  puis- 
sance egalle  de  tous  les  Apostres,  auec  Pierre  per  vng  certain  ordre  d' 
une  solicitude,  des  vns  pour  les  autres:  ainsy  que  tres  bien  F  enseigne 
sainct  Ciprian  martyr.  Et  aussy  nous  voyons  manifestement,  qu'  un 
mesme  Ministere  est  egalement  attribue  a  tous  les  Anciens  de  F  Eglise, 
qui  sont  nommez  Inspecteurs,  et  en  Grec  Euesques.  Nous  entendons 
aussy  lean  et  laques  auoir  tel  honneur  que  Pierre  en  F  Eglise  de  leru- 


412  NOTES. 

salem.  Mais  a  fin  qu'  il  y  ait  quelque  ordre,  en  vn  mesme  gouuerne- 
ment  Ecclesiastique,  entre  tous  les  Anciens,  et  que  tout  soit  faict  par 
ordre  et  honnestement,  ii  le  faut  commencer  a  vn.  Or  pour  ce  qu'il 
y  a  bien  a  faire  de  quelz,  on  doit  cumencer  le  gouuernement  en  toute 
1'  Eglise ;  ores  que  tous  les  Anciens  ayent  vne  mesme  puissance." 
Toute  la  forme  et  maniere  de  Ministere  Ecclesiastique  en  1'  Eglise  des 
estragers,  dressee  a  Londres  en  Angleterre.  Par  M.  Jean  a  Lasco, 
Baron  de  Polonie.  Traduit  de  Latin  en  Francois  et  imprimee  par 
Giles  Clematius.  1556,  fol.  8,  b.  9,  a.  Imposition  of  hands  was  used  in 
the  ordination  of  superintendents,  ministers,  ruling  elders,  and  deacons. 
Ibid.  fol.  27,  31,  35.  The  communicants  sat  at  the  Lord's  table,  and  A 
Lasco  spends  a  number  of  pages  in  proving  that  this  posture  is  prefer- 
able to  kneeling.  Fol.  80 — 88.  In  fine,  he  says,  "  We  have  laid  aside 
all  the  relics  of  Popery,  with  its  mummeries,  and  we  have  studied  the 
greatest  possible  simplicity  in  ceremonies."  Ibid.  fol.  79,  b. 

Notwithstanding  these  sentiments,  and  these  pieces  of  disconfor- 
mity  to  the  practice  of  the  Church  of  England,  A  Lasco  was  held  in 
the  greatest  esteem,  and  warmly  patronized,  not  only  by  Cranmer, 
but  also  by  the  young  king,  who  granted  him  letters  patent,  erecting 
him  and  the  other  ministers  of  the  foreign  congregations  into  a  body 
corporate.  The  patent  runs  in  these  terms :  "  Edward,  &c.  We  being 
specially  induced,  by  great  and  weighty  considerations,  and  par- 
ticularly considering  how  much  it  becomes  Christian  princes  to  be 
animated  with  love  and  care  of  the  sacred  gospel  of  God,  and  apos- 
tolical religion,  begun,  instituted,  and  delivered  by  Christ  himself, 
without  which  policy  and  civil  government  can  neither  subsist  long, 
nor  maintain  their  reputation,  unless  princes  and  illustrious  persons 
whom  God  hath  appointed  for  the  government  of  kingdoms,  do  first 
of  all  take  care  that  pure  and  uncorrupled  religion  be  diffused  through 
the  whole  body  of  the  commonwealth,  and  that  a  Church,  instituted  in 
truly  Christian  and  apostolical  doctrines  and  rites,  be  preserved,  &c. 
with  this  intent  and  purpose,  that  there  may  be  an  uncorrupted  inter- 
pretation of  the  holy  gospel,  and  administration  of  the  sacraments,  ac- 
cording to  the  word  of  God,  and  Apostolical  observance,  by  the  minis- 
ters of  the  Church  of  the  Germans,  &c.  we  command  and  strictly 
charge  the  mayor,  &c.  that  they  permit  the  said  superintendent  and 
ministers,  freely  and  quietly  to  enjoy,  use,  and  exercise  their  own  pe- 
culiar ecclesiastical  discipline,  notwithstanding  that  they  do  not  agree 
with  the  rites  and  ceremonies  used  in  our  kingdom,"  &c.  The  patent 
may  be  seen  at  large  in  Burnet,  ii.  Records,  p.  202. 

But  the  ulterior  design  which  the  king  intended  to  accomplish  by  the 
incorporation  of  this  church,  is  what  I  have  particularly  in  view.  This 
is  explicitly  stated  by  A  Lasco,  in  a  book  which  he  published  in  1555. 
In  his  dedication  of  it  to  Sigismund,  King  of  Poland,  he  says,  "  When 
I  was  called  by  that  king,  [Edward  VI.]  and  when  certain  laws  of  the 
country  stood  in  the  way,  so  that  the  public  rites  of  divine  worship 
used  under  popery  could  not  immediately  be  purged  out  (which  the 
king  himself  desired ;)  and  when  I  was  earnest  for  the  foreign  churches, 
it  was  at  length  his  pleasure,  that  public  rites  of  the  English  churches 
should  be  reformed  by  degrees,  as  far  as  could  be  got  done  by  the  laws 
of  the  country ;  but  that  strangers,  who  were  not  strictly  bound  to 
these  laws  in  this  matter,  should  have  churches  granted  unto  them,  in 
which  they  should  freely  regulate  all  things  wholly  according-  to  apos- 
tolical doctrine  and  practice,  without  any  regard  to  the  rites  of  the 
country ;  that  by  this  means  the  English  churches  also  might  be  ex- 
cited to  embrace  the  apostolical  purity,  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  all 
the  estates  of  the  kingdom.  Of  this  project,  the  king  himself,  from  his 
great  piety,  was  both  the  chief  author  and  the  defender.  For,  although 


NOTES.  413 

it  was  almost  universally  acceptable  to  the  king's  council,  and  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury  promoted  it  with  all  his  might,  there  were 
not  wanting  some  who  took  it  ill,  and  would  have  opposed  it,  had  not 
his  Majesty  checked  them  by  his  authority,  and  the  reasons  which  he 
adduced  for  the  design."  Again,  in  the  Appendix  to  the  same  book, 
p.  649,  he  says,  "  The  care  of  our  Church  was  committed  to  us  chiefly 
with  this  view,  that  in  the  ministration  thereof,  we  should  follow  the 
rule  of  the  divine  word  and  apostolical  observance  rather  than  any 
rites  of  other  churches.  In  fine,  we  were  admonished,  both  by  the 
king  himself,  and  his  chief  nobility,  to  use  this  great  liberty  granted  to 
us  in  our  ministry,  rightly  and  faithfully,  not  to  please  men  but  ibr  the 
glory  of  God,  by  promoting  the  reformation  of  his  worship."  The  fol- 
lowing are  the  original  words  of  the  author : — "Cum  ego  quoque  per 
Regem  ilium  yocatus  essem :  et  leges  qua3dam  patriae  obstarent,  quo- 
minus  public!  potissimum  cultus  divini  ritus  sub  papismo  usurpati 
(pro  eo  ac  rex  ipse  cupiebat)  repurgari  protinus  possent;  ego  vero 
peregrinorum  ecclesiis  sedulo  instarem,  ita  demum  placuit,  ut  ritus 
publici  in  Anglicis  Ecclesiis  per  gradus  quosdam  (quantum  per  leges 
patrias  omnino  liceret)  repurgarentur :  Psregrinis  vero  hominibus 
(qui  patriis  hac  alioqui  in  parte  legibus  non  usque  adeo  tenerentur) 
ecclesiae  concederentur  in  quibus  omnia  libere,  et  nulla  rituum  patri- 
orum  habita  ratione  (juxta  doctrinam  duntaxit  atque  observationem 
apostolicam)  instituerentur,  ita  enim  fore,  ut  Anglicss  quoque  ecclesia? 
ad  puritatem  apostolicam  amplectendam  unanimi  omnium  regni  or- 
dinum  consensu  excitarentur.  Ejus  vero  consilii  rex  ipsemet  (pro  sua 
pietate)  pfa3cipuus  non  autor  tantum,  sed  etiam  propugnator  fuit.  Etsi 
enim  id  in  senatu  regio  omnibus  propemodum  placeret,  ipseque  Can- 
tuariensis  archiepiscopus  rem  omnibus  modis  promoveret ;  non  dee- 
rant  tamen  qui  id  moleste  ferrent,  adeoque  et  reluctaturi  fuerint  huic 
instituto  regio,  nisi  rex  ipse,  non  tantum  authoritate  sua  restitisset  : 
sed  productis  etiam  instituti  hujus  rationibus  conatus  eorum  repres- 
sisset."  De  Ordinatione  Ecclesiarum  peregrinarum  in  Anglia.  Epist. 
Dedicat.  p.  649.  Larger  extracts  from  this  work  may  be  seen  in  Voetii 
Politica  Ecclesiastica,  torn.  i.  420 — 422. 

Had  Mr.  Gilpin  been  acquainted  with  these  facts,  he  would  have 
spoken  with  a  little  more  moderation  and  respect  concerning  this  ac- 
complished reformer,  than  he  has  done  in  the  following  passage.  "  By 
the  favour  of  Edward  VI.  he  was  allowed  to  open  a  church  for  the  use 
of  his  own  persuasion.  But  he  made  only  a  bad  use  of  this  indulgence ; 
interfering  very  impertinently  in  the  controversies  then  on  foot." 
Gilpin's  Lives  of  Latimer  and  Gilpin,  p.  243,  Lond.  1780.  Writers  who, 
like  Gilpin,  deal  in  abridgments,  should  be  very  cautious  and  sparing 
in  the  reflections  which  they  make  on  characters,  as  they  are  apt  to 
mislead  their  readers,  without  furnishing  them  with  the  facts  which 
would  serve  to  correct  their  mistakes. 


Note  T,  p.  80. 

Chaplains  of  Edward  VI.— The  following  account  of  the  freedom 
used  by  the  chaplains  of  Edward  VI.  in  reproving  the  vices  of  the 
courtiers,  is  given  by  Knox,  in  his  "  Letters  to  the  Faithful  in  London," 
&c.  I  quote  from  the  MS. 

"  How  boldlie  thair  synis  wer  rebukeit,  even  in  thair  faces,  suche  as 
wer  present  can  witnes  with  me.  Almost  thair  wes  none  that  occupyit 
the  place  [pulpit]  but  he  did  prophesie,  and  planelie  speake,  the  plaguis 
that  ar  begun,  and  assuredlie  sail  end.  Mr.  Grindal  planelie  spak  the 
deth  of  the  kingis  maieste,  complayning  on  hishoushald  servandis  and 
35* 


414  NOTES. 

officeris,  who  nether  eschameit  nor  feirit  to  raill  aganis  Godis  trew 
word,  and  aganis  the  preacheris  of  the  same.  The  godlie  and  fervent 
man,  maister  Lever,  planelie  spak  the  desolatioun  of  the  commoun  weill, 
and  the  plaguis  whilk  suld  follow  schortlie.  Maister  Bradfurde  (whome 
God,  for  Chrystis  his  Sonis  sake,  comfort  to  the  end)  spared  not  the 
proudest,  but  boldlie  declareit  that  Godis  vengence  suld  schortlie 
stryke  thame  that  than  wer  in  autoritie,  becaus  they  abhorrit  and 
lothed  the  trew  word  of  the  everlasting  God.  And  amangis  many 
uther  willit  thame  to  tak  exempill  be  the  lait  duck  of  Somerset,  who 
became  so  cald  in  hering  Godis  word,  that  the  yier  befoir  his  last  ap- 
prehensioun,  hie  wald  ga  visit  his  masonis,  and  wald  not  dingyie* 
himself  to  gafrom  his  gallerie  to  his  hall  for  hering  of  a  sermone.  God 
punnissit  him  (said  the  godlie  preacher,)  and  that  suddanlie ;  and  sail 
hie  spair  you  that  be  dowbill  mair  wickit  1  No ;  hie  sail  not.f  Will  ye, 
or  will  ye  not,  ye  shall  drink  the  cupe  of  the  Lordis  wrath.  Judicium 
domini !  judicium  domini !  the  judgment  of  the  Lord !  the  judgment  of 
the  Lord !  lamentabillie  cryit  hie,  with  weipping  teiris.  Maister  Had- 
den  most  learnedlie  opinit  the  causis  of  the  bypast  plagis,  affirmyng 
that  the  wors  were  to  follow,  unless  repentance  suld  schortlie  be  found. 
Thir  things,  and  me  kill  mair  I  hard  planelie  spokin,  efter  that  the  haill 
counsale  had  said,  they  wald  heir  no  mo  of  thair  sermonis ;  they  wer 
but  indifferent  fellowis ;  ye,  and  sum  of  thame  eschameit  not  to  call 
them  pratting  knaves.  But  now  will  I  not  speik  all  that  I  knaw,  for  yf 
God  continew  my  lyfe  in  this  trubill,  I  intend  to  prepair  ane  dische  for 
suche  as  than  led  the  ring  in  the  gospell ;  but  now  thay  haif  bene  at 
the  scule  of  Placebo,  and  amangis  laddis  [ladies]  lies  learnit'to  dance, 
as  the  devill  list  to  pype !"  pp.  120, 121. 

With  Knox's  representation  exactly  agrees  the  affecting  "  Lamen- 
tation for  the  change  of  religion  in  England,"  composed  in  prison  by 
Bishop  Ridley,  in  which  he  names  our  countryman,  along  with  Lati- 
mer,  Lever,  and  Bradford,  as  distinguishing  themselves  by  the  faith- 
fulness and  boldness  with  which  they  censured  the  vices  which  reigned 
at  court.  I  would  willingly  make  extracts  from  it,  but  must  refer  the 
reader  to  the  paper  itself,  which  he  will  find  inserted  at  large  in  the 
account  of  the  bishop's  trial  and  martyrdom,  by  Fox,  p.  1614—1620. 
Edit.  anno.  1596. 

Grindal  was  an  exile  during  the  reign  of  Mary,  and,  under  Eliza- 
beth, was  made  successively  Bishop  of  London,  Archbishop  of  York, 
and  Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  Thomas  Lever  was  a  very  learned 
man,  and  Master  of  St.  John's  College,  Cambridge.  He  was  Knox's 
colleague  at  Frankfort.  Upon  the  accession  of  Elizabeth,  he  was  ad- 
mitted to  a  prebend  in  the  cathedral  of  Durham,  but  was  afterwards 
deprived  of  it  on  account  of  non-conformity.  He  seems  to  have  been 
allowed  to  preach  through  the  country,  and,  in  1577,  died  Master  of 
Sherburn  Hospital.  Some  of  his  sermons  are  in  print.  Troubles  of 
Franckfort.  pp.  13—28.  Strype's  Parker,  p.  212.  App.  77.  Grindal, 
170.  Annals,  iii.  512—514.  Hutchinson's  Durham,  ii.  594.  John 
Bradford  was  in  prison  when  Knox  wrote  the  above  account  of  him, 
and  was  soon  after  committed  to  the  flames.  James  Haddonhad  been 
chaplain  to  the  Duke  of  Suffolk,  and  went  to  Strasburg  at  the  death 
of  Edward  VI.  He  was  chosen,  along  with  Knox,  to  be  one  of  the 
ministers  of  the  English  Church  at  Franckfort,  but  declined  accepting 
the  office.  Troubles  of  Franckfort,  13,  16,  23.  Strype's  Annals,  ii. 
Append,  p.  46. 

*  i.  e.  deign :  in  the  printed  copies  it  is  "  disease  himself." 
t  The  printed  copies  are  unintelligible  here. 


NOTES.  415 


Note  U,  p.  82. 

The  Confession  or  Prayer,  composed  and  used  by  Knox,  after  the 
death  of  Edward  VI.  and  the  accession  of  Mary,  shows  the  state  of  his 
mind  at  that  crisis,  and  refutes  the  unfounded  charges  of  the  Popish, 
and  of  some  Episcopal  writers,  that  he  was  guilty  of  stirring  up  rebel- 
lion against  the  queen.  I  extract  it  from  his  treatise  on  Prayer,  printed 
in  1554,  which  is  now  exceedingly  rare. 

"  Omnipotent  and  everlasting  God,  father  of  our  Lorde  Jesus  Chryste, 
who  be  thy  eternal  providence,  disposeth  kingdoms  as  best  seameth 
to  thy  wisdom,  we  acknowledge  and  confesse  thy  jndgmentis  to  be 
righteous,  in  that  thou  hast  taken  from  us,  for  our  ingratitude,  and  for 
abusinge  of  thy  most  holy  word,  our  native  king,  and  earthly  com- 
forter. Justly  may  thou  poure  forth  upon  us  the  uttermoste  of  thy 
plagues ;  for  that  we  have  not  knowen  the  dayes  and  tymes  of  our 
merciful  visitacion.  We  have  contempned  thy  worde,  and  de- 
spised thy  mercies.  We  have  trangressed  thy  lawes :  for  deceitfully 
have  we  wrought  everie  man  with  our  neighbours ;  oppression  and 
violence  we  have  not  abhorred ;  charitie  hath  not  appeared  among  us, 
as  our  profession  requireth.  We  have  little  regarded  the  voices  of  thy 
prophets ;  thy  threatnings  we  have  esteemed  vanitie  and  wynd :  so 
that  in  us,  as  of  ourselfis,  restis  nothing  worthy  of  thy  mercies.  For 
all  are  found  frutless,  even  the  princes  with  the  prophets,  as  withered 
trees  apt  and  mete  toe  be  burnt  in  the  fyre  of  thy  eternal  displeasure. 
But,  O  Lord,  behold  thy  own  mercy  and  goodness,  that  thou  may 
purdge  and  remove  the  most  filthy  burden  of  oure  most  horrible 
offences.  Let  thy  love  overcome  the  severitie  of  thy  judgmentis,  even 
as  it  did  in  geving  to  the  world  thy  onely  Sonne  Jesus  when  all  man- 
kynde  was  lost,  and  no  obedience  was  lefle  in  Adam  nor  in  his  sede. 
Regenerate  our  hartes,  O  Lord,  by  the  strength  of  the  Holy  Ghost. 
Convert  thou  us,  and  we  shall  be  converted.  Work  thou  in  us  un- 
feigned repentance,  and  move  thou  our  hartes  too  obey  thy  holy  lawes. 
Behold  our  trebles  and  apparent  destruction ;  and  stay  the  sword  of 
thy  vengeaunce,  before  it  devoure  us.  Place  above  us,  O  Lord,  for  thy 
great  mercies  sake,  such  a  head,  with  such  rulers  and  magistrates,  as 
feareth  thy  name,  and  willeth  the  glory  of  Christ  Jesus  to  spred.  Take 
not  from  us  the  light  of  thy  euangely,  and  suffer  thou  no  papistrie  to 
prevail  in  this  realme.  Illuminate  the  harte  of  our  soveraigne  ladye, 
quene  Marie,  with  prignant  gifts  of  thy  Holy  Ghoste.  And  inflame 
the  hartes  of  her  counsayl  with  thy  trew  fear  and  love.  Represse  thou 
the  pryde  of  those  that  wolde  rebelle.  And  remove  from  all  hartes  the 
contempte  of  the  worde.  Let  not  our  enemies  rejoyce  at  our  destruc- 
tion ;  but  loke  thou  too  the  honor  of  thy  own  name,  O  Lorde,  and  let 
thy  gospel!  be  preached  with  boldnes  in  this  realme.  If  thy  justice 
must  punish,  then  punish  our  bodies  with  the  rodde  of  thy  mercy. 
But,  O  Lord,  let  us  never  revolte  nor  turne  backe  to  idolatrie  agayrie. 
Mytigate  the  hartes  of  those  that  persecute  us,  and  Jet  us  not  faynte 
under  the  crosse  of  our  Saviour ;  but  assist  us  with  the  Holy  Ghoste, 
even  to  the  end." 

Note  V,  p.  99. 

Call  and  Invitation  to  Knox  from  the  English  Congregation  at 
Franckfort. — "  We  haue  receiued  letters  from  oure  brethren  off 
Strausbrough,  but  not  in  suche  sorte  and  ample  wise  as  we  looked 
for,  wheruppon  we  assembled  together  in  the  H.  Goaste  we  hope,  and 
haue  with  one  voice  and  consent  chosen  yow  so  particulerly  to  be  one 


416  NOTES. 

off  the  ministers  off  our  congregation  here,  to  preache  vnto  vs  the 
most  liuely  worde  off  God,  accordinge  to  the  gift  that  God  hathe  giuen 
you,  for  as  much  as  we  haue  here  throughe  the  merciful  goodnes  off 
God  achurche  to  be  congregated  together  in  the  name  off  Christe, 
and  be  all  off  one  body,  and  also  beinge  of  one  natio,  tonge,  and 
countrie.  And  at  this  presente,  hauing  neede  off  suche  a  one  as  yow, 
we  do  desier  yow,  and  also  require  yow  in  the  name  off  God  not  to 
deny  vs,  nor  to  refuse  theis  oure  requests,  but  that  yow  will  aide, 
helpe,  and  assiste  vs  with  your  presence  in  this  our  good  and  godlie 
enterprise,  which  we  haue  take  in  hand  to  the  glorie  off  God  and  the 
profit  off  his  congregation  and  the  poore  sheepe  off  Christ  dispersed 
abroad  who  withe  your  and  like  presences,  woulde  come  hither  and 
be  of  one  fplde,  where  as  nowe  they  wander  abroad  as  loste  sheepe, 
without  anie  gide.  We  mistruste  not  that  yow  will  ioifully  accepte 
this  callinge.  Fare  ye  well  from  Franckford  this  24.  off  September. 

"  Your  louinge  brethern, 
lohn  Bale 
Edmond  Sutton 
lohn  Makebraie.  ' ' 

William  Whittingham  Thomas  wood         Mighell  Gill 

Thomas  Cole  lohn  Stanton  lohn  Samford 

William  Williams  William  Walton  lohn  Wood 

George  Chidley  Jasper  swyft  Thomas  Sorby 

William  Hammon  lohn  Geofrie  Anthony  Cariar 

Thomas  Steward  lohn  Graie  Hugh  Alforde." 

A  Brieff  Discours  off  the  Troubles  begonne  at  Franckford  in  Ger- 
many Anno  Domini  1554.  Abowte  the  Booke  of  Common  prayer 
and  Ceremonies.  Pag.  xix.  xx.  Printed  1575. 


Note  W.  p.  105. 
Quis  tulerit  Gracchos  de  seditione  querentes  ? 

Knox  was  accused  by  the  English  exiles  of  High  Treason,  because 
he  charged  Queen  Mary  with  cruelty,  and  said  that  the  Emperor  was 
as  great  an  enemy  to  Christ  as  Nero.  But  his  accusers,  it  might 
easily  be  shown,  used  stronger  language  on  this  subject  than  ever  he 
did.  Mr.  Strype  informs  us  that  the  Protestants  who  felt  and  outlived 
the  persecution  of  Mary,  used  the  very  worst  epithets  in  speaking  of 
her  character.  Memorials  of  the  Reform,  iii.  472.  We  need  no  other 
proof  of  this  than  the  Oration  composed  by  John  Hales,  and  pro- 
nounced by  a  nobleman  before  Queen  Elizabeth,  at  her  entrance  upon 
the  government.  Speaking  of  the  late  persecution  under  Mary,  the 
orator  exclaims,  "  O  cruelty !  cruelty !  far  exceeding  all  crueltys  com- 
mitted by  those  ancient  and  famous  tyrants,  and  cruel  murderers, 
Pharaoh,  Herod,  Caligula,  Nero,  Domitian.  Maximine,  Dioclesian, 
Decius ;  whose  names  for  their  cruel  persecution  of  the  people  of  God, 
and  their  own  tyranny  practised  on  the  people,  have  been,  be,  and 
ever  shall  be  in  perpetual  hatred,  and  their  souls  in  continual  tor- 
ments in  hell."  The  late  Queen  he  calls  "  Athalia,  malicious  Mary, 
unnatural  woman ;  no,  no  woman,  but  a  monster,  and  the  Devil  of  hell, 
covered  with  the  shape  of  a  woman."  See  Works  of  the  Rev.  Samuel 
Johnston,  p.  144. 

Nor  did  they  speak  in  more  civil  terms  of  foreign  princes.    Take, 


NOTES.  417 

for  an  example,  the  invective  of  Aylmer  against  the  French  king, 
Henry  II.  "  Is  he  a  king  or  a  devil,  a  Christian,  or  a  Lucifer,  that  bi 
his  cursed  confederacie  so  encourageth  the  Turke]  Oh !  wicked  catife 
and  fierebrand  of  hell,  which,  for  th'  increasing  of  his  pompeand  vayn 
glory,  (which  he  shall  not  long  enjoy,)  wil  betray  Christ  and  his  cross, 
to  his  mortal  enemy.  Oh,  foolish  Germains !  which  see  not  their  own 
undoing,  which  conspire  not  together  with  the  rest  of  Christian  prin- 
ces to  pull  such  a  traytour  to  God,  and  his  kingdom,  by  the  eares  out 
of  France,  and  hang  him  against  the  sonne  a  drying.  The  devill  hath 
none  other  of  his  sede  nowe  but  him,  to  maintain  both  the  spiritual 
and  the  temporal!  antichryste,  the  Pope  and  the  Turke.  Wherefore 
seeing  he  hath  forsaken  God,  lyke  an  apostata,  and  sold  himself  to  the 
devil,  let  us  not  doubte  but  God  will  be  with  us  against  him,  whenso- 
ever he  shall  seek  to  wrong  us ;  and  I  trust  he  will  now,  in  the  latter 
age  of  the  worlde,  show  his  myght  in  cuttynge  of  this  proude  Holo- 
fernes'  head  by  the  handes  of  our  Judith.  Oh  !  blessed  is  that  man 
that  loseth  his  lyfe  against  such  a  Termagaunt !  Yea,  more  blessed 
shall  they  be  that  that  spend  their  lyves  against  him  than  against  his 
great  maister,  the  Turke :  for  the  Turke  never  understode  the  cross 
of  Christ ;  but  this  Turkish  apostata  is  named  a  devellis  name,  Chris- 
tianissimus,  and  is  in  the  very  heart  of  Christendome,  and  lyke  a 
traiterous  Saracene,  is  Christ's  enemy."  Harborowe  for  Faithfull 
Subjects,  Q,.  I.  Strasborowe,  1559. 

I  do  not  find  Collier,  nor  other  high-church  historians,  quoting  or 
commenting  upon  such  language.  On  the  contrary,  Aylmer  is  praised 
by  them  for  "  his  handsome  pen,"  while  every  opportunity  is  taken  to 
inveigh  against  the  virulence  of  our  Reformer.  We  may  safely  chal- 
lenge them  to  prove  that  he  ever  indulged  in  language  so  intemperate, 
or  so  disrespectful  to  princes,  as  that  which  I  have  just  quoted. 


Note  X,  p.  113. 

Canons  of  Scottish  Councils.—"  When  a  house  is  in  flames,"  says 
Lord  Hailes,  "  it  is  vain  to  draw  up  regulations  for  the  bridling  of  joists 
or  the  sweeping  of  chimneys."  Such  was  the  situation  of  the  Popish 
Church  in  Scotland,  when  the  clergy  began  to  speak  of  reforming 
abuses.  The  21st  canon  of  the  council  which  met  in  1549,  ordains 
that  there  should  be  a  reader  of  theology  in  each  cathedral  church, 
whose  lectures  should  be  attended  by  the  bishop  and  canons,  "  si  vo- 
luntas  fuerit ;"  and  also  a  lecturer  on  canon  law.  The  22d  canon  de- 
crees that  there  should  be  a  lecturer  on  theology  in  each  monastery. 
Wil  kins,  Concilia,  iv.  52.  The  26th  canon  enjoins  the  rectors  of  uni- 
versities to  see  that  the  students  are  well  instructed  in  Latin  grammar- 
and  in  logic.  The  28th  appoints  the  ordinaries  to  call  all  the  curates 
within  their  bounds  before  them,  to  examine  them  anew,  and  to  reject 
those  who  are  found  insufficient  for  their  office.  The  last  eight  ca- 
nons were  intended  to  regulate  the  consistorial  courts.  Ibid.  pp.  53, 
58,  59.  To  the  14th  canon  of  the  council  which  sat  in  1551-2,  we  owe 
the  establishment  of  our  parochial  registers  of  proclamation  of  banns 
and  baptisms.  After  renewing  former  statutes  against  clandestine 
marriages,  and  in  favour  of  proclamation  of  banns  of  marriage,  the 
canon  goes  on  to  enact,  "  Ut  singuli  curati  deinceps  habeant  regist- 
rum,  in  quo  nomina  infantum  baptizatorum  inscribantur,  una  cum 
nominibus  personarum,  quse  talium  baptizatorum  parentes  communi- 
ter  habentur  et  reputantur,  nee  non  compatrum  et  commatrum,  cum 
die,  anno,  mense,  adscriptis  etiam  duobus  testibus  notent ;  quod  etiam 
ipsum  in  bannorum  proclamationibus  servetur,  quas  praesens  conven- 

C3 


418  NOTES. 

tio  in  ecclesiis  parochialibus  tarn  viri  quam  mulieris  respective,  si  di- 
versarum  fuerint  parochiarum,  fieri  mandat ;  quae  equidem  registra 
inter  pretipsissima  ecclesiae  jucalia  conservari  vult  et  praecipit,  quod- 
que  decani  in  suis  visitationibus  desuper  diligentem  indaginem  faciant, 
et  deficientes  ad  commissarios  referant,  ut  graviter  in  eosdem  ani- 
madvertatur."  Wilkins,  ut  sup.  pp.  71,  72. 

The  6th  canon  enacts  regulations  respecting  testaments.  On  this 
subject,  the  following  quotation,  from  the  proceedings  of  a  council  in 
1420,  will  serve  to  explain  the  canon  which  modified  the  exaction  of 
mortuaries,  mentioned  in  p.  377.  The  clergy  of  each  diocese  reported 
on  oath  to  the  council,  "  That  the  practice  was  first  to  pay  the  debts 
of  the  deceased,  and  then  to  divide  his  effects  into  three  equal  por- 
tions, whereof  one  was  given  to  his  widow,  and  one  to  his  children : 
That  the  executors  bestowed  the  remaining  third  in  payment  of  lega- 
cies, and  for  the  soul  of  the  deceased  (pro  exequiis  et  anima  defuncti:) 
That  of  this  third  or  dead's  part  (defuncti  pars)  the  executors  were 
wont  to  pay,  or  to  compound  with  the  ordinary,  at  the  rate  of  five  per 
cent  for  the  expense  of  confirmation."  Chartulary  of  Moray,  apud 
Lord  Haile's  Prov.  Councils,  p.  23.  Besides  the  five  per  cent  claimed 
by  the  bishop,  we  have  already  seen  that  the  vicar  had  twenty  per 
cent,  even  according  to  the  mitigated  arrangement,  before  any  legacy 
was  paid.  No  mention  is  made  of  the  case  of  a  person  leaving  neither 
wife  nor  children ;  and  there  it  was,  says  Lord  Hailes,  "  that  the  clergy 
reaped  their  harvest."  He  might  have  added  the  case  of  persons 
dying  intestate,  to  whom  the  bishops  had  the  power  of  naming  execu- 
tors. That  was  the  golden  age  of  the  clergy,  when  they  were  under  no 
necessity  of  instituting  processes  for  augmentation  from  unexhausted 
teinds,  or  of  count  and  reckoning  to  recover  the  use  of  funds  destined 
to  their  support ! 


Note  Y,  p.  113. 

Of  the  Catechism  commonly  called  Archbishop  Hamilton's. — Very 
different  and  discordant  accounts  have  been  given  of  this  book.  My 
account  is  taken  from  the  catechism  itself,  compared  with  the  canon 
of  the  council  which  authorized  its  use.  The  title  is  as  follows : — 

"  THE  CATECHISME,  That  is  to  say,  ane  comone  and  catholik  instruc- 
tipun  of  the  christin  people  in  materis  of  our  catholic  faith  and  reli- 
gioun,  quhilk  na  gud  christin  man  or  woman  suld  misknaw :  set  furth 
be  ye  maist  reuerend  father  in  God  Johne  Archbischop  of  sanct  And- 
rous  Legatnait  and  primat  of  ye  kirk  of  Scotland,  in  his  prouincial 
counsale  haldin  at  Edinburgh  the  26th  day  of  Januarie  the  zeir  of  our 
Lord  1551,  with  the  aduise  and  counsale  of  the  bischoippis  and  other 
prelatis,  with  doctours  of  Theologie  and  Canon  law  of  the  said  realme 
of  Scotland  present  for  the  tyme.  — S.  Aug.  libro  4  de  trinitate,  cap.  6. 
— Contra  rationem  nemo  sobrius,  contra  scripturam  nemo  christianus, 
contra  ecclesiam  nemo  pacificus  senserit. — Agane  reasone  na  sober 
man,  agane  scripture  na  christin  man,  agane  the  kirk  na  peaceabil  or 
quiet  man  will  iudge,  or  hald  opinoun."  On  the  back  of  the  title  are 
two  copies  of  Latin  verses,  "  Ad  Pivm  Lectorem."  The  title,  preface 
by  the  archbishop,  and  "  table  of  materis,"  are  on  thirteen  leaves. 
The  catechism  begins  on  folio  i.  and  ends  on  folio  ccvi,  after  which 
there  are  three  pages  of  errata,  on  the  last  of  which  is  the  following 
colophon.  0^r"  "  Prentit  at  Sanct  Androus,  be  the  command  and  ex- 
pesis  of  the  maist  reuerend  father  in  God,  Johne  Archbischop  of  sanct 
Androus,  and  primat  of  ye  hail  kirk  of  Scotland,  the  29th  day  of  Au- 
gust, the  zeir  of  our  Lord  1552." 


NOTES.  419 

The  archbishop's  epistle  addressed  to  "  Personis,  Vicars,  and  Cu- 
rattis,"  prefixed  to  the  catechism,  informs  us  of  its  design  and  use. 
**  First  to  your  awin  erudition. — Secundly,  According  to  the  decreit 
maid  in  our  prouincial  counsale,  our  will  is  that  ye  reid  ye  saymn 
catechisme  diligently,  distinctly,  and  plainly,  ilk  ane  of  yow  to  your 
awin  parochianaris  for  thair  comon  instructioun  and  spiritual  edifica- 
tioun  in  the  word  of  God,  necessarie  of  thame  to  be  knawin."  The 
canon  of  the  council  provides  that  it  be  read  "  omnibus  dominicis  et 
festivis,"  which  is  thus  explained  in  the  close  of  the  archbishop's  epistle : 
"  Euerilk  Sonday  and  principal  halydai,  quehn  yair  commis  na  pre- 
cheour  to  thame  to  schaw  thame  the  word  of  God,  to  haue  yis  cate- 
chisme usit  and  reid  to  yame  in  steid  of  preching,  quhil  [until]  God  of 
his  gudnes  prouide  ane  sufficient  nowmer  of  catholyk  and  abil  pre- 
cheouris,  quhilk  sal  be  within  few  yeiris  as  we  traist  in  God." 

As  it  is  entitled  a  catechism,  was  printed  in  the  vulgar  language,  is 
said  to  be  designed  for  the  instruction  of  the  people,  and  no  prohibition 
of  its  use  is  mentioned  in  the  book  itself,  we  might  be  apt  to  conclude, 
that  it  was  intended  to  be  circulated  among  the  people,  and  to  be  pro- 
miscuously read ;  and  accordingly  several  writers  have  represented 
the  matter  in  this  light.  But  thai  this  was  very  far  from  being  the  de- 
sign of  those  who  approved  and  set  it  forth,  is  placed  beyond  all  doubt 
by  the  directions  which  the  council  gave  respecting  it,  both  to  the 
archbishop  and  to  the  clergy.  "  Cujus  quidem  libri  exemplaria  omnia, 
ubi  excusa  fuerint,  praesentari  ipsi  reverendissimo  mandat  et  ordinat 
prsesens  concilium,  ut  ipse  singulas  tarn  suis  ecclesiasticis,  quam  aliis 
singulis  locorum  ordinariis,  quot  cuique  diocesi  pro  rectorum,  vica- 
riorum,  ac  curatorum  numero  et  multitudine  sufficere  videntur,  eis 
tribuat;  reliqua  vero  apudipsumreverendissimumremaneant,  etfirma 
custodia  serventur,  prout  tempus  et  necessitas  postulaverint,  disper- 
tienda.  Caveant  vero  ipsi  rectores,  vicarii,  et  curati,  ne  sua  exem- 
plaria secularibus  quibusque  indiscrete  communicent,  nisi  ex  judicio, 
concilio,  et  discretione  sui  ordinarii ;  quibus  ordinariis  licebit  nonnullis 
probis,  gravibus,  bonae  fidei,  ac  discretis  viris  laicis,  ejusdem  catechismi 
exemplaria  communicare,  et  iis  potisimum,  qui  videbuntur  potius  suae 
instructionis  causa,  quam  curiositatis  cujuscunque  eadem  expetere." 
Wilkins,  Concilia,  iv.  72.  Lord  Hailes  had  therefore  reason  for  saying 
(in  opposition  to  Mackenzie's  tale  to  the  archbishop  allowing  "  the  ped- 
lers  to  take  two  pennies  for  their  pains  in  hawking  it  abroad")  that  the 
council "  uses  as  many  precautions  to  prevent  it  from  coming  into  the 
hands  of  the  laity,  as  if  it  had  been  a  book  replete  with  the  most  pesti- 
lent heresy."  Provincial  Councils,  p.  36.  It  would  have  been  impru- 
dent to  insert  the  prohibition  in  the  book  itself,  copies  of  which,  not- 
withstanding all  their  precautions,  would  come  into  the  hands  of  im- 
proper persons ;  but  the  canon  of  the  council  remained  the  rule  for 
regulating  the  clergy  in  the  use  of  it.  Nor  is  there  any  thing  in  the 
catechism  which  is  inconsistent  with  the  canon,  or  which  implies  that 
it  was  to  come  into  the  hands  of  the  people.  It  is  all  along  supposed 
that  they  were  to  be  instructed  by  hearing,  not  by  reading  it.  This 
is  particularly  evident  from  the  concluding  address.  "  O  Christin  pepil, 
we  exhort  yow  with  all  diligence,  heir,  understand,  and  keip  in  your 
remembrance,  the  haly  wordis  of  God,  quhilk  in  this  present  catechisme 
are  trewly  and  catholykly  exponit  to  your  spiritual  edification."  And 
again :  "  Gif  ye  persaif  be  frequent  heiring  heirof  your  self  spiritually 
instruckit  mair  than  ye  haue  bein  in  tymes  bygane,  geue  the  thankis 
thairof  only  to  God." 

If  any  of  the  hearers  presumed  to  move  any  controversy  respecting 
the  passage  read  from  the  catechism,  they  were  to  be  delivered  over 
to  the  inquisitors,  and  no  clergyman  was  allowed  to  answer  their 


420  NOTES. 

questions,  or  to  enter  into  any  dispute  with  them  on  the  subject,  un- 
less he  had  a  written  licence  for  this  from  his  bishop.  "Hoc  tamen 
proviso,  ut  non  liceat  cuiquam  auditorum  super  lectis,  aut  modo  quo 
supra  recitatis,  controversial!!  ipsi  rectori  seu  vicario  seu  curato 
movere.  Et  si  aliquis  id  attentare  prsesumpserit  deferatur  inquisitori- 
bus  haereticee  pravitatis ;  nee  vicissim  licebit  ulli  rectori,  vicario,  seu 
curato,  nisi  ad  hoc  ipsum  (specialiter  habita  consideratione  ipsius 
qualificationis)  fuerit  ab  ordinario  loci  ei  facultas  concessa  in  scriptis, 
ullis  controversias  et  quaestiones  hujusmodi  moventibus  desuper  re- 
spondere,  aut  disputationes  ingredi,  sed  mox  respondeatur,  se  hujus- 
modi disputationis  resolutiones  ad  ipsos  ordinaries  remittere,  et  hoc 
sub  pcena  privationis  ab  hujusmodi  officio  seu  beneficio."  Wilkins, 
ut  supra,  p.  73. 

The  catechism  consists  of  an  explication  of  the  ten  commandments, 
the  apostles'  creed,  the  seven  sacraments,  the  Lord's  prayer,  and  the 
Ave  Maria.  Lord  Hailes  has  animadverted  on  Keith  for  saying  that 
the  author  shows  "  his  wisdom  and  moderation  in  handsomely  eviting- 
to  enter  upon  the  controverted  points ;"  and  he  has  given  extracts 
from  it  asserting  the  doctrine  of  transubstantiation,  the  propriety  of 
withholding  the  cup  from  the  laity,  and  of  prayers  to  the  saints. 
Prov.  Councils,  pp.  35,  36.  I  may  add,  that  the  use  of  images  in  wor- 
ship, purgatory,  prayers  for  the  dead,  the  removal  of  original  sin  by 
baptism,  the  sinlessness  of  concupiscence  after  baptism,  the  mystical 
signification  of  the  ceremonies  practised  in  that  ordinance, — the  exor- 
cism, or  blowing  upon  the  child  at  the  church  door,  and  making  the 
sign  of  the  cross  on  its  brow  and  breast,  putting  salt  into  its  mouth, 
anointing  its  nostrils  and  ears  with  spittle,  and  its  breast  and  back 
with  oil,  with  the  application  of  chrism  to  the  forehead,  the  clothing 
of  it  with  the  cude,  or  white  linen  cloth,  and  putting  a  lighted  torch  or 
candle  into  its  hand ;  these,  with  other  doctrines  and  ceremonies  of 
the  Popish  Church,  are  all  taught  and  vindicated.  At  the  same  time, 
while  the  opinions  peculiar  to  Popery  are  stated  and  defended,  there 
is  an  evident  design  of  turning  away  the  attention  of  the  people  from 
these  controversies,  by  reminding  them  of  their  duty  to  "  belief  as  the 
haly  catholic  kirk  beliefis ;"  and  a  great  part  of  the  book  is  occupied 
in  declaring  duties  and  general  doctrines  about  which  there  was  no 
dispute  between  Papists  and  Protestants.  Considerable  art  is  also 
used  in  introducing  some  of  the  most  exceptionable  articles  of  Popery 
under  the  cover  of  unquestionable  truths.  Thus,  on  the  question, 
"Quhat  things  suld  move  us  to  belief  the  word  of  God?"  The  first 
reason  which  is  given  is,  "  Ye  eternal  and  infallible  veritie  of  God,  fra 
whom  na  lesing  may  precede,  na  mair  than  myrknes  may  cum  fra 
the  cleir  schenand  sonne."  But  how  gradually  and  artfully  are  the 
people  led  away  from  the  Scriptures  in  what  follows !  "  The  secund 
thing  that  suld  moue  us  to  belief  the  word  of  God,  and  to  knaw  quhilk 
is  the  worde  of  God,  quhilk  are  the  haly  bukis  quharin  the  word  of 
God  is  contenit,  and  quhat  is  the  trew  sense  of  the  same  bukis,  is  ye 
consent  and  authoritie  of  our  mother  the  haly  kirk,  fra  the  apostils 
tyme  hitherto,  and  specially  quhen  it  is  lawfully  gadderit  be  the  Haly 
Spirit  in  ane  general  counsel,  quhairof  sainct  Augustine  sais  thus : — 
*I  wold  nocht  gif  credence  to  the  euangel,  except  that  the  universal 
kirk  warnis  me  sa  to  do.'  And  tharfor  lair  thir  twa  lessonis.  The 
ane  is,  quhatsaeuir  the  haly  spirit  reuelis  and  schawis  to  us,  other  in 
the  bukis  of  haly  scripture,  or  in  ye  deter minatiouns  and  definitiouns 
of  general  counsellis,  lawfully  gadderit  for  the  corroboracion  and  main- 
tenans  of  our  faith,  we  suld  belief  ye  same  to  be  trew  word  of  God, 
and  thairto  gyf  ferme  credence  as  to  the  verite  that  is  infallible.  The 


NOTES.  421 

second  lesson,  ye  that  ar  simple  and  unleirnit  men  and  wemen  suld 
expressly  belief  al  the  artickiJs  of  your  Crede,  as  for  all  uthir  hie  mis- 
teries  and  matteris  of  the  scripture  ye  aucht  to  belief  generally  as  the 
kirk  of  God  beleiffis.  And  this  faith  is  sufficient  to  yow,  for  the  per- 
fectioun  of  that  faith  quhilk  ye  are  bund  to  haif."  Fol.  xiy.  b.  xv.  a. 
A  specimen  of  the  same  kind  occurs  on  the  question,  How  is  the  true 
sense  of  the  Scripture  to  be  discerned  ]  where,  after  being  gravely 
taught  the  usefulness  of  collating  one  place  with  another,  and  attend- 
ing to  the  connection  of  the  passage,  the  people  are  told  that  this  be- 
longs to  such  as  have  the  gill  called  interpretatio  sermonum,  and  are 
then  devoutly  set  down  at  the  feet  of  the  doctors  of  the  Church,  and 
taught  implicitly  to  receive  the  decisions  of  councils.  "  Q,uharfor,  he 
that  will  nocht  heir,  resaif,  and  obey  ye  deffinitionis  and  determina- 
tionis  of  lauchful  general  counsellis  concerning  materis  of  our  faith, 
he  is  nocht  to  be  accountit  a  trew  Christin  man,  according  to  the 
wordis  of  our  Salviour, — 'Gif  he  will  nocht  heir  the  kirk,  lat  him  be  to 
the  as  ane  infidele,  unchristinit,  and  ane  publican.'  Thus  ye  haif  quha 
is  ane  herityk,  and  how  he  brekis  the  first  command."  Fol.  xviii. 
b.  xix.  b. 

As  all  who  question  the  infallible  decisions  of  the  Church  are  pro- 
nounced guilty  of  a  breach  of  the  first  commandment,  the  Roman  Ca- 
tholics are,  with  no  less  ease,  exculpated  from  a  breach  of  the  second, 
by  the  insertion  of  a  convenient  parenthesis.  The  reader  will  observe, 
that,  according  to  a  division  of  the  law  first  countenanced  by  Augus- 
tine, and  of  which  the  Popish  Church  is  extremely  fond,  the  first  and 
second  commandments  are  thrown  into  one,  and,  to  make  up  the 
number,  the  tenth  is  split  into  two;  although  the  compilers  of  the  cate- 
chism found  it  impracticable  to  keep  to  this  last  division  in  their  ex- 
plication. The  following  is  their  enunciation  of  the  first  command- 
ment: "  I  am  ye  Lord  thi  God,  quhilk  hais  brocht  ye  fra  the  land  of 
Egypt,  fra  the  house  of  bondage.  Thow  sail  haif  no  other  goddis  but 
me,  thou  sal  nocht  make  to  thee  (as  gods}  ony  grauit  ymage,  nother  ony 
similitude  of  ony  thing  that  is  in  the  heuin  abone,  or  in  ye  erd  beneth,  nor 
of  ony  thing  yat  is  in  the  watter  under  the  erd.  Thow  sal  nocht  adore 
yame,  nor  worschip  yame  (as  goddis"}  Fol.  xii.  a.  It  is  fair,  however,  to 
hear  the  explication  which  the  authors  of  the  catechism  give  respecting 
images.  "  Ar  ymages  aganis  the  first  command  ]  Na,  sa  thai  be  weil 
usit.  Q,uhat  is  the  rycht  use  of  ymages  ?  Imagis  to  be  made  na  haly 
writ  forbiddis  (sais  venerabil  Bede)  for  the  sycht  of  thame,  specially 
of  the  crucifixe,  giffis  greit  compunction  to  thame  quhilk  behaldis  it 
with  faith  in  Christ,  and  to  yame  that  are  unletterat,  it  geffis  a  quik  re- 
membrance of  ye  passion  of  Christ.  Salomon  in  tyme  of  his  wisdom, 
nocht  without  the  inspiration  of  God,  made  ymages  in  ye  temple. 
Mosyes  the  excellent  prophet  and  trew  seruand  of  God,  made  and 
ereckit  a  brassin  ymage  of  a  serpent,  (quhilk  figurit  the  lifting  vp  of 
our  Salwiour  Jesus  Christ  vpon  the  crosse,)  and  als,  be  the  cGmand 
of  God,  causit  mak  the  ymages  of  twa  angellis  callit  cherubinis,  quhilk 
thing  thir  twa  sa  excellet  men  in  wisedome  wald  neuir  haif  done,  gif 
the  makin  of  ymages  war  aganis  ye  cumand  of  God.  Bot  utterly  yis 
command  forbiddis  to  mak  ymagis  to  that  effect,  that  thai  suld  be 
adornit  and  wirschippit  as  goddis,  or  with  ony  godlie  honour,  ye  quhilk 
sentence  is  expremit  by  thir  wordis :  Non  adorabis  ea  neq  ;  coles. 
Thow  sail  nocht  adore  yame  nor  wirschip  thame  as  goddis.  Now  we 
suld  nocht  gif  goddis  honour,  or  Christis  honour  to  ony  ymage,  but 
to  God  allanerly,  representit  be  ane  ymage."  Fol.  xxiii.  b. 

In  the  explication  of  the  fifth  article  of  the  Creed,  is  a  particular  ac- 
count of  the  four  places  in  hell ;  infernus  damnatorum,  puerorum,  pur- 
36 


422  NOTES. 

gandorum,  et  patrum.  The  following  proof  is  given  of  our  Saviour's 
descent  into  hell,  to  deliver  the  saints  who  had  been  confined  in  the 
last  mentioned  place  until  the  time  of  his  death.  "  Also  ye  same  de- 
lieurace  was  prophesit  to  the  prophet  Osee :  Ero  mors  tua,  o  mors,  ero 
morsus  tuus,  o  inferne.  O  dede  (says  our  Saluiour)  /  sal  be  thi  dede~- 
O  hel  I  sal  bite  the.  The  man  yat  bytes  ony  thing,  he  takis  part  to 
him,  and  lattis  part  remaine  behind.  Sa  our  Saluiour  passand  doune 
to  hell,  he  fulfyllit  this  prophesye,  takand  part  of  saulis  out  fra  hell 
with  him,  and  leiffand  part  behind  him.  Q,uhom  tuk  he  with  him  ? 
bot  thame  that  was  holy  and  gude,  quhilk  was  haldin  thair  as  preson- 
aris."  Fol.  cviii. 

Upon  the  whole,  this  catechism  has  been  written  with  great  care, 
and  the  style  is  by  no  means  bad.  It  is  singular  that  it  should  have 
been  so  little  noticed  by  the  writers  of  that  age,  and  that  it  does  not 
appear  who  was  its  compiler.  The  provincial  council  describe  it 
merely  as  "  a  certain  book  written  in  the  vulgar  and  Scottish  dialect, 
— librum  quendam  vulgari  et  Scotico  idiomate  conscriptum ;"  and 
having  examined  and  approved  of  it,  they  commit  to  the  archbishop, 
as  primate,  the  care  of  seeing  it  printed.  As  it  was  printed  at  his  ex- 
pense, and  as  his  name  appears  on  the  title  page  and  colophon,  it  has 
been  usually  called  Archbishop  Hamilton's  Catechism.  But  there  is 
not  the  least  reason  for  thinking  that  the  primate  would  have  taken 
the  trouble  to  compose  a  book  consisting  of  411  pages  quarto,  even 
although  he  had  been  in  other  respects,  qualified  for  the  task.  Bale,  in 
his  account  of  Scottish  writers,  mentions  "  Joannes  Wouram,  vel  Wy- 
rem,"  whom  he  calls  "a  canon  regular  in  St.  Andrews;"  and  he  as- 
cribes to  him  "  a  catechism  in  his  vernacular  language,  scripsit  in  vul- 
gari sermone  catechismum  fidei."  Scriptores  M.  B^tannice  Post. 
Pars,  p.  224.  I  have  little  doubt  that  John  Winram,  sub-prior  of  the 
abbey  of  St.  Andrews,  and  afterwards  superintendent  of  Fife,  is  the 
person  to  whom  Bale  refers.  Could  he  be  the  author  of  the  catechism 
under  consideration!  Though  early  regarded  as  favourable  to  the 
reformed  opinions,  Winram  did  not  leave  the  Popish  Church  until  a 
very  late  period ;  and  his  conduct,  during  the  intermediate  struggle, 
was  extremely  ambiguous,  and  often  contradictory.  The  clergy  fre- 
quently availed  themselves  of  his  talents,  and  of  his  reputation  with 
the  people,  to  diminish  the  odium  of  their  obnoxious  .measures,  or  to 
recommend  their  partial  and  inefficient  plans  of  reform.  He  was  em- 
ployed to  preach  at  the  trial  of  Wishart,  and  was  present  at  the  trials 
of  Wallace  and  Mill.  Fox,  1155,  1158,  1161,  edit.  1596.  He  was  a 
member  of  the  provincial  council  which  met  in  1549,  and  is  styled,  in 
the  register,  "  ecclesia?  metrop.  primitialis,  S.  Andreae  canonicus  regru- 
laris,  supprior,  theologise  doctor."  Wilkins,  ut  supra,  p.  46.  That 
council  employed  him  to  draw  up  the  canon  intended  to  settle  the 
ridiculous  dispute,  which  had  been  warmly  agitated  among  the  clergy, 
whether  the  Pater  Noster  should  be  said  to  the  saints,  or  to  God 
alone.  Comp.  Fox,  1161,  with  Wilkins,  57,  58.  And  in  the  council 
which  sat  in  1 559,  he  was  nominated  one  of  the  six  persons  to  whose 
examination  and  admonition  the  Archbishops  of  St.  Andrews  and 
Glasgow  submitted  their  private  conduct.  Wilkins,  p.  209.* 

Spotswood  seems  to  have  confounded  this  catechism  with  a  smaller 
treatise  called  by  the  people  The  twa-penny  Faith.  History,  p.  92. 
This  last  was  set  forth  by  the  council  which  met  in  1559.  Knox,  His- 
toric, pp.  109,  110.  The  following  extracts  from  the  proceedings  of 

*  In  a  list  of  books  belonging  to  the  university  of  St.  Andrews,  Winram's  Catechism 
is  entered  as  a  work  distinct  from  that  of  Hamilton.  Life  of  Andrew  Melville,  vol.  i. 
p.  191. 


NOTES.  423 

that  council  may,  perhaps,  throw  some  light  on  the  history  of  this 
publication.  The  Roman  Catholic  Remonstrants,  in  their  representa- 
tions to  the  council,  required,  "yat  yar  be  an  godlie  and  fruitfull  dec- 
laration set  forth  in  Inglis  toung,  to  be  first  shewin  to  the  pepill  at  all 
times,  quhen  the  sacrament  of  the  blissit  body  and  blud  of  Jesus  Christ 
is  exhibit  and  distribut,  and  sicklyke,  when  baptism  and  marriage  are 
solemnizit,  in  face  of  halie  kirk ;  and  yat  it  be  declarit  to  yaim,  yat 
assist  at  the  sacraments,  quhat  is  the  effect  yarof,  and  yat  it  be  sperit 
at  yam  be  ye  prist  ministrant,  gif  yai  be  reddy  to  resave  the  samen  ; 
with  sick  utheris  interogatories,  as  ar  necessar  for  instructing  of  the 
poynts  of  men's  salvation,  and  requires  to  be  answerit  unto  be  all  yai, 
that  wald  be  participant,  etc.  and  yir  things  to  be  done  before  ye 
using  of  ye  ceremony  of  haily  kirk,"  etc.  Wilkins,  ut  supra,  pp.  207, 
203."  The  following  canon  of  the  council  seems  to  contain  the  answer 
to  this  petition.  "Insuper  ut  populus  Christianus  sacramentorum 
ecclesiae  verum  effectum,  vim  ac  usum  facilius  ac  commodius  intelli- 
gere  valeat,  statuit  hoc  praesens  concilium  quasdam  catholicas  exhor- 
tationes,  easque  succinctas  declarations  sacramentorum  baptismi, 
sacrosancta?  eucharistia?,  extreme  unctionis,  matrimonii,  auctoritate 
hujus  concilii  edendas,  et  inferius  inserendas,  quas  singuli  parochi,  vel 
alii  presbyteri  eorundem  sacramentorum  legitimi  ministri,  ipsa  sacra- 
menta  ministraturi,  singulis  suam  propriam  et  debitam  exhortationem 
pr&mittant,  et  publice  et  distincte  recitent,  et  legant  singuli  curati  et 
vicarii,  dum  sacrae  missae  sacrificium  diebus  dominicis  et  aliis  majori- 
bus  festis  sunt  celebraturi,  infra  scriptam  exhortationem  ;  et  ejusdem 
sacrificii  declarationem  publice  in  ecclesia  similiter  legant,  quo  popu- 
lus christianus  major!  pietatis  effectu  rebus  divinis  assistat,  et  inter- 
sit,"  &c.  Wilkins,  ut  supra,  p.  213.  These  Exhortations  and  Declara- 
tions were  not  inserted  in  the  MS.  from  which  Wilkins  copied.  I  am 
inclined  to  think  that  they  were  published,  and  that  they  formed  what 
was  called,  in  derision,  The  two-penny  Faith.  Comp.  Buchanani  Oper. 
i.  312. 


Note  Z,  p.  127. 

Knox's  Letter  of  Instruction  to  the  Protestants  of  Scotland  during- 
his  absence. — In  the  first  edition  I  printed  this  letter  in  the  Appendix 
as  an  unpublished  paper.  I  have  since  discovered  a  printed  copy ; 
but  as  it  is  exceedingly  rare,  and  as  the  letter  itself  is  so  valuable,  I 
shall  insert  it  in  this  place. 

"To  his  brethren  in  Scotland  efter  hie  had  bene  quyet  among 
thame.  The  comfort  of  the  haile  Gaist  for  salutatioun. 

"  Not  sa  mekill  to  instruct  you  as  to  leave  with  you,  dearlie  belovit 
brethren,  sum  testimony  of  my  love,  I  have  thought  gud  to  communi- 
cate with  you,  in  theis  few  lynis,  my  weak  consall,  how  I  wald  ye  suld 
behave  yourselves  in  the  middis  of  this  wickit  generatioun,  tuiching 
the  exercis  of  Godis  maist  hailie  and  sacred  word,  without  the  whilk, 
nether  sail  knawledge  incres,  godlines  apeir,  nor  fervencie  continew 
amang  yow.  For  as  the  word  of  God,  is  the  begyning  of  lyfe  spi- 
ritual!, without  whilk  all  flesche  is  deid  in  Godis  presence,  and  the 
lanterne  to  our  feit,  without  the  bryghtnes  whairof  all  the  posteritie 
of  Adame  doith  walk  in  darknes,  and  as  it  is  the  fundament  of  faith, 
without  the  whilk  na  man  understandeth  the  gud  will  of  God,  sa  is  it 
also  the  onlie  organe  and  instrument  whilk  God  useth  to  strenthin 
the  weak,  to  comfort  the  afflictit,  to  reduce  to  mercie  be  repentance 
sic  as  have  sliddin,  and  finallie  to  preserve  and  keip  the  verie  lyfe  of 
the  saule  in  all  assaltis  and  temtationis,  and  thairfoir  yf  that  ye  desyr 


424  NOTES. 

your  knawledge  to  be  incressit,  your  faith  to  be  confirmit,  your  con- 
sciencis  to  be  quyetit  and  comfortit,  or  finallie  your  saule  to  be  preser- 
vit  in  lyfe,  lat  your  exercis  be  frequent  in  the  law  of  your  Lord.  God; 
despys  not  that  precept  whilk  Moses,  (who,  be  his  awn  experience 
had  Jearnit  what  comfort  lyeth  within  the  word  of  God,)  gave  to  the 
Isralitis  in  theis  wordis : 

'  Theis  wordis  whilk  I  command  the  this  day  salbe  in  thi  hart,  and 
thou  sal  exercis  thi  children  in  thame,  thou  sal  talk  of  thame  when 
thou  art  at  home  in  thi  hous,  and  as  thou  walkest  be  the  way,  and 
when  thou  lyis  doun,  and  when  thou  rysis  up,  and  thou  sail  bind 
thame  for  a  signe  upon  thi  hand,  and  thay  salbe  paperis  of  remem- 
brance betwene  thi  eis,  and  thou  sail  write  thame  upon  the  postis  of 
thi  hous  and  upon  thi  gatis.'  And  Moses  in  another  place  comman- 
dis  thame  to  '  remember  the  law  of  the  Lord  God,  to  do  it,  that  it  may 
be  weill  unto  thame,  and  with  thair  children  in  the  land  whilk  the 
Lord  sail  gif  thame ;'  meanyng  that,  lyke  as  frequent  memorie  and 
repetitioun  of  Godis  preceptis  is  the  middis  whairby  the  feir  of  God, 
whilk  is  the  begynning  of  all  wisdpme  and  filicitie,  is  keipit  recent  in 
mynd,  sa  as  negligence  and  oblivioun  of  Godis  benefitis  ressavit  the 
first  grie  of  defectioun  fra  God.  Now  yf  the  law,  whilk  be  reasone  of 
our  weakness  can  wirk  nathing  but  wraith  and  anger,  was  sa  effectual 
that,  rememberit  and  rehersit  of  purpois  to  do,  it  brought  to  the  pepill 
a  corporall  benedictioun,  what  sail  we  say  that  the  glorious  gospell  of 
Chryst  Jesus  doith  wirk,  so  that  it  be  with  reverence  intreatit !  St. 
Paule  calleth  [it]  the  sueit  odour  of  lyfe  unto  thois  that  suld  resaif  lyfe, 
borrowing  his  similitude  fra  odoriferous  herbis  or  precious  ungue- 
mentis,  whais  nature  is  the  mair  thay  be  touchit  or  moveit  to  send 
furth  their  odour  mair  pleasing  and  delectabill :  even  sic,  deir  breth- 
ren, is  the  blissit  evangell  of  oure  Lorde  Jesus ;  for  the  mair  that  it  be 
intreatit,  the  mair  comfortable  and  mair  plissant  is  it  to  sic  as  do  heir, 
read,  and  exercis  the  sam.  I  am  not  ignorant  that,  as  the  Isralitis 
lothit  manna  because  that  everie  day  thay  saw  and  eat  but  ane  thing, 
sa  sum  thair  be  now  a  dayis  (wha  will  not  be  haldin  of  the  worst  sort) 
that  efter  anis  reading  sum  parcellis  of  the  Scriptures  do  convert 
thame  selves  altogether  to  prophane  autors  and  humane  letteris,  be- 
caus  that  the  varietie  of  matteris  thairin  conteanyit  doith  bring  with 
it  a  daylie  delectatioun,  whair  contrairwys  within  the  simpill  scrip- 
tures of  God,  the  perpetuall  repititioun  of  a  thing  is  fascheous  and 
werisome.  This  temptatioun  I  confess  may  enter  in  Godis  verie  elect 
for  a  tyme,  but  impossibill  is  it  that  thairin  thay  continew  to  the  end: 
for  Godis  electioun,  besydis  othir  evident  signis,  hath  this  evir  joynit 
with  it  that  Godis  elect  ar  callit  from  ignorance  (I  speik  of  thois  that 
ar  cumin  to  the  yeris  of  knawledge)  to  sum  taist  and  feilling  of  Godis 
mercie,  of  whilk  thay  ar  never  satisfeit  in  this  lyfe,  but  fray  tyme  to 
tyme  thay  hunger  and  thay  thirst,  to  eat  the  breid  that  descendit  fra 
the  heavin,  and  to  drink  the  watter  that  springeth  into  lyfe  everlast- 
ing, whilk  thay  can  not  do  but  be  the  meanis  of  faith,  and  faith  luketh 
ever  to  the  will  of  God  revealit  be  his  word,  sa  that  faith  hath  baith 
her  begynning  and  continewance  be  the  word  of  God ;  and  sa  I  say 
that  impossibill  it  is  that  Godis  chosin  children  can  despys  or  reiect 
the  word  of  their  salvatioun  be  any  lang  continewance,  nether  yit 
loth  of  it  to  the  end.  Often  it  is  that  Godis  elect  ar  haldin  in  sic  bond- 
age and  thraldome  that  they  can  not  have  the  breid  of  lyfe  brokin  un- 
to them,  neither  yit  libertie  to  exercis  thame  selves  in  Godis  halie 
word,  but  then  doith  not  Godis  deir  children  loth  but  maist  gredilie 
do  thay  covet  the  fude  of  thair  saulis ;  then  do  they  accuse  thair  former 
negligence,  then  lament  and  bewail  thay  the  miserable  afflictioun  of 
thair  brethren,  and  than  cry  and  call  thay  in  thair  hartis  (and  opinlie 


NOTES.  425 

whair  thay  dar)  for  frie  passage  to  the  gospel!.  This  hungir  and 
thrist  doith  argue  and  prufe  the  lyfe  of  their  saulis.  But  gif  sic  men 
as  having  libertie  to  reid  and  exercis  thame  selves  in  Godis  halie 
scripture,  and  yet  do  begin  to  wearie  because  fra  tyme  to  tyme  thay 
reid  but  a  [one]  thing,  1  ask,  why  weirie  thay  not  also  everie  day  to 
drink  wyne,  to  eat  bread,  everie  day  to  behald  the  bryghtnes  of  the 
sone,  and  sa  to  use  the  rest  of  Godis  creatures  whilk  everie  day  do 
keip  thair  awn  substance,  cours,  and  nature?  Thay  sail  anser,  1 
trust,  because  sic  creatures  have  a  strenth  as  oft  as  thay  ar  usit  to 
expell  hungir  and  quenche  thrist,  to  restoir  strenth,  and  to  preserve 
the  lyfe.  O  miserabill  wreachis,  wha  dar  attribut  mair  power  and 
strenth  to  the  corruptible  creatures  in  nurisching  and  preserving  the 
mortall  karcass,  than  to  the  eternall  word  of  God  in  nurissment  of  the 
saule  whilk  is  immortal !  To  reasone  with  thair  abominable  unthank- 
fulnes  at  this  present  it  is  not  my  purpois.  But  to  yow,  deir  brethrene, 
I  wryt  my  knawledge,  and  do  speik  my  conscience,  that  sa  necessarie 
as  meit  and  drink  is  to  the  preservation  of  lyfe  corporall,  and  so  ne- 
cessarie as  the  heit  and  bryghtnes  of  the  sone  is  to  the  quicknying  of 
the  herbis  and  to  expell  darknes,  sa  necessarie  is  also  to  lyfe  everlast- 
ing, and  to  the  illuminatioun  and  lyght  of  the  saule,  the  perpetuall 
meditation,  exercis,  and  use  of  Godis  halie  word. 

"And  thairfpir,  deir  brethrene,  yf  that  you  luke  for  a  lyfe  to  cum,  of 
necessitie  it  is  that  ye  exercise  yourselves  in  the  buke  of  the  Lord 
your  God.  Lat  na  day  slip  over  without  sum  comfort  ressavit  fra  the 
mouth  of  God.  Opin  your  earis,  and  hie  will  speak  evin  pleasing 
thingis  to  your  hart.  Clois  not  your  eis,  but  diligentlie  let  thame 
behald  what  portioun  of  substance  is  left  to  yow  within  your  fatheris 
testament.  Let  your  toungis  learne  to  prais  the  gracious  gudness  of 
him  wha  of  his  meir  mercie  hath  callit  you  fra  darkness  to  lyght  and 
fra  deth  to  lyfe.  Neither  yit  may  ye  do  this  sa  quyetlie  that  ye  will 
admit  na  witnessis ;  nay,  brethren,  ye  are  ordeynit  of  God  to  reule 
and  governe  your  awn  housis  in  his  trew  feir,  and  according  to  his 
halie  word.  Within  your  awn  housis,  I  say,  in  sum  cassis  ye  are 
bishopis  and  kingis,  your  wyffis,  children,  and  familie  ar  your  bishop- 
rik  and  charge;  of  you  it  sal  be  requyrit  how  cairfullie  and  diligentlie 
ye  have  instructit  thame  in  Godis  trew  knawledge,  how  that  ye  have 
studeit  in  thame  to  plant  vertew  and  to  repress  vyce.  And  thairfoir, 
I  say,  ye  must  mak  thame  partakeris  in  reading,  exhortation,  and  in 
making  commoun  prayeris,  whilk  I  wald  in  everie  hous  wer  usit  anis 
a  day  at  leist.  But  above  all  things,  deir  brethren,  studie  to  practis  in 
lyfe  that  whilk  the  Lord  commandis,  and  then  be  ye  assurit  that  ye 
sail  never  heir  nor  reid  the  same  without  frute :  and  this  mekill  for  the 
exercises  within  your  housis. 

"  Considdering  that  St.  Paul  callis  the  congregatioun  the  bodie  of 
Chryst,  wheirof  everie  ane  of  us  is  a  member,  teaching  ws  thairby 
that  na  member  is  of  sufficience  to  susteane  and  feide  the  self  without 
the  help  and  support  of  any  uther,  I  think  it  necessarie  that  for  the 
conferrence  of  scriptures,  assemblies  of  brethren  be  had.  The  order 
thairin  to  be  observit,  is  expressit  be  sanct  paule,  and  thairfoir  I  need 
not  to  use  many  wordis  in  that  behalf;  onlie  willing  that  when  ye 
convene,  (whilk  I  wald  wer  anis  a  week,)  that  your  begynning  suld 
be  fra  confessing  of  your  offences,  and  invocatioun  of  the  spreit  of  the 
Lord  Jesus  to  assist  yow  in  all  your  godlie  interprysis  ;  and  than  lat 
sum  place  of  scripture  be  planelie  and  distinctlie  red,  samekill  as  sail 
be  thocht  sufficient  for  a  day  or  tyme,  whilk  endit,  gif  any  brother 
have  exhortation,  interpretation^  or  dout,  lat  him  not  feir  to  speik 
and  move  the  same,  sa  that  he  do  it  with  moderatioun,  either  to  edific 
or  to  be  edifeit.  And  heirof  I  dout  not  but  great  profit  sail  schortlie 
36  *  D3 


426  NOTES. 

ensew,  for  first  be  heiring,  reiding,  and  conferring  the  scriptures  in 
the  assemblie,  the  haill  bodie  of  the  scriptures  of  God  salbecum  fa- 
miliar, the  judgement  and  spreitis  of  men  salbe  tryit,  thair  pacience 
and  modestie  sallbe  knawin,  and  finallie  thair  giftis  and  utterance  sail 
appeir.  Multiplication  of  wordis,  perplexit  interpretatioun,  and  wil- 
fulnes  in  reasonyng  is  to  be  avoydit  at  all  tymes  and  in  all  places,  but 
chieflie  in  the  congregatioun,  whair  nathing  aucht  to  be  respectit 
except  the  glorie  of  God,  and  comfort  or  edificatioun  of  our  brethrene. 
Yf  any  thing  occur  within  the  text,  or  yit  arys  in  reasonyng,  whilk 
your  judgementis  can  not  resolve,  or  capacities  aprehend,  let  the  same 
be  notit  and  put  in  wryt  befoir  ye  depart  the  congregatioun,  that 
when  God  sail  offir  unto  )'ow  any  interpreter  your  doutis  being  notit 
and  knawin,  may  have  the  mair  expedit  resolutioun,  or  els  that  when 
ye  sail  have  occasion  to  wryt  to  sic  as  with  whome  ye  wald  commu- 
nicat  your  judgementis,  your  letteris  may  signifie  and  declair  your 
unfeaned  desyre  that  ye  haue  of  God  and  of  his  trew  knawledge,  and 
thay,  I  dout  not,  according  to  thair  talentis,  will  endeuour  and  bestow 
thair  faithfull  labors,  [to]  satisfie  your  godlie  petitionis.  Of  myself  I 
will  speak  as  I  think,  I  will  moir  gladlie  spend  xv  houris  in  communi- 
catting  my  judgment  with  yow,  in  explainyng  as  God  pleasis  to  oppin 
to  me  any  place  of  scripture,  than  half  ane  hour  in  any  other  matter 
besyd. 

"  Farther,  in  reading  the  scripture  I  wald  ye  suld  joyne  sum  bukis 
of  the  aid  and  sum  of  the  new  Testament  together,  as  genesis  and  ane 
of  the  evangelistis,  exodus  with  another,  and  sa  furth,  euer  ending  sic 
bukis  as  ye  begyn,  (as  the  tyme  will  suffer,)  for  it  sail  greitly  comfort 
yow  to  heir  that  harmony  and  weiltunit  sang  of  the  halie  spreit  speik- 
ing  in  oure  fatheris  frome  the  begyning.  It  sail  confirme  yow  in  theis 
dangerous  and  perrellous  dayis,  to  behald  the  face  of  Christ  Jesus  his 
loving  spous  and  kirk,  from  Abell  to  him  self,  and  frome  him  self  to 
this  day,  in  all  ageis  to  be  ane.  Be  frequent  in  the  prophetis  and  in 
the  epistillis  of  St.  Paul,  for  the  multitude  of  matteris  maist  comfortable 
thairin  conteanit  requyreth  exercis  and  gud  memorie.  Lyke  as  your 
assemblis  aucht  to  begyn  with  confessioun  and  invocatioun  of  Godis 
halie  spreit,  sa  wald  I  that  thay  wer  never  finissit  without  thanksgiv- 
ing and  commoun  prayeris  for  princes,  rulers,  and  maiestratis,  for  the 
libertie  and  frie  passage  of  Chrystis  evangell,  for  the  comfort  and 
delyverance  af  our  afflictit  brethrene  in  all  places  now  persecutit,  but 
maist  cruellie  now  within  the  realme  of  France  and  Ingland,  and  for 
sic  uther  thingis,  as  the  spreit  of  the  Lord  Jesus  sal  teache  unto  yow 
to  be  profitable  ether  to  your  selues,  or  yit  to  your  brethren  whairso- 
eur  thay  be.  If  this,  or  better,  dear  brethrene,  I  sail  heir  that  ye  exer- 
cise your  selues,  then  will  I  prais  God  for  your  great  obedience,  as  for 
thame  that  not  onlie  haue  ressavit  the  word  of  grace  with  gladnes, 
but  that  also  with  cair  and  diligence  do  keip  the  same  as  a  treasure 
and  Jewell  maist  precious.  And  becaus  that  I  can  not  expect  that  ye 
will  do  the  contrarie,  at  this  present  I  will  vse  na  threatenyngis,  for 
my  guid  hoip  is,  that  ye  sail  walk  as  the  sonis  of  lyght  in  the  middis 
of  this  wickit  generatioun,  that  ye  salbe  as  starris  in  the  nyght  ceas- 
sone,  wha  yit  ar  not  changeit  into  darknes,  that  ye  salbe  as  wheit 
amangis  the  kokill,  and  yit  that  ye  sail  not  change  your  nature  whilk 
ye  haue  ressavit  be  grace,  through  the  fellowschip  and  participatioun 
whilk  ye  haue  with  the  Lord  Jesus  in  his  bodie  and  blud.  And  final- 
lie,  that  ye  salbe  of  the  novmber  of  the  prudent  virginis,  daylie  renew- 
ing your  lampis  with  oyle,  as  thai  that  pacientlie  abyd  the  glorious 
aparitioun  and  cuming  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  whais  omnipotent  spreit 
rule  and  instruct,  illuminat  and  comfort  your  hartis  and  myndis  in  all 
assaltis,  now  and  euer.  Amen.  The  grace  of  the  Lord  Jesus  rest 


NOTES.  407 

with  yow.    Remember  my  weaknes  in  your  daylie  prayeris,  the  7  of 
July  1557.  Your  brother  vnfeaned  Johnne  Knox." 

MS.  Letters,  p.  352—359. 


Note  AA,  p.  131. 

William  Whittingham,  the  successor  of  Knox  at  Geneva,  was  the 
son  of  William  Whittingham,  Esq.  of  Holmeside,  in  the  county  of 
Chester.  He  was  born  anno  1524,  and  educated  at  Oxford,  where  he 
was  held  in  great  reputation  for  his  learning.  On  the  accession  of 
Queen  Mary,  he  went  first  to  Frankfort,  and  afterwards  to  Geneva, 
where  he  married  Catherine,  the  sister  of  John  Calvin.  He  was  one 
of  the  translators  of  the  Geneva  Bible,  and  composed  several  of  the 
metrical  psalms  published  at  the  same  time,  which  have  his  initials 
prefixed  to  them.  He  fell  under  the  displeasure  of  Queen  Elizabeth, 
on  account  of  a  commendatory  preface  which  he  wrote  to  Christopher 
Goodman's  book  on  Obedience  to  Superior  Powers,  in  which, 
among  other  free  sentiments,  female  government  was  condemned. 
But  he  enjoyed  the  protection  of  some  of  her  principal  courtiers.  In 
1 560,  he  accompanied  the  Earl  of  Bedford  on  an  embassy  to  France, 
and,  in  1562  and  1563,  acted  as  chaplain  to  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  dur- 
ing the  defence  of  Havre  de  Grace.  That  brave  nobleman  was  at  a 
loss  for  words  to  express  his  high  esteem  of  him.  In  a  letter  to  Cecil, 
Nov.  20, 1562,  Warwick  writes : — "  I  assure  yow,  we  may  all  here  thinck 
our  selves  happy  in  having  soch  a  man  amongest  us  as  Mr.  Whyt- 
tingham  is,  not  only  for  the  greate  vertues  in  him,  but  lykewise  for 
the  care  he  hath  to  serve  our  mistris  besydes :  wherfore,  in  my  opyn- 
ion,  he  doth  well  deserve  grete  thankes  at  her  majesties  handis." 
And  in  a  letter  written  by  him,  July  24,  1563,  when  he  was  in  daily 
expectation  of  an  assault  by  the  French,  he  says  to  his  brother,  Lord 
Robert  Dudley,  afterwards  Earl  of  Leicester :• — "My  deare  brother, 
for  that  I  had,  in  my  letter  to  the  quene's  majesty,  forgot  my  humblest 
thancks  for  the  behalff  of  my  deare  frinde  Mr.  Whittingam,  for  the 
great  favour  it  hath  pleased  her  to  shew  him  for  my  sake :  I  besetch 
yow  therefore  do  not  forget  to  render  them  unto  her  majesty.  Fare- 
well, my  deare  and  loving  brother,  a  thousand  tymes,  and  the  Lord 
send  you  well  to  do."  Forbes,  State  Papers,  ii.  207,  418,  487. 

In  1 563,  Whittingham  was  made  Dean  of  Durham,  which  seems  to 
have  been  the  favour  for  which  Warwick  was  so  grateful  to  Eliza- 
beth. I  have  already  mentioned  (p.  48)  that  an  unsuccessful  attempt 
was  made  to  invalidate  the  ordination  which  he  had  received  at  Ge- 
neva. On  that  occasion,  Dr.  Hutton,  Dean  of  Yorke,  told  Archbishop 
Sandys,  that  Whittingham  "  was  ordained  in  a  better  manner  than 
even  the  archbishop  himself;"  and  the  Lord  President  said,  he  could 
not  in  conscience  agree  to  "allow  of  the  Popish  massing  priests  in  our 
ministry,  and  to  disallow  of  ministers  made  in  a  Reformed  Church." 
Whittingham  never  conformed  fully  to  the  English  Church,  and  died 
in  1579.  Hutchinson's  History  and  Antiquities  of  the  County  Palatine 
of  Durham,  ii.  143—152,  378. 

Note  BB,  p.  145. 

Aylmer's  Sentiments  respecting  the  English  Constitution. — The  view 
which  Aylmer  has  given  of  the  English  constitution  is  very  differ- 
ent from  that  which  Mr.  Hume  has  laboured  to  establish,  by  c3  well  ing 
upon  some  arbitrary  measures  of  the  house  of  Tudor.  As  his  work 


428  NOTES. 

is  seldom  consulted,  I  may  be  excused  for  inserting  a  few  extracts 
from  it  on  this  subject.  It  will  be  seen  that  he  carefully  distinguishes 
between  the  principles  of  the  constitution,  and  those  proceedings 
which  were  at  variance  with  them.  "  But  if  this  be  utterly  taken  from 
them  [women]  in  this  place,  what  maketh  it  against  their  government 
in  a  politike  weale,  where  neither  the  woman  nor  the  man  ruleth,  (if 
there  be  no  tyrants,)  but  the  laws.  For,  as  Plato  saith,  Illi  civitati 
paratum  est  exitium  ubi  'magistratus  leg-ibus  imperat,  et  non  leges 
magistratui:  That  city  is  at  the  pit's  brinke,  wherein  the  magistrate 
ruleth  the  lawes,  and  not  the  lawes  the  magistrate."  And  a  little 
afterwards :  "  Well ;  a  woman  may  not  reigne  in  Englande.  Better 
in  Englande,  than  any  where,  as  it  shall  we!  appere  to  him  that,  with 
out  affection,  will  consider  the  kind  of  regimen.  Whyle  I  confer  ours 
with  other  (as  it  is  in  itselfe,  and  not  mained  by  usurpacion,)  I  can 
find  none  either  so  good  or  so  indifferent.  The  regemente  of  Eng- 
lande is  not  a  mere  monarchic,  as  some  for  lacke  of  consideracion 
thinke,  nor  a  mere  oligarchic  nor  democracie,  but  a  rule  mixed  of  all 
these,  wherein  ech  one  of  these  have  or  should  have  like  authoritie. 
The  image  whereof,  and  not  the  image,  but  the  thinge  in  dede,  is  to  be 
sene  in  the  parliament  hous,  wherein  you  shall  find  these  3  estats ;  the 
king  or  quene  which  representeth  the  monarche,  the  noblemen  which 
be  the  aristocratie,  and  the  burgesses  and  knights  the  democratcie. — 
If  the  parliament  use  their  privileges,  the  king  can  ordain  nothing 
without  them :  If  he  do,  it  is  his  fault  in  usurping  it,  and  their  fault  in 
permitting  it.  Wherefore,  in  my  judgment,  those  that  in  king  Henry 
the  VIlI.'s  daies  would  not  grant  him  that  his  proclamations  should 
have  the  force  of  a  statute,  were  good  fathers  of  the  countrie,  and 
worthy  commendacion  in  defending  their  liberty.  Wold  God  that 
that  court  of  late  daies  had  feared  no  more  the  farceness  of  a  woman, 
than  they  did  the  displeasure  of  such  a  man.  Then  should  they  not 
have  stouped,  contrary  to  their  othes  and  alledgeaunce  to  the  crowne, 
against  the  privilege  of  that  house,  upon  their  marye  bones  to  receive 
the  devil's  blessenge  brought  unto  them  by  Satan's  apostle,  the  cardi- 
nal. God  forgeve  him  for  the  doing,  and  them  for  obeying !  But  to 
what  purpose  is  all  this1?  To  declare  that  it  is  not  in  England  so 
daungerous  a  matter  to  have  a  woman  ruler,  as  men  take  it  to  be. — 
If,  on  thother  part,  the  regement  were  such  as  all  hanged  upon  the 
king's  or  quene's  wil,  and  not  upon  the  lawes  written ;  if  she  might 
decre  and  make  lawes  alone,  without  her  senate ;  if  she  judged  offences 
according  to  her  wisdom,  and  not  by  limitation  of  statutes  and  laws ; 
if  she  might  dispose  alone  of  war  and  peace ;  if,  to  be  short,  she  wer 
a  mer  monarch,  and  not  a  mixed  ruler,  you  might  peradventure  make 
me  to  fear  the  matter  the  more,  and  the  less  to  defend  the  cause." 
Harborowe  for  Faithfull  and  Trew  Subjects.  H.  2  &  3. 


Note  CC,  p.  146. 

Female  Supremacy. — "  Our  countryman,  John  Knox,  has  been  much 
censured  for  want  of  civility  and  politeness  to  the  fair  sex ;  and  par- 
ticularly for  sounding  a  first  and  second  *  blast  of  the  trumpet  against 
the  monstrous  regiment  of  women.'  He  was  indeed  no  milksop'cour- 
tier,  who  can  sacrifice  the  public  weal  to  the  punctilios  of  politeness, 
or  consider  the  interests  of  nations  as  a  point  of  gallantry.  His  rea- 
sons for  the  abolition  of  all  female  government,  if  they  are  not  entirely 
convincing,  may  be  allowed  at  least  to  be  specious ;  and  might  well 
be  indulged  as  a  harmless  speculative  opinion  in  one  who  was  dis- 
posed as  he  was  to  make  no  bad  use  of  it  in  practice,  and  to  give  all 


NOTES.  429 

dutiful  respect  to  wnomsoever  the  will  of  God  and  the  commonwealth 
had  assigned  the  sovereign  power.  But  though  the  point  may  be 
conceded  in  regard  to  secular  government,  in  ordering  of  which  the 
constitutions  and  customs  and  mere  pleasure  of  communities  may  be 
allowed  to  establish  what  is  not  morally  evil;  it  will  not  follow  that 
the  essential  order  and  positive  law  of  the  spiritual  kingdom  may  also 
be  sported  with,  and  subverted.  Let  the  English,  if  they  please,  admit 
a  weak,  fickle,  freakish,  bigoted,  gallantish  or  imperious  woman,  to 
sway  the  sceptre  of  political  dominion  over  millions  of  men,  and  even 
over  her  own  husband  in  the  crowd,  to  whom  at  the  altar  she  had 
previously  vowed  obedience,  they  shall  meet  with  no  opposition  from 
the  presbyterians;  provided  they  do  not  also  authorize  her  to  lord  it, 
or  lady  it,  over  their  faith  and  consciences,  as  well  as  over  their  bodies, 
goods,  and  chattels. 

"  By  the  laws  of  the  Romish  Church,  no  female  can  be  admitted  to 
a  participation  of  clerical  power.  Not  so  much  as  the  ancient  order 
of  deaconesses  now  remains  in  her.  Her  casuists  have  examined  and 
debated  this  thesis,  Whether  a  woman  may  have  the  degree  of  doctor 
of  divinity  conferred  upon  her ;  and  have  determined  it  in  the  negative.* 
But  of  the  philosophical  dignity  they  are  not  quite  so  jealous.  Helen 
Lucrecia  Piscopia  Cornaca,  of  famous  memory,  once  applied  for  her 
degree  in  divinity  in  an  Italian  university ;  but  Cardinal  Barbarigo, 
Bishop  of  Padua,  was  far  from  being  disposed  to  grant  it ;  so  that  this 
learned  lady  was  obliged  to  content  herself  with  a  doctorate  in  philo- 
sophy, which,  with  universal  applause,  was  actually  conferred  upon 
her,  June  25,  1678.  t  But  the  English  climate  savours  nothing  of  this 
Italian  jealousy ;  nor  are  the  divines  in  it  so  niggardly  of  their  hon- 
ours. We  do  not  hear,  indeed,  that  they  have  formally  matriculated 
any  ladies,  in  the  universities,  or  obliged  them,  by  canon,  or  act  of 
parliament,  to  take  out  degrees,  either  in  law,  in  philosophy,  or  divi- 
nity, to  qualify  them  for  ecclesiastical  preferment,  (even  the  highest 
pinnacle  of  it :)  though  their  laws  hold  males  utterly  unqualified  for 
holding  any  lucrative  place  in  the  church,  or  in  ecclesiastic  courts, 
without  these :  Nor  can  a  man  be  admitted  to  the  lowest  curacy,  or 
be  fellow  or  student  in  a  university,  until  he  have  learned  and  digested 
all  the  articles,  homilies,  canons,  rubrics,  modes,  and  figures  of  the 
Church  of  England,  as  he  cannot  even  be  sergeant  or  exciseman,  till 
he  understand  perfectly  the  superior  devotion  of  kneeling  above  sit- 
ting. But  it  is  very  possible,  though  they  do  not  bear  the  learned 
titles,  the  ladies  may  know  as  much  of  learning  and  divinity,  as  those 
who  do.  And  though  they  may  not  receive  ordination  on  Ember- 
week  for  the  inferior  orders,  yet  it  is  enacted  and  provided,  that  one 
of  their  number  may  be  raised  at  once  per  saltum,  not  only  above  all 
the  peers  and  peeresses,  but  over  all  the  graduates,  reverend  dignita- 
ries, and  mitred  heads  in  the  kingdom.  This  solemn  inaugurating 
unction  once  applied,  then  cedite  Romani,  doctor es,  ceditegraij.  Hence- 
forward, as  the  Queen  of  Sheba  came  from  the  uttermost  end  of  the 
earth,  to  hear  the  wisdom  of  Solomon,  and  to  have  every  enigma  and 
hard  question  solved,  so  must  every  master,  doctor,  heads  of  univer- 
sities, every  diocesan  and  metropolitan,  however  wise,  have  recourse 
to  their  queen,  by  reference  or  appeal,  with  every  difficult  question, 
and  every  learned  and  deep  controversy,  and  be  responsible  to  her 
for  their  every  decision.  How  flattering  a  constitution  this  to  woman- 
kind— if  they  be  indeed  so  very  fond  of  precedence  and  rule,  as  is 
commonly  said!  She  must  have  an  unreasonable  and  unbounded 

*  Carol.  Rinaldinij.  MaltJi.  Analit.  art.  pars  3tia. 
t  Nouvett.  de  la  Republ.  de  Lett.     1685. 


430  NOTES. 

ambition  indeed  whom  this  will  not  content ;  though  she  should  not 
be  also  further  told  in  plain  terms,  that  she  is  a  goddess,  and  in  her 
office  superior  to  Christ ;  as  some  court-clergymen  have  ventured  to 
affirm  of  their  visible  head." — A  Historico-Politico-Ecclesiastical  Dis- 
sertation on  the  Supremacy  of  Civil  Powers  in  Matters  of  Religion, 
particularly  the  Ecclesiastical  Supremacy  annexed  to  the  English 
Crown ;  by  Archibald  Bruce,  Minister  of  the  Gospel,  pp.  46 — 50.  Ed- 
inburgh, 1802. 


Note  DD,  p.  148. 

Of  the  Form  of  Prayer  used  in  Scotland  at  the  beginning  of  the  Re- 
formation.— It  is  natural  to  inquire  here  what  is  meant  by  the  "  buik 
of  comon  prayeris,"  which  the  Protestants,  in  1557,  agreed  to  use,  or 
which  was  afterwards  followed  in  their  public  worship.  Was  it  the 
common  prayer-book  of  Edward  VI.  or  was  it  a  different  one  ?  This 
question  was  keenly  canvassed,  after  the  Revolution,  by  the  Scottish 
Episcopalians  and  Presbyterians.  Mr.  Sage,  the  most  able  champion 
of  the  Episcopalians,  insisted  that  it  was  the  English  liturgy,  and  en- 
deavoured to  prove  that  this  was,  during,  "  at  least,  seven  years,  in 
continued  practice  in  Scotland,"  i.  e.  from  1557  to  1564.  Fundamental 
Charter  of  Presbytery  Examined,  pp.  95—101,  349,  2d  edit.  Lond. 
1697.  Mr.  Anderson,  minister  of  Dumbarton,  who  was  the  most  acute 
advocate  of  Presbytery,  answered  this  part  of  the  Fundamental 
Charter,  and  adduced  a  number  of  arguments  to  prove  that  it  was  the 
liturgy,  not  of  Edward  VI.  but  of  the  English  Church  at  Geneva,  of 
which  Knox  was  minister,  which  was  used  in  Scotland  from  the  time 
that  Protestant  congregations  were  formed  in  this  country.  The 
Countreyman's  Letter  to  the  Curat,  pp.  65—77,  printed  in  1711.  I  shall 
state  a  few  facts,  without  entering  into  reasoning.  Mr.  Anderson 
says,  that  he  had  in  his  possession  a  copy,  in  Latin,  of  the  liturgy  used 
in  the  English  Church  at  Frankford,  the  preface  of  which  bears  date 
the  1st  of  September,  1554.  He  adds,  that  this  had  been  translated 
from  English  into  Latin ;  and  that  the  prayers  in  it  are  exactly  the 
same  with  those  which  are  found  in  the  Order  of  Geneva,  afterwards 
adopted  by  the  Scottish  Church ;  only  there  are  some  additional 
prayers  in  the  latter  accommodated  to  the  circumstances  of  Scotland. 
Ibid.  p.  64.  This  must  have  been  the  form  of  worship  agreed  on  by 
the  exiles  immediately  after  their  arrival  at  Frankfort.  Troubles  of 
Franckford,  p.  7.  Before  the  end  of  that  year,  the  form  of  worship  ob- 
served by  the  Genevan  Church  was  printed  in  English.  Ibid.  p.  27. 
In  the  beginning  of  the  following  year,  the  form  afterwards  used  by 
the  English  Church  at  Geneva  was  composed,  which  differed  very 
little  from  that  which  was  first  used  at  Frankfort.  Ibid.  p.  37.  This 
was  printed  in  the  beginning  of  1556.  Dunlop's  Confessions,  ii.  401. 
It  is  not  unlikely  that  Knox,  in  his  visit  to  Scotland,  in  1555,  would 
carry  with  him  copies  of  the  two  former  liturgies,  and  that  he  would 
send  copies  of  the  latter,  on  his  return  to  Geneva.  After  all,  I  think  it 
extremely  probable,  that  copies  of  the  liturgy  of  Edward  VI.  were  still 
more  numerous  in  Scotland  at  that  time,  and  that  they  were  used  by 
some  of  the  Protestants  at  the  beginning  of  the  Reformation.  This 
appears  from  a  letter  of  Cecil  to  Throkmorton,  9th  July,  1559.  "  The 
Protestants  be  at  Edynborough.  They  offer  no  violence,  but  dissolve 
religiose  howsees  ;  directyng  the  lands  thereof  to  the  crowne,  and  to 
ministery  in  the  chirch.  The  parish  churchees  they  delyver  of  altars 
and  imagees,  and  have  receved  the  service  of  the  Church  of  England, 
accord yng  to  King  Edward's  Booke."  Forbes's  State  Papers,  i.  155. 


NOTES.  431 

Another  thing  which  inclines  me  to  think  that  the  English  liturgy  was 
in  the  eye  of  those  who  made  the  agreement  in  Dec.  1557  is,  that  they 
mention  the  reading  of"  the  lessonis  of  the  New  and  Auld  Testament, 
conforme  to  the  ordour  of  the  Buik  of  Commoun-Prayeris."  Ander- 
son gives  a  quotation  from  the  preface  to  the  Frankfort  liturgy,  in 
which  the  compilers  vindicate  themselves  against  the  objection,  that 
they  had  omitted  the  reading  of  the  gospels  and  epistles,  by  saying 
that  they  read  in  order  not  only  these,  but  all  the  books  of  Scripture. 
And  he  insists  that  by  the  "  lessonis  of  the  New  and  Auld  Testament," 
our  reformers  meant  no  more  than  the  reading  of  the  Scriptures  in 
general.  This  reply  does  not  appear  to  me  satisfactory. 

But  though  the  Scottish  Protestants,  at  that  time,  agreed  to  make 
use  of  the  prayers  and  Scripture-lessons  contained  in  the  English 
liturgy,  it  cannot  be  inferred  from  this,  that  they  approved  of  it  with- 
out limitations,  or  that  they  meant  to  bind  themselves  to  all  its  forms 
and  ceremonies.  The  contrary  is  evident.  It  appoints  lessons  to  be 
read  from  the  Apocrypha ;  but  they  expressly  confined  their  reading 
to  "  the  lessons  of  the  New  and  Old  Testament."  A  great  part  of  the 
English  liturgy  can  be  read  by  a  priest  only ;  but  all  that  they  proposed 
to  use  could  be  performed  by  "  the  most  qualifeit  in  the  parochin,"  pro- 
vided the  curate  refused,  or  was  unqualified.  I  need  scarcely  add, 
that,  if  they  had  adopted  that  liturgy  without  qualification,  their  invita- 
tion to  Knox  must  have  come  with  a  very  bad  grace.  It  must  have 
been  to  this  purpose,  (to  use  Mr.  Anderson's  words,)  "  Pray,  good  Mr. 
Knox,  come  over  and  help  us ;  and  for  your  encouragement  against 
you  come,  you  shall  find  the  English  liturgy,  against  which  you 
preached  in  Scotland,  against  which  you  declared  before  the  counsel 
of  England,  for  opposing  which  you  were  brought  in  danger  of  your 
neck  at  Francford ;  this  English  liturgy  you  shall  find  the  authorized 
form  of  worship,  and  that  by  an  ordinance  of  our  making."  The 
Countreyman's  Letter,  ut  supra,  p.  69. 

We  can  trace  back  the  use  of  the  Book  of  Common  Order,  (or, 
Order  of  Geneva,)  by  the  Church  of  Scotland,  from  the  year  1564. 
The  General  Assembly,  Dec.  26,  1564,  ordained  "  that  everie  minister, 
exhorter,  and  reader  sail  have  one  of  the  Psalme  Bookes  latelie  printed 
in  Edinburgh,  and  use  the  order  contained  therein  in  prayers,  marriage, 
and  ministration  of  the  sacraments."  Keith,  538.  This  refers  to  the 
edition  of  the  Geneva  Order  and  Psalms,  which  had  been  printed  during 
that  year  by  Lepreuik.  "In  the  generall  assemblie  convened  at 
Edinr.  in  Dec.  1562,  for  printing  of  the  psalmes,  the  kirk  lent  Rob. 
Lickprivick,  printer,  tva  hundreth  pounds  to  help  to  buy  irons,  ink, 
and  papper,  and  to  fie  craftesmen  for  printing."  Reasons  for  con- 
tinuing the  use  of  the  old  metrical  Version  of  the  Psalms,  p.  232,  of  a 
MS.  (written  in  1632)  belonging  to  Robert  Graeme,  Esq.  advocate. 
But  although  this  was  the  first  edition  of  the  book  printed  in  this 
country,  it  had  been  previously  printed  both  at  Geneva  and  in  Eng- 
land ;  and  was  used  in  the  Church  of  Scotland.  For  in  the  assembly 
which  met  in  Dec.  1562,  it  was  concluded,  "that  an  uniforme  Order 
sould  be  keeped  in  ministration  of  the  sacraments,  solemnization  of 
marriage,  and  burial  of  the  dead,  according  to  the  Booke  of  Geneva." 
Keith,  519.  Petrie,  part  ii.  p.  233.  Nor  was  it  then  introduced  for 
the  first  time;  for  the  Abbot  of  Crossraguel,  in  a  book  set  forth  by  him 
in  1561,  mentions  it  as  the  established  form  of  prayers  at  the  time  he 
wrote.  "  I  will  call  to  remembrance,  says  he,  "  the  sayings  of  quhilkis  ar 
written  to  the  redar,  in  thair  buke  callit  the  forme  ofprayeris,  as  eftir 
followis,  viz.  'As  for  the  wourdis  of  the  Lordis  supper,  we  rehers 
thaim  nocht  bicaus  thai  sulde  change  the  substance  of  the  breid  and 
wine,  or  that  the  repetitione  tharof,  with  the  entent  of  the  sacrificear, 


432  NOTES. 

sulde  make  the  sacraments  (as  the  papists  falslie  belevis.")  Ane  Ora- 
tioune  be  Master  Q,uintine  Kennedy,  p.  15,  Edin.  1812.  The  passage 
quoted  by  Kennedy  is  in  the  Book  of  Common  Order.  Dunlop,  ii.  454. 
The  First  Book  of  Discipline,  framed  in  1560,  expressly  approves  of 
the  Order  of  Geneva,  which  it  calls  "  our  Book  of  Common  Order," 
and  mentions  its  being  "  used  in  some  of  our  churches,"  previous  to 
that  period.  Dunlop's  Confessions,  ii.  520,  548,  583.  From  these 
facts  it  is  evident  that,  although  the  Scripture  lessons  and  the  prayers 
in  the  English  liturgy  were  at  first  used  by  some  of  the  Scottish  Pro- 
testants, yet  they  never  received  that  book  as  a  whole ;  that  the  Order 
of  Geneva  was  introduced  among  them  before  the  establishment  of 
the  Reformation ;  and  that  it  became  the  universal  form  of  worship  as 
soon  as  a  sufficient  number  of  copies  of  it  could  be  procured.  If  any 
other  evidence  of  this  were  necessary,  I  might  produce  the  testimony 
of  Sir  Francis  Knollys,  the  English  ambassador.  When  queen  Mary 
fled  into  England,  in  1568,  she  feigned  her  willingness  to  give  up  with 
the  mass,  and  to. adopt  the  English  Common  Prayer  Book,  provided 
Elizabeth  would  assist  her  in  regaining  her  crown.  Lord  Herries 
having  made  this  proposal  in  her  name,  Sir  Francis  replied,  "  that,  yf 
he  meant  thereby  to  condempne  the  form  and  order  of  common  prayer 
now  used  in  Skotland,  agreeable  with  divers  well  reformed  churches, 
— or  that  he  meant  to  expel  all  the  learned  preachers  of  Skotland,  yff 
they  would  not  return  back  to  receave  and  wayr  cornered  capes  and 
typpets,  with  surpless  and  coopes,  which  they  have  left  by  order  con- 
tynually  since  their  first  receavyng  of  the  gospel  into  that  realme ; 
then  he  myght  so  fyght  for  the  shadow  and  image  of  religion  that  he 
myght  bring  the  body  and  truth  in  danger."  Anderson's  Collections, 
vol.  iv.  part  i.  pp.  110,  111. 

As  this  subject  has  been  introduced,  I  may  make  an  observation  or 
two  respecting  the  form  of  prayers  used  in  the  Church  of  Scotland  at 
the  beginning  of  the  Reformation.  What  has  been  called  Knox's 
Liturgy,  was  the  Book  of  Common  Order,  first  used  by  the  English 
Church  at  Geneva.  It  contains  forms  of  prayers  for  the  different  parts 
of  public  worship;  and  this  is  the  only  resemblance  which  it  bears  to 
the  English  liturgy.  But  there  is  this  important  difference  between 
the  two :  in  the  English,  the  minister  is  restricted  to  the  repetition  of 
the  very  words  of  the  prayers ;  in  the  Scottish,  he  is  left  at  liberty  to 
vary  from  them,  and  to  substitute  prayers  of  his  own  in  their  room. 
The  following  quotations  will  exemplify  the  mode  of  the  latter.  "  When 
the  congregation  is  assembled  at  the  hours  appointed,  the  minister 
useth  one  of  these  two  confessions,  or  like  in  effect" — "  The  minister 
after  the  sermon  useth  this  prayer  following,  or  such  like"  Similar 
declarations  are  prefixed  to  the  prayers  to  be  used  at  the  celebration 
of  baptism  and  of  the  Lord's  Supper.  And  at  the  end  of  the  account 
of  the  public  service  of  the  sabbath  this  intimation  is  subjoined  :  "  It 
shall  not  be  necessarie  for  the  minister  daylie  to  repeat  all  these  things 
before  mentioned,  but,  beginning  with  some  manner  of  confession,  to 
proceed  to  the  sermon,  which  ended,  he  either  useth  the  prayer  for  all 
estates  before  mentioned,  or  else  prayeth  as  the  Spirit  of  God  shall 
move  his  heart,  framing  the  same  according  to  the  time  and  matter 
which  he  hath  entreated  of."  Knox's  Liturgy,  pp.  74,  83,  86,  120. 
Edin.  1611.  Dunlop's  Confessions,  ii.  417,  421,  426,  443,  450.  And  at 
the  end  of  the  Form  of  Excommunication,  it  is  signified,  "  This  order 
may  be  enlarged  or  contracted  as  the  wisdome  of  the  discreet  minister 
shall  think  expedient ;  for  we  rather  shew  the  way  to  the  ignorant, 
than  prescribe  order  to  the  learned  that  cannot  be  amended."  Dunlop, 
fi.  746.  The  Scottish  prayers,  therefore,  were  intended  as  a  help  to 
the  ignorant,  not  as  a  restraint  upon  those  who  could  pray  without  a  set 


NOTES.  433 

form.  The  readers  and  exhorters  commonly  used  them ;  but  even 
they  were  encouraged  to  perform  the  service  in  a  different  manner. 
Knox's  Liturgy,  p.  189.  Dunlop,  ii.  694. 


Note  EE,  p.  151. 

Of  the  Petitions  presented  by  the  Protestants  to  the  Queen  Regent. — 
The  petition  which  Sir  James  Sandilands  presented,  in  the  name  of 
his  brethren,  contained  five  requests.  1.  That,  as  by  the  laws  of  the 
land,  they  had,  after  long  debate,  obtained  liberty  to  read  the  Scrip- 
tures in  their  native  language,  it  should  also  be  lawful  for  them  to  use, 
publicly  or  privately,  "  comoun  prayaris  in  our  vulgar  toung."  2. 
That  if,  in  the  course  of  reading  the  Scriptures  in  their  assemblies, 
any  difficulty  occurred,  it  should  be  lawful  for  any  "qualifeit  persone 
in  knawledge"  to  explain  it,  subject  to  the  judgment  of  "  the  maist 
godlie  and  maist  learnit  within  the  realme."  3.  "  That  the  holy  sacra- 
ment of  baptisme  may  be  used  in  the  vulgar  toung,"  accompanied 
with  instruction  to  the  parties  and  to  the  Church.  4.  "  That  the  sacra- 
ment of  the  Lordis  Supper,  or  of  his  most  blessed  body  and  blude, 
may  likewise  be  ministrate  in  the  vulgar  toung,  and  in  both  kindis." 
And  lastly,  "that  the  wicket,  slanderous,  and  detestabill  lyif  of  Pre- 
latis,  and  of  the  stait  ecclesiastical,  may  be  so  reformed  that  the  pepill 
by  thame  have  not  occasioun,  as  of  mony  dayis  they  have  had,  to 
contempe  their  ministrie  and  the  preiching,  whairof  they  should  be 
messengers ;"  and  to  remove  suspicion  of  interested  motives  in  mak- 
ing this  request,  they  add,  "  we  ar  content  that  not  only  the  reulls  and 
preceptis  of  the  New  Testament,  but  also  the  wryttings  of  the  ancient 
Fatheris,  and  the  godly  approved  lawis  of  Justiniane,  decyde  the  con- 
troversie  that  is  betwix  us  and  thame."  Knox,  Historic,  pp.  120,  121. 
Spotswood  (p.  119)  omits  the  article  respecting  baptism,  and  intro- 
duces another :  "  that  the  election  of  ministers  should  be  according  to 
the  manner  used  in  the  primitive  Church."  See  also  Buchanani  Oper. 
i.  311. 

This  petition  discovers  great  moderation  on  the  part  of  the  Protes- 
tants. Historians  differ  as  to  the  precise  time  at  which  it  was  pre- 
sented. Spotswood  (p.  108)  places  his  account  of  it  after  the  martyr- 
dom of  Mill.  And  the  writer  of  the  Historie  of  the  Estate  of  Scotland 
from  1559  to  1566  (p.  1)  says  that  it  was  presented  in  July,  1558.  On 
the  contrary,  Knox  (pp.  120, 122)  places  it  before  the  death  of  Mill.  It 
is  highly  probable  that  the  Protestants  petitioned  the  queen  regent 
both  before  and  after  that  event,  and  that  on  both  occasions  they  em- 
ployed Sir  James  Sandilands  as  their  representative.  In  this  light  I 
have  represented  the  matter  in  the  text.  But  I  am  inclined,  upon  the 
whole,  to  consider  Knox's  statement  as  the  most  correct.  He  had  the 
best  opportunity  of  ascertaining  the  fact.  This  was  the  part  of  his 
history  which  was  first  written  "by  him,  soon  after  his  arrival  in  Scot- 
land, when  the  transaction  must  have  been  fresh  in  the  recollection 
of  all  his  associates.  There  is  no  reference  in  the  petition  to  the  illegal 
execution  of  Mill,  which  would  scarcely  have  been  omitted,  if  it  had 
previously  taken  place.  The  objection  urged  by  Keith,  from  the  clause 
in  the  petition  which  supposes  that  the  queen  was  married,  does  not 
appear  to  have  great  weight.  The  parliament,  in  December,  1557, 
had  agreed  to  the  solemnization  of  the  marriage;  their  commissioners 
had  sailed  for  France,  in  February,  to  be  present  at  the  ceremony, 
which  was  appointed  to  take  place  on  the  24th  of  April.  In  these  cir- 
cumstances, the  Protestants  might,  without  any  impropriety,  request 
that  they  should  be  allowed  liberty  to  use  the  common  prayers  in  the 
37  E3 


434  NOTES. 

vulgar  tongue,  to  the  end  that  they  might  "  be  induced,  in  fervent  and 
oft  prayers,  to  commend  unto  God— the  queen  our  soverane,  hir  hon- 
orabill  and  gracious  husband,"  &c.  Keith  is  wrong  when  he  says  that 
Knox  has  fixed  the  execution  of  Mill  "  to  the  8th  of  April,  which  was 
above  two  weeks  before  the  queen's  marriage."  History,  p.  80,  note, 
Knox  says  he  was  put  to  death  "  the  twentie  aucht  day  of  Aprylle," 
which  was  four  days  after  the  marriage.  Historic,  p.  122. 

After  the  martyrdom  of  Mill,  the  Protestants  renewed  their  applica- 
tion to  the  regent,  with  a  warm  remonstrance  against  the  cruelty  of 
the  clergy.  Knox,  Historic,  p.  122.  As  the  parliament  held  in  No- 
vember, 1558,  was  approaching,  they  delivered  another  petition  to  her, 
desiring  that  it  should  be  laid  before  the  meeting  of  the  estates.  In 
this  they  requested,  that  the  laws,  by  which  the  clergy  justified  their 
severe  and  cruel  proceedings  against  them,  should  be  abrogated,  or 
suspended  until  the  present  controversies  in  religion  were  regularly 
determined ;  or,  if  this  could  not  be  granted,  that  the  clergy  should 
not  act  as  judges,  but  be  obliged  to  sustain  the  character  of  accusers 
before  a  temporal  judge,  and  that  the  same  mode  of  defence  should  be 
granted  to  persons  accused  of  heresy  as  in  other  criminal  processes. 
Being  persuaded  by  the  promises  of  the  regent  to  desist  from  laying 
this  petition  before  that  meeting  of  parliament,  they  substituted  a  pro- 
testation; in  which  they  declared  that,  having  waived  urging  their 
petitions  from  regard  to  the  state  of  public  affairs,  they  should  not  be 
liable  to  any  penalties  for  using  that  liberty  to  which  they  had  a  just 
title,  and  for  which  they  had  frequently  petitioned,  and  that,  if  any 
tumult  was  excited  by  religious  differences,  or  by  violent  attempts  to 
reform  those  abuses  in  religion  which  were  become  intolerable,  this 
should  not  be  imputed  to  them,  who  had  always  requested  an  orderly 
reformation  of  these  abuses,  but  to  the  persons  who  had  resisted  every 
attempt  of  this  kind.  Ibid.  pp.  122—125.  Spotswood,  119,  120. 


Note  FF,  p.  158. 

Dissimulation  of  the  Queen  Regent. — I  am  sensible  that  my  account 
of  the  conduct  of  the  queen  regent  to  the  Protestants  differs  from  that 
which  has  been  given  by  Dr.  Robertson.  He  imputes  her  change  of 
measures  entirely  to  the  overruling  influence  of  her  brothers,  and 
seems  to  acquit  her  of  insincerity  in  the  countenance  which  she  had 
shown,  and  the  promises  which  she  had  repeatedly  made,  to  the  Pro- 
testant leaders.  In  any  remarks  which  I  shall  make  upon  this  account, 
1  wish  to  be  understood  as  not  detracting  in  the  slightest  degree  from 
the  merit  of  his  able,  accurate,  and  luminous  statement  of  the  plans 
conceived  by  the  princes  of  Lorrain.  Having  mentioned  the  first 
symptoms  of  the  regent's  alienation  from  the  reformers,  Dr.  Robert- 
son says :  "  In  order  to  account  for  this,  our  historians  do  little  more 
than  produce  the  trite  observation  concerning  the  influence  of  pros- 
perity to  alter  the  character  and  corrupt  the  heart."  I  do  not  know 
the  particular  historians  to  whom  he  may  refer,  but  those  of  the  Pro- 
testant persuasion  whom  I  have  consulted,  impute  her  change  of  con- 
duct, not  to  the  above  cause,  but  to  the  circumstance  of  her  having 
accomplished  the  great  objects  which  she  had  in  view,  upon  which 
she  no  longer  stood  in  need  of  the  assistance  of  the  reformers.  Ac- 
cordingly, they  charge  her  with  duplicity  in  her  former  proceedings 
with  them.  Knox,  96,  110,  122,  125.  Buchanan,  i.  312.  Spotswood, 
117,  119,  120.  I  think  they  had  good  reasons  for  this  charge.  At  a 
very  early  period,  she  gave  a  striking  proof  of  her  disposition  and 
talent  for  the  deepest  dissimulation.  I  refer  to  her  behaviour  in  the 


NOTES.  435 

intercourse  which  she  had  with  Sir  Ralph  Sadler,  in  1543,  on  which 
occasion  she  acted  a  part  not  less  important  than  Cardinal  Beatoun 
himself,  threw  the  ambassador  into  the  greatest  perplexity,  and  com- 
pletely duped  the  English  monarch.  Sadler,  i.  84—88,  100,  111—113, 
249 — 253.  The  governor  wanted  not  reason  to  say,  "as  she  is  both 
subtle  and  wily,  so  she  hath  a  vengeable  engine  and  wit  to  work  her 
purpose."  It  is  impossible  to  read  the  account  of  her  smooth  conduct 
to  the  reformers,  without  perceiving  the  art  with  which  she  acted. 
There  is  also  reason  for  thinking  that  she  was  privy  to  the  execution 
of  Walter  Mill,  and  had  encouraged  the  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews 
to  take  that  step.  Indeed,  in  his  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Argyle,  written 
a  few  weeks  before  that  event,  the  archbishop  expressly  says,  that  she 
murmured  heavily  against  him  because  he  did  not  use  severe  mea- 
sures to  check  the  progress  of  heresy ;  and  Argyle,  in  his  answer, 
does  not  call  this  in  question.  Knox,  103,  108. 

I  do  not  doubt  that  the  regent  was  precipitated  into  the  most  violent 
measures  which  she  adopted  by  the  counsels  of  her  brothers;  and 
that  she  remonstrated  against  the  impolicy  of  these,  is  attested  by 
Castelnau,  to  whom  Dr.  Robertson  refers  as  one  of  his  authorities. 
But  I  think  that  she  had  altered  her  conduct  to  the  Protestants,  and 
declared  her  resolution  to  abet  the  measures  of  the  clergy  against 
them,  previous  to  the  time  that  she  is  said  to  have  received  these 
strong  representations  from  France.  This  appears  even  from  the 
narrative  of  Castelnau,  who  has  connected  the  advice  given  by  the 
princes  of  Lorrain  with  the  mission  of  La  Brosse  and  the  Bishop  of 
Amiens,  who  did  not  arrive  in  Scotland  until  September,  1559,  after 
the  civil  war  was  kindled.  Jebb,  ii.  246.  Keith,  102.  Sadler,  i.  470. 
But  it  will  be  still  more  apparent  from  an  examination  of  the  testi- 
mony of  Sir  James  Melvil,  the  other  authority  to  whom  Dr.  Robertson 
appeals.  Melvil  says  that,  after  the  treaty  of  Chateau-Cambresis  was 
concluded,  Bettancourt  was  sent  into  Scotland  to  procure  the  ratifi- 
cation of  it  by  the  queen  regent ;  and  that  he  was  charged  by  the 
Cardinal  of  Lorrain  to  inform  her,  that  the  Popish  princes  had  agreed 
to  join  in  extirpating  heresy,  and  to  require  that  she  should  imme- 
diately take  steps  for  suppressing  the  Scottish  Protestants.  Melvil 
adds,  that  these  instructions,  mixed  with  some  threatenings,  having 
been  received,  the  regent  "  determined  to  follow  them.  She,  there- 
fore, issued  out  a  proclamation,  a  little  before  Easter,  commanding 
every  man,  great  and  small,  to  observe  the  Roman  Catholic  religion." 
Melvil's  Memoirs,  pp.  23,  24.  Lond.  1683.  The  proclamation  to  ob- 
serve Easter  in  the  Catholic  manner  is  mentioned  by  all  our  histori- 
ans as  the  decisive  declaration  of  the  queen's  change  of  measures. 
Now  the  treaty  of  Chateau-Cambresis  was  not  concluded  until  the 
2d  of  April,  1559.  Forbes,  i.  68,  81.  But  Easter  fell  that  year  on  the 
29th  of  March,  six  days  before  Battancourt  could  undertake  his  jour- 
ney to  Scotland.  The  proclamation  respecting  the  observance  of  that 
festival  must,  therefore,  have  been  issued  some  weeks  before  Bettan- 
court's  arrival.  Nay,  we  know  from  other  evidence,  that  the  breach 
between  the  queen  regent  and  the  Protestants  had  taken  place  on  the 
6th  of  March ;  for  this  is  the  date  from  which  the  act  of  oblivion  after- 
wards granted  is  reckoned.  Keith,  141,  151.  There  is,  therefore,  a 
glaring  anachronism  in  Melvil's  narrative;  and  whatever  influence 
Bettancourt's  embassy  had  in  instigating  the  regent  to  more  violent 
measures,  she  had  previously  taken  her  side,  and  declared  her  deter- 
mination to  oppose  the  progress  of  the  Reformation. 

There  are  several  other  mistakes  which  Sir  James  Melvil  has  com- 
mitted in  his  narrative  of  the  transactions  of  this  period.  Even  in  the 
account  of  his  own  embassy  into  Scotland  in  the  reign  of  Henry  IL 


436  NOTES. 

and  of  the  speech  which  the  Constable  Montmorency  made  to  him  on 
that  occasion,  he  has  introduced  the  constable  as  mentioning,  among 
his  reasons,  the  shipwreck  of  the  Marquis  D'Elbeuf,  which  did  riot 
happen  till  some  months  after,  when  the  French  king  was  dead.  Me- 
moirs, p.  31.  Sadler,  i.  417.  In  my  humble  opinion,  all  our  historians 
have  given  too  easy  credit  to  Melvil,  both  in  his  statements  of  fact, 
and  in  his  representations  of  character. 


Note  GO,  p.  165. 

Trial  of  the  Reformed  Preachers.— July  7,  1558.  Item,  the  said  day, 
to  David  Lindsay,  Rothesay  herauld,  passand  of  Edinburgh,  with  let- 
teris,  to  summond  George  Luvell,  David  Fergusone,  and  certain  uthe- 
ris  personis  within  the  burt.  of  Dunde,  to  tak  sourte  of  thame  that 
thai  sail  compeir  befoir  the  justice  and  his  deputies  in  the  tolbuith  of 
Edinburgh,  the  28th  day  of  Julii  instant,  for  their  wrongus  using  and 
resting  of  the  Scripture,  and  disputting  upoun  erroneous  opinions,  and 
citing  of  flesche  in  Lenterone  and  utheris  forbidding  tymes,  contrair 
the  actis  of  parliament,  3/.  5s.  (Compot.  Thesaur.) 

Feb.  9,  1558-9.  Proclamation  to  St.  Andrews,  Cowper,  Dundee, 
Montrose,  Aberdeen,  charging  all  and  sundrie  or.  soverane  ladies 
liegis,  that  nane  of  thame  tak  upoun  hand  to  commit,  attempt,  or  do 
any  injurie  or  violence,  disturbe  the  service  usit  in  the  kirkis,  strike 
manneis,  or  bost  priestis,  or  to  eit  flesche  in  Lenterone,  under  the 
pane  of  deid. — Also  to  Linlithgow,  Glasgow,  Irvine,  Ayr,  with  siclike 
letteris.  (Compot.  Thesaur.) 

Curia  Justiciarie  S  D  N  regis  et  regine,  tenta  et  inchoata  in  pretorio 
burgi  de  Striueling,  xo.  die  mensis  Maij,  anno,  &c.  lixo.  per  Henri- 
cum  Levingstoun,  prepositum  de  Striueling,  Justiciarium  depu- 
tatum. 

Quo  die,  Georgius  Luvell,  burgen.  de  Dunde,  per  literas  S  D  N  regis 
et  regine  sepe  vocat.  ad  intrand.  Paulum  Methwen,  Joannes  ErsWn 
de  Dvne  sepe  vocat.  ad  intrand.  fratrem  Joannem  Cristesoun,  Patri- 
cius  Murray  de  Tibbermuir  sepe  vocat.  ad  intrand.  Willielmum 
Harlaw,  et  Robertus  Campbell  de  Kinzeclent.  sepe  vocat.  ad  intrand. 
Joannem  Willok  coram  justiciario  SON  regis  et  regine,  ejusue  dep- 
utatis,  dictis  die  et  loco  ad  subeund  legem  pro  vsurpatione  auctorita- 
tis  ministerij  ecclesie  ad  manus  suas  proprias  ipso  in  ministrum  eius- 
dem  minime  legitime  admisso  existen.  in  festo  Pasche,  viz.  26to  die 
mensis  Martij  vltimo  elapso  et  quotidie  per  spatium  trium  dierum 
hujusmodi  festum  immediate  preceden.  atque  abhinc  continuo  suo 
more  sacramentum  altaris  pluribus  S  D  N  regis  et  regine  subditis 
infra  burgos  de  Dunde,  Monthros,  aliisque  diversis  partibus  et  locis 
infra  vicecomitatus  de  Foirfare  et  Kynkardin,  eisdem  adjacen.  a  diuinc 
et  laudabili  vsu  fidelis  ecclesie  catholice  longe  diuerso  et  differente 
administrando,  necnon  pro  conventione  et  congregatione  hujusmodi 
subditorum  infra  burgos  et  bondas  predict,  temporibus  suprascript. 
ipso  minime  per  locorum  ordinarios  admisso  seu  approbate  etiam 
absque  earundem  licentia  dictis  subditis  sermocinan.  et  predican. 
atque  per  suos  sermones  illos  ad  suas  errabiles  et  seditiosas  doctrinas 
et  scismata  perswaden.  et  seducen.  auctoritatem  S  D  N  regis  et  regine 
inde  vsurpan.  atque  inter  suos  subditos  antedict.  seditiones  et  tumul- 
tus  facien.  contra  tenorem  literarum  proclamations  de  super  confect. 
vt  in  hujusmodi  literis  criminalibus  latius  continetur.  Et  non  compa- 
ren.  amerciatus  fuit  dictus  Georgius  Luvell  pro  nonintroitu  prefati 


NOTES.  437 

Pauli  Methwen  in  pena  40/.  Et  judicium  redditum  fuit  quod  ipse  Pau- 
lus  ad  cornu  S  D  N  regis  et  regine  denunciatur  et  quod  onmia  bona 
sua  mobilia  suis  vsibus  applicantur  tanquam  fugitiuus  a  lege  pro 
dictis  criminibus. 

Eodem  die,  Joannes  Erskin  de  Dvne,  per  literas  S  D  N  regis  et  re- 
gine sepe  vocat.  ad  intrand.  fratrcm  Joannem  (jristespun  coram  dicto 
justiciario  deputato  ad  subeund.  legem,  pro  vaurpatione  auctoritatis 
minlsterij  ecclesie  ad  manus  suas  proprias,  [&c.  ut  supra,]  quod  dictus 
f rater  Joannes  ad  cornu  S  D  N  regis  et  regine  denunciatur,  &c. 

Dicto  die,  Patricius  Murray  de  Tibbemiuir  sepe  vocat.  per  literas 
S  D  N  regis  et  regine  ad  intrand.  Willielmum  Harlaw  coram  dicto 
justitiario  deputato  ad  subeund.  legem  pro  criminibus  immediate  pre- 
scriptis.  Et  non  comparen.  amerciatus  fuit  dictus  Patricius,  pro  non 
introitu  dicti  Willielmi  Harlaw  in  pena  xlta.  lib.  Et  judicium  reddi- 
tum fuit  quod  ipse  Willielmvs  ad  cornu  S  D  N  regis  et  regine  denun- 
ciatur. Et  quod  omnia  bona  sua  mobilia  suis  usibus  applicantur  tan- 
quam fugitiuus  a  lege  pro  dictis  criminibus. 

Prefato  die,  Robertus  Campbell  de  Kinzecluch  per  literas  S  D  N 
regis  et  regine  sepe  voct.  ad  intrand.  Joannem  Willok  coram  dicto 
justitiaro  deputato,  dictis  die  et  loco  ad  subeund.  legem  pro  vsurpa- 
tione  auctoritatis  ministerij  ecclesie  ad  manus  suas  proprias  ipso  io 
ministrum  eiusdem  minime  legitime  admisso  existen.  in  festo  Pasche, 
viz.  2Gto  die  mensis  Martij  ultimo  elapso  et  quotidie  per  spatium  trium 
dierum  hujusmodi  festum  immediate  preceden.  &c.  Et  judicium  red- 
ditum fuit  quod  dictus  Joannes  Willok  ad  cornu  S  D  N  regis  et  regine 
denunr.  Et  quod  omnia  bona  sua  mobilia  suis  vsibus  applicantur 
tanquam  fugitiuus  a  lege  pro  dictis  criminibus. 

Eodem  die,  prefati  Paulus  Methwen,  frater  Joannes  Cristesoun, 
Willielmus  Harlaw  et  Joannes  Willok  denunciati  fuerunt  rebelles 
S  D  N  regis  et  regine,  et  ad  cornu  eorundem  positi  fuerunt  per  publi- 
cam  proclamationem  apud  crucem  foralem  burgi  de  Striueling,  per 
Joannem  Duncane,  seriandum  et  officiarium  dicte  curie  demandato 
prefati  justitiarij  deputati,  coram  his  testibus,  Roberto  Forrester  de 
Calzemuke,  Alexandro  Forrester  alias  Carrik  signifero,  Willielmo 
Symth,  et  Joanne  Grahame,  notario  publico,  cum  diuersis  aliis.  [Jus- 
ticiary Records.  Book  extending  from  14th  February,  1558,  to  22d 
May,  1559.] 


Note  HH,  p.  172. 

Lamentation  over  the,  demolition  of  the  Religious  Houses. — "Trimly, 
among  all  their  deeds  and  devises,  the  casting  doune  of  the  churches 
was  the  most  foolish  and  furious  worke,  the  most  shreud  and  execia- 
ble  turne  that  ever  Hornok  himself  culd  have  done  or  devised.  For 
out  of  al  doubt  that  great  grandfather  of  Calvine,  and  old  enemie  of 
mankind,  not  only  inspired  every  one  of  those  sacrelegious  hellhounds 
with  his  flaming  spirit  of  malice  and  blasphemie,  as  he  did  their  fore- 
fathers Luther  and  Calvine:  bot  also  was  then  present  as  maister  of 
worke,  busily  beholding  his  servands  and  hirelings  working  his  wil 
and  bringing  to  pass  his  long  desired  contentment— They  changed 
the  churches  (which  God  himself  called  his  house  of  prayer)  into  lilihiC 
and  abominable  houses  of  sensual  men,  yea,  and  of  unreasonable, 
beasts:  when  as  they  made  stables  in  Halyrudhous,  sheep-houses  ofS. 
Anfoine,  and  S.  Leonard's  chapels,  t.olhooths  of  S.  ( iillis,  &«-.  which  (his 
day  may  be  scene,  to  the  great  griefe  ami  sorrow  of  al  ^oo.l  (  hris- 
tians,  to  the  shame  and  confusion  of  lv!in!>iir<rh,  and  to  the  everlast- 
ing damnation  of  the  doers  thereof,  the  sedicious  ministers,  Knox 
37* 


438  NOTES. 

and  his  complices."  After  weeping  over  the  ruins  of  "  Abbirbroth,n 
the  writer  returns  to  St.  Giles,  and  represents  our  Saviour  as  lament- 
ing its  profanation  by  the  setting  up  of  "  the  abomination  of  desola- 
tion," the  courts  of  justice,  within  that  holy  ground.  "  How  wold  he 
say,  if  he  were  now  entering  in  at  S.  Giles,  and  looking  to  bare  wals, 
and  pillars  al  cled  with  dust,  sweepings  and  cobwebs,  instead  of  paint- 
ing and  tapestrie ;  and  on  every  side  beholding  the  restless  resorting 
of  people  treating  of  their  worldly  affaires,  some  writing  and  making 
of  obligations,  contracts  and  discharges,  others  laying  countes  or  tell- 
ing over  sowmes  of  money,  and  two  and  two  walking  and  talking  to 
and  fro,  some  about  merchandise  or  the  lawes,  and  too  many,  alas ! 
about  drinking  and  courting  of  woeman,  yea,  and  perhaps  about 
worse  nor  I  can  imagine,  as  it  is  wont  to  be  done  al  the  day  long 
in  the  common  Exchanges  of  London  and  Amsterdam  and  other 
great  cities?  And  turning  him  farther  towards  the  west  end  of  the 
church,  which  is  divided  in  a  high  house  for  the  Colledge  of  Justice, 
called  the  Session  or  Senat-house,  and  a  lower  house  called  the  low 
Tolbooth,  where  the  balives  of  the  town  used  to  sit  and  judge  com- 
mon actions  and  pleas  in  the  one  end  thereof,  and  a  number  of  har- 
lots and  scolds  for  flyting  and  whoredom,  inclosed  in  the  other.  And 
these,  I  mean,  if  our  Saviour  were  present  to  behold  such  abominable 
desolation,  that  where  altars  were  erected,  and  sacrifices,  with  con- 
tinual praises  and  praiers,  were  wont  to  be  offered  up  to  the  Lord,  in 
remembrance  of  that  bloody  sacrifice  of  Christ  on  the  crosse,  there 
now  are  holes  for  whores,  and  cages  for  scolds,  where  nothing  is  hard 
bot  banning  and  swearing,  and  every  one  upbraiding  another :  O 
what  grieve  and  sorrow  wold  our  Lord  tak  at  the  beholding  of  such 
profanation  and  sacrilege !"  Father  Alexander  Bailie's  True  Informa- 
tion of  the  unhallowed  offspring,  progress  and  impoison'd  fruits  of  our 
Scottish-Calvinian  Gospel  and  Gospellers,  pp.  24,  25,  27,  28.  Wirts- 
burg,  1628. 


Note  H,  p.  174. 

Alleged  Excesses  of  the  Reformers. — It  would  be  endless  to  enter 
into  an  examination  of  the  exaggerated  accounts  which  have  been 
given  of  the  "  pitiful  devastation"  committed  by  the  reformers.  I  shall 
content  myself  with  stating  a  few  facts,  which  may  satisfy  the  candid 
and  considerate  that  no  such  great  blame  is  imputable  to  them.  The 
demolition  of  the  monasteries,  with  their  dependencies,  will  be  found 
to  comprehend  the  sum  of  what  they  can  be  justly  charged  with.  And 
yet  again,  I  would  ask  those  who  are  most  disposed  to  blame  them  for 
this,  What  purpose  could  the  allowing  of  these  buildings  to  stand  have 
served,  if  not  to  cherish  the  hopes  and  excite  the  desires  of  the  catho- 
lics, to  regain  possession  of  them  1  To  what  use  could  the  reformers 
possibly  have  converted  them  ?  Is  it  to  be  supposed  that  they  could 
form  the  idea  of  preserving  them  for  the  gratification  of  a  race  of  an- 
tiquaries, who  were  to  rise  up  in  the  eighteenth  and  nineteenth  cen- 
turies 1  Have  these  gentlemen,  with  all  their  zeal,  ever  testified  their 
regard  for  these  sacred  monuments,  by  associations  and  subscriptions 
to  preserve  the  mouldering  remains  from  going  to  their  original  dust  ? 
The  reformed  ministers  had  enough  to  do,  in  exciting  the  nobility  and 
gentry  to  keep  the  parish  churches  in  decent  repair,  without  under- 
taking the  additional  task  of  supporting  huge  and  useless  fabrics.  But 
enough  of  this — Let  not  any  distress  themselves  by  supposing  that 
the  costly  furniture  of  the  monasteries  and  churches  was  all  consumed 
by  the  flames.  Fanatical  as  the  reformers  were,  they  "  reservit  the 


NOTES.  439 

best  part  thairof  unburnt,"  and  converted  it  into  money,  some  of  which 
went  into  the  public  purse,  but  the  greater  part  into  the  private  pockets 
of  the  nobles.  Winzet,  apud  Keith,  Append.  245.  The  idols  and  images 
were  indeed  committed  to  the  flames  without  mercy;  but  considering 
the  example  that  their  adversaries  had  set  them  of  consigning  the 
living  images  of  God  to  this  fate,  the  retaliation  was  certainly  mode- 
rate ;  and  that  these  were  the  only  sacrifices  which  they  offered  up, 
we  have  the  testimony  of  a  Popish  writer.  Leslaeus,  de  Reb.  Gest. 
Scotorum,  lib.  x.  p.  537,  edit.  1675. 

The  act  of  privy  council  for  demolishing  idolatrous  houses  did  not 
extend  to  cathedrals  or  to  parish  churches.  Spots  wood,  pp.  174,  175. 
In  the  First  Book  of  Discipline,  indeed,  cathedral-churches,  if  not  used 
as  parish-churches,  are  mentioned  among  the  places  to  be  suppressed  ; 
but  so  far  was  this  case  from  occurring,  that  it  was  found  necessary 
to  employ  many  of  the  chapels  attached  to  monasteries,  and  collegiate 
churches,  as  places  for  the  Protestant  worship.  That,  in  the  first 
effervescence  of  popular  zeal,  some  of  the  cathedrals  and  other 
churches  should  have  suffered,  is  not  much  to  be  wondered  at.  "  What 
you  speak  of  Mr.  Knox  preaching  for  the  pulling  down  of  churches," 
says  Mr.  Baillie,  in  his  answer  to  bishop  Maxwell,  "  is  like  the  rest  of 
your  lies.  I  have  not  heard  that  in  all  our  land  above  three  or  foure 
churches  were  cast  down."  Historical  Vindication  of  the  Government 
of  the  Church  of  Scotland,  p.  40.  Mr.  Baillie  had  the  historical  collec- 
tions of  Calderwood  in  his  possession  when  he  composed  that  work. 
This  statement  is  confirmed  by  the  testimony  of  Cecil  in  the  letter 
quoted  above,  (p.  430.)  The  churches  were  merely  to  be  stripped  of 
monuments  of  idolatry  and  instruments  of  superstition ;  and  in  carry- 
ing this  into  effect,  great  care  was  ordered  to  be  taken  that  the  build- 
ings should  not  be  injured.  Lord  James  Stewart  (afterwards  earl  of 
Murray)  was  the  person  to  whom  the  execution  of  the  act  in  the 
northern  part  of  the  kingdom  was  committed ;  and  we  have  an  au- 
thentic document  of  the  manner  in  which  he  proceeded,  in  an  order 
issued  by  him,  and  written  with  his  own  hand,  for  purging  the  cathe- 
dra] church  of  Dunkeld.*  The  following  is  an  exact  copy  of  that 
order : 

"  To  our  traist  friendis,  the  Lairds  of  Arntilly  and  Kinvaid. 

"  Traist  friendis,  after  maist  harty  commendacion,  we  pray  yow  faill 
not  to  pass  incontinent  to  the  kyrk  of  Dunkeld,  and  tak  doun  the  haill 
images  thereof,  and  bring  furth  to  the  kyrkzayrd,  and  burn  thaym 
oppinly.  And  siclyk  cast  down  the  altaris,  and  purge  the  kyrk  of  all 
kynd  of  monuments  of  idolatrye.  And  this  ze  faill  not  to  do,  as  ze  will 
do  us  singular  empleseur ;  and  so  committis  you  to  the  protection  of 
God.  From  Edinburgh,  the  xii.  of  August,  1560. 
"  Faill  not,  bot  ze  tak  guid  heyd  (Signed) 

that  neither  the  dasks,  windocks,  "  AR.  ERGYLL. 

nor  durris,  be  ony  ways  hurt 

or  broken eyther  "  JAMES  STEwart. 

glassin  wark  or  iron  wark." 

"  RUTHVEN." 

We  may  take  it  for  granted  that  the  same  caution  was  used  in  the 
rest  of  the  commissions.  If  it  be  asked,  how  it  happened  that  the 
cathedrals,  and  many  other  churches,  fell  into  such  a  ruined  state,  the 
following  quotations  may  serve  for  an  answer.  They  are  taken  from 
a  scarce  work  written  by  Robert  Pont,  commissioner  of  Murray,  and 
one  of  the  lords  of  Session.  "  Yet,  a  great  many,  not  onely  of  the 
raskall  sorte,  but  sundry  men  of  name  and  worldly  reputation,  joyned 

*  Statistical  Account  of  Scotland,  vol.  xx.  p.  422. 


440  NOTES. 

themselves  with  the  congregation  of  the  reformers,  not  so  much  for 
zeale  of  religion,  as  to  reape  some  earthly  commoditie,  and  to  be  en- 
riched by  spoyle  of  the  kirkes  and  abbey  places.  And  when  the 
preachers  told  them  that  such  places  of  idolatrie  should  be  pulled  down, 
they  accepted  gladly  the  enterprise;  and  rudely  passing  to  worke, 
pulled  down  all,  both  idoles  and  places  where  they  were  found.  Not 
making  difference  between  these  places  of  idolatrie,  and  many  parish 
kirks,  where  God's  word  shuld  have  bin  preached  in  many  parts 
where  they  resorted,  as  in  such  tumultes  and  suddainties  useth  to 
come  to  passe;  namelye,  among  such  a  nation  as  we  are.  Another 
thing  fell  out  at  that  time,  which  may  be  excused  by  reason  of  neces- 
sitie ;  when  as  the  lordes,  and  some  of  the  nobilitie,  principall  enter- 
prysers  of  the  Reformation,  having  to  do  with  the  Frenchmen,  and 
many  their  assisters  of  our  owne  nation,  enemies  to  these  proceedings, 
were  forced,  not  onely  to  ingage  their  owne  landes,  and  bestowe 
whatsoever  they  were  able  to  furnishe  of  their  own  patrimonie,  for 
maintenance  of  men  of  warre,  and  other  charges,  but  also  to  take  the 
lead  and  belles,  with  other  jewelles  and  ornaments  of  kirkes,  abbayes, 
and  other  places  of  superstition,  to  employ  the  same,  and  the  prises 
thereof,  to  resist  the  enemies.  The  most  parte  of  the  realme  beand 
in  their  contrarie.  This,  I  say,  cannot  be  altogether  blamed."  Against 
Sacrilege,  Three  Sermons  preached  by  Maister  Robert  Pont,  an  aged 
Pastour  in  the  Kirk  of  God.  B.  6,  7.  Edinburgh,  1599.  Comp.  Keith, 
p.  468. 

But  what  shall  we  say  of  the  immense  loss  which  literature  sus- 
tained on  that  occasion  1  "  Bibliothecks  destroied,  the  volumes  of  the 
fathers,  councells,  and  other  books  of  humane  learning,  with  the  regis- 
ters of  the  Church,  cast  into  the  streets,  afterwards  gathered  in  heaps, 
and  consumed  with  fire."  Spotswood's  MS.  Keith,  Historic,  p.  503. 
Does  not  such  conduct  equal  the  fanaticism  of  the  Mahometan  chief- 
tain who  deprived  the  world  of  the  invaluable  Alexandrine  library? 
As  every  one  is  apt  to  deplore  the  loss  of  that  commodity  upon  which 
he  sets  the  greatest  value,  I  might  feel  more  inclined  to  join  in  this 
lamentation,  were  I  not  convinced  that  the  real  loss  was  extremely 
trifling,  and  that  it  has  been  compensated  ten  thousand  fold.  Where 
and  of  what  kind  were  these  bibliothecks  ]  Omne  ignotum  magniji- 
cum.  The  public  was  long  amused  with  the  tale  of  a  classical  library 
at  lona,  which  promised  a  complete  copy  of  Livy's  works,  not  to  be 
found  in  all  the  world  beside ;  a  miracle  which  Mr.  Gibbon,  in  the 
abundance  of  his  literary  faith,  seems  to  have  been  inclined  to  admit. 
Danes,  and  Reformers,  and  Republicans,  were  successively  anathe- 
matized, and  consigned  to  the  shades  of  barbarism,  for  the  destruction 
of  what  (for  aught  that  appears)  seems  to  have  existed  only  in  the 
brains  of  antiquarians.  It  has  been  common  to  say,  that  all  the  learn- 
ing of  the  times  was  confined  to  monasteries.  This  was  true  at  a 
certain  period ;  but  it  had  ceased  to  be  the  fact  in  the  age  in  which 
the  Reformation  took  place.  Low  as  literature  was  in  Scotland  at  the 
beginning  of  the  16th  century,  for  the  credit  of  my  country,  I  trust 
that  it  was  not  in  so  poor  a  state  in  the  universities  as  it  was  in  the 
monasteries.  Take  the  account  of  one  who  has  bestowed  much  atten- 
tion on  the  monastic  antiquities  of  Scotland.  "  Monkish  ambition 
terminated  in  acquiring  skill  in  scholastic  disputation.  If  any  thing- 
besides  simple  theology  was  read,  it  might  consist  of  the  legends  of 
saints,  who  were  pictured  converting  infidels,  interceding  for  offend- 
ers, and  overreaching  fiends;  or  of  romances,  recording  the  valour 
of  some  hardy  adventurer,  continually  occupied  in  wars  with  pagans, 
or  in  vanquishing  giants,  foiling  necromancers,  and  combating  dra- 
gons. Some  were  chroniclers ;  and  books  of  the  laws  might  be  tran- 


NOTES.  441 

scribed  or  deposited  with  monks.  Some  monks  might  be  conversant 
in  medicine  and  the  occult  sciences."  Dalyell's  Cursory  Remarks, 
prefixed  to  Scottish  Poems,  i.  17,  18. 

But  we  are  not  left  to  conjecture,  or  to  general  inferences,  concern- 
ing the  state  of  the  monastic  libraries.  We  have  the  catalogues  of 
two  libraries — the  one  of  a  monastery,  the  other  of  a  collegiate  church 
— which  may  be  deemed  fair  specimens  of  the  condition  of  the  remain- 
der in  the  respective  ages  to  which  they  belonged.  The  former  is  the 
catalogue  of  the  library  of  the  Culdean  monastery  at  Lochleven 
in  the  twelfth  century.  It  consisted  of  only  seventeen  books,  all  of 
them  necessarily  in  manuscript.  Among  these  were  a  pastoral,  gra- 
duale,  and  missale,  books  common  to  all  monasteries,  and  without 
which  their  religious  service  could  not  be  performed ;  the  Text  of  the 
Gospels,  and  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles ;  an  Exposition  of  Genesis ;  a 
Collection  of  Sentences ;  and  an  Interpretation  of  Sayings.  The  rest 
seem  to  have  consisted  of  some  of  the  writings  of  Prosper,  and  per- 
haps of  Origen  and  Jerom.  Jamieson's  Historical  account  of  the 
ancient  Culdees,  pp.  376 — 8.  It  may  be  granted  that  this  collection  of 
books  was  by  no  means  despicable  in  that  age ;  but  certainly  it  con- 
tained nothing,  the  loss  of  which  has  been  injurious  to  literature.  I 
have  no  doubt  that,  if  a  copy  of  the  Gospels,  with  the  Lochleven  seal 
or  superscription,  (whether  authentic  or  fictitious,)  were  to  occur,  it 
would,  with  antiquarians,  give  as  high  a  price  as  a  Polyglot ;  without 
the  smallest  regard  to  its  utility  in  settling  the  original  text.  From 
the  twelfth  to  the  sixteenth  century,  the  monastic  libraries  did  not  im- 
prove. The  catalogue  of  the  library  at  Stirling  exhibits  the  true  state 
of  learning  at  the  beginning  of  the  last  mentioned  period.  It  con- 
tained, indeed,  a  copy  of  the  gospels  and  epistles  in  manuscript,  most 
probably  in  Latin;  the  remainder  of  its  contents  was  purely  monkish. 
There  were  four  missals,  two  psalters,  four  antiphonies,  three  brevia- 
ries, two  legends,  four  graduate,  and  ten  processionals.  Dalyell's 
Fragments  of  Scottish  History,  p.  77. 

I  have  occasionally  met,  in  the  course  of  my  reading,  with  notices 
of  volumes  of  the  Fathers  being  in  the  possession  of  the  Scottish  mon- 
asteries, but  nothing  from  which  I  could  conclude  that  they  had  com- 
plete copies  of  any  of  their  writings.  The  abbot  of  Crossraguel, 
indeed,  speaks  of  his  being  in  possession  of  a  large  stock  of  this  kind, 
(Keith,  Append.  193,)  which  some  writers  have  been  pleased  to  calcu- 
late at  "  a  cart-load."  It  does  not  appear,  however,  that  they  belonged 
to  the  monastery  over  which  he  presided.  But  whatever  books  of 
this  kind  were  to  be  found  in  them,  the  reformers  would  be  anxious  to 
preserve,  not  to  destroy.  The  chartularies  were  the  most  valuable 
writings  deposited  in  monasteries ;  and  many  of  these  have  been 
transmitted  to  us.  The  reformers  were  not  disposed  to  consume  these 
records,  and  we  find  them  making  use  of  them  in  their  writings. 
Knox,  Historic,  pp.  1,  2,  3.  The  mass-books  were  the  most  likely 
objects  of  their  vengeance ;  and  I  have  little  doubt  that  a  number  of 
these  were  committed  to  the  flames,  in  testimony  of  their  abhorrence 
of  the  Popish  worship.  Yet  they  were  careful  to  preserve  copies  of 
them,  which  they  produced  in  their  disputes  with  the  Roman  Catho- 
lics. Ibid.  p.  261. 

But  whatever  literary  ravages  were  committed,  let  them  not  be  im- 
puted exclusively  to  the  tumultuary  reformation  of  Scotland,  to  the 
fanaticism  of  our  reformers,  or  the  barbarous  ignorance  of  our  nobles. 
In  England,  the  same  proceedings  took  place  to  a  far  greater  extent, 
and  the  loss  must  have  been  far  greater.  "  Another  misfortune,"  says 
Collier,  "consequent  upon  the  suppression  of  the  abbeys,  was  an  igno- 
rant destruction  of  a  great  manv  valuable  books.  The  books,  instead 

F3 


442  NOTES. 

of  being  removed  to  royal  libraries,  to  those  of  cathedrals,  or  the  uni- 
versities, were  frequently  thrown  in  to  the  grantees,  as  things  of 
slender  consideration.  Their  avarice  was  sometimes  so  meanj  and 
their  ignorance  so  undistinguishing,  that  when  the  covers  were  some- 
what rich,  and  would  yield  a  little,  they  pulled  them  off,  threw  away 
the  books,  or  turned  them  to  waste  paper." — "  A  number  of  them 
which  purchased  these  superstitious  mansions,"  says  Bishop  Bale, 
"  reserved  of  those  library  books,  some  to  serve  their  jacks,  some  to 
scour  their  candlesticks,  and  some  to  rub  their  boots,  and  some  they 
sold  to  the  grocers  and  soap-sellers,  and  some  they  sent  over  the  sea 
to  bookbinders,  not  in  small  numbers,  but  at  times  whole  ships  full. 
Yea,  the  universities  are  not  clear  in  this  detestable  fact ;  but  cursed 
is  the  belly  which  seeketh  to  be  fed  with  so  ungodly  gains,  and  so 
deeply  shameth  his  native  country.  I  know  a  merchant  man  (which 
shall  at  this  time  be  nameless)  that  bought  the  contents  of  two  noble 
libraries  for  forty  shillings  price ;  a  shame  it  is  to  be  spoken.  This 
stuff  hath  he  occupied  instead  of  grey  paper  by  the  space  of  more 
than  these  ten  years,  and  yet  hath  he  store  enough  for  as  many  years 
to  come."  Bale's  Declaration :  Collier's  Eccles.  Hist.  ii.  166. 


Note  KK,  p.  183. 

Aversion  of  Queen  Elizabeth  to  the  Scottish  War. — The  personal 
aversion  of  Elizabeth  to  engage  in  the  war  of  the  Scottish  Reforma- 
tion, has  not,  so  far  as  I  have  observed,  been  noticed  by  any  of  our 
historians.  It  is,  however,  a  fact  well  authenticated  by  state  papers, 
whether  it  arose  from  extreme  caution  at  the  commencement  of  her 
reign,  from  her  known  parsimony,  or  from  her  high  notions  respect- 
ing royal  prerogative.  Cecil  mentions  it  repeatedly  in  his  correspon- 
dence with  Throkmorton.  "God  trieth  us,"  says  he,  "with  many 
difficulties.  The  queen's  majestic  never  liketh  this  matter  of  Scotland; 
you  knowe  what  hangeth  thereuppon:  weak-hearted  men  and  flatter- 
ers will  follow  that  way. — I  have  had  such  a  torment  herin  with  the 
queen's  majestic,  as  an  ague  hath  not  in  five  fitts  so  much  abated." 
Forbes,  i.  454,  455.  In  another  letter  he  says,  "  What  will  follow  of 
my  going  towardes  Scotlande,  I  know  not ;  but  I  feare  the  success, 
quia,  the  queen's  majestie  is  so  evil  disposed  to  the  matter,  which 
troubleth  us  all."  Ibid.  460.  It  was  not  until  her  council  had  pre- 
sented a  formal  petition  to  her,  that  she  gave  her  consent.  Ibid.  390. 
Even  after  she  had  agreed  to  hostilities,  she  began  to  waver,  and  listen 
to  the  artful  proposals  of  the  French  court,  who  endeavoured  to  amuse 
her  until  such  time  as  they  were  able  to  convey  more  effectual  aid  to 
the  Queen  Regent  of  Scotland.  Killigrew,  in  a  letter  to  Throkmorton, 
after  mentioning  the  repulse  of  the  English  army  in  an  assault  on  the 
fortifications  of  Leith,  says : — "  This,  together  with  the  bishopes  [of 
Valance]  relation  unto  the  queen's  majestie,  caused  her  to  renew  the 
opinion  of  Cassandra."  Ibid.  456.  This  was  the  principal  cause  of 
the  suspension  of  hostilities,  and  the  premature  attempt  to  negociate, 
in  April,  1560,  which  so  justly  alarmed  the  lords  of  the  Congregation : 
an  occurrence  which  is  also  passed  over  in  our  common  histories. 
Sadler,  i.  719,  721.  The  Scottish  Protestants  were  much  indebted  to 
Cecil  and  Throkmorton  for  the  assistance  which  they  obtained  from 
England.  A  number  of  the  counsellors,  who  had  been  in  the  cabinet 
of  Queen  Mary,  did  all  in  their  power  to  foster  the  disinclination  of 
Elizabeth.  Lord  Gray,  in  one  of  his  despatches,  complains  of  the 
influence  of  these  ministers,  whom  he  calls  Philippians,  from  their 
attachment  to  the  interest  of  the  King  of  Spain.  Haynes,  p.  295. 


NOTES.  443 


Note  LL,  p.  186. 

Loyalty  of  the  Scottish,  Protestants. — The  hostile  advance  of  the 
regent  against  Perth,  first  drove  the  lords  of  the  Congregation  to  take 
arms  in  their  own  defence.  Her  reiterated  infraction  of  treaties,  and 
the  gradual  development  of  her  designs,  by  the  introduction  of  French 
troops  into  the  kingdom,  rendered  the  prospect  of  an  amicable  and 
permanent  adjustment  of  differences  very  improbable,  and  dictated 
the  propriety  of  strengthening  their  confederation,  that  they  might  be 
prepared  for  a  sudden  and  more  formidable  attack.  These  consider- 
ations are  sufficient  to  justify  the  posture  of  defence  in  which  they 
kept  themselves  during  the  summer  of  1559,  and  the  steps  which  they 
took  to  secure  assistance  from  England.  If  their  exact  situation  is 
not  kept  in  view,  an  accurate  judgment  of  their  conduct  cannot  be 
formed,  and  their  partial  and  temporary  resistance  to  the  measures  of 
the  regent  will  be  regarded  as  an  avowed  rebellion  against  her  autho- 
rity. But  whatever  be  the  modern  ideas  on  this  subject,  they  did  not 
consider  the  former  as  necessarily  implying  the  latter,  and  they  con- 
tinued to  profess  not  only  their  allegiance  to  their  sovereign,  but  also 
their  readiness  to  obey  the  Queen  Regent  in  every  thing  not  incon- 
sistent with  their  security,  and  the  liberties  of  the  nation;  nay,  they 
actually  yielded  obedience  to  her,  by  paying  taxes  to  the  officers 
whom  she  appointed  to  receive  them.  Knox,  p.  176.  Private  and 
confidential  letters  are  justly  considered  as  the  most  satisfactory  evi 
dence  as  to  the  intentions  of  men.  Our  Reformer,  in  a  letter  to  Mrs. 
Locke,  written  on  the  25th  of  July,  1559,  says,  "  The  queen  is  retired 
unto  Dunbar.  The  fine  [end]  is  known  unto  God.  We  mean  no 
tumult,  no  alteration  of  authority,  but  only  the  reformation  of  reli- 
gion, and  suppression  of  idolatry."  Cald.  MS.  i.  429.  At  an  early 
period,  indeed,  she  accused  them  of  a  design  to  throw  off  their  alle- 
giance. When  the  prior  of  St.  Andrews  joined  their  party,  she  indus- 
triously circulated  the  report  that  he  ambitiously  aimed  at  the  sover- 
eignty, and  that  they  intended  to  confer  it  upon  him.  Knox,  149. 
Forbes,  i.  180.  It  was  one  of  the  special  instructions  given  to  Sir 
Ralph  Sadler,  when  he  was  sent  down  to  Berwick,  that  he  should 
"  explore  the  very  trueth"  as  to  this  report.  Sadler,  i.  731.  In  all  his 
confidential  correspondence  with  his  court,  there  is  not  the  slightest 
insinuation  that  Sadler  had  discovered  any  evidence  to  induce  him  to 
credit  that  charge.  This  is  a  strong  proof  of  the  prior's  innocence,  if 
it  be  taken  in  connection  with  what  I  shall  immediately  state ;  not  to 
mention  the  testimony  of  Sir  James  Melvil.  Memoirs,  p.  27. 

When  the  Earl  of  Arran  joined  the  Congregation,  the  Q,ueen  Regent 
circulated  the  same  report  respecting  him.  Knox,  p.  174.  So  far  as 
the  Congregation  were  concerned,  this  accusation  was  equally  un- 
founded as  the  former.  Ibid.  p.  176.  But  there  are  some  circum- 
stances connected  with  it,  which  deserve  attention,  as  they  set  the 
loyalty  of  the  Scottish  Protestants  in  a  very  clear  light.  The  Earl  of 
Arran,  and  not  the  prior  of  St.  Andrews,  was  the  favourite  of  the 
English  court.  Messengers  were  appointed  by  them  to  bring  him 
from  the  Continent,  and  he  was  conducted  through  England  into  Scot- 
land, to  be  placed  at  the  head  of  the  Congregation.  Forbes,  i.  164, 
166,  171,  216.  Sadler,  i.  417,  421,  437,  439.  There  is  also  good  evi- 
dence that  the  ministers  of  Elizabeth  wished  him  to  be  raised  to  the 
throne  of  Scotland,  if  not  also  that  they  had  projected  the  uniting  of 
the  two  crowns  by  a  marriage  between  him  and  Elizabeth.  "  The 
way  to  perfait  this  assuredly,"  says  Throkmorton  to  Cecil,  "  is,  that 
the  erle  of  Arraine  do  as  Edward  the  IV.  did,  when  he  landed  at  Ra- 


444  NOTES. 

venspurg,  [he  pretended  to  the  duchy  of  York,  and  having  that,  he 
would  not  leave  till  he  had  the  "  diademe,"]  for  then  of  necessitie  th' 
erle  of  Arran  must  depend  upon  the  devotion  of  England,  to  maintein 
and  defend  himself.  I  feare  all  other  devises  and  handelings  will  prove 
like  an  apotecary  his  shop ;  and  therefore  I  leave  to  your  discretion 
to  provyde  by  all  meanes  for  this  matter,  both  there  and  in  Scotland." 
And  again:  "  Methinks,  the  lord  of  Grange,  Ledington,  Balnaves,  and 
the  chief  doers  of  the  Congregation,  (which  I  wold  wish  specially  to 
be  done  and  procured  by  the  prior  of  St.  Andrewes,)  should  be  per- 
suaded to  set  forward  these  purposes  before :  for  there  is  no  way  for 
them  to  have  any  safety  or  surety,  oneles  thei  make  the  earl  of  Arran 
king;  and  as  it  is  their  surety,  so  it  is  also  ours.  In  this  matter  there 
must  be  used  both  wisdome,  courage,  and  sped."  Forbes,  i.  435,  436. 
Throkmorton,  it  is  to  be  observed,  was  at  this  time  the  most  confiden- 
tial friend  of  Cecil,  and,  in  his  despatches  from  France,  pressed  the 
adoption  of  those  measures  which  the  secretary  had  recommended  to 
the  queen  and  council.  Had  not  the  Congregation  been  decidedly 
averse  to  any  change  of  the  government  which  would  have  set  aside 
their  queen,  it  seems  highly  probable  that  this  plan  would  have  been 
carried  into  execution.  The  report  of  an  intended  marriage  between 
Elizabeth  and  Arran  was  general  at  that  time ;  and  whatever  were 
the  queen's  own  intentions,  it  seems  to  have  been  seriously  contem- 
plated by  her  ministers.  Forbes,  214,  215,  282,  288.  This  accounts 
for  the  recommendation  of  this  measure  by  the  Scottish  Estates,  after 
the  conclusion  of  the  civil  war.  Keith,  154. 


Note  MM,  p.  192. 

Authorities  for  the  statement  of  Knox's  Political  Principles. — The 
following  extracts  from  his  writings  relate  to  the  principal  points 
touched  in  the  statement  of  his  political  sentiments: — 

"  In  few  wordis  to  speik  my  conscience ;  the  regiment  of  princes  is 
this  day  cum  to  that  heap  of  iniquitie,  that  no  godlie  man  can  bruke 
office  or  autoritie  under  thame,  but  in  so  doing  hie  salbe  compellit  not 
only  aganis  equitie  and  justice  to  oppress  the  pure,  but  also  express- 
edlie  to  fycht  againis  God  and  his  ordinance,  either  in  maintenance  of 
idolatrie,  or  ellis  in  persecuting  Godis  chosin  childrene.  And  what 
must  follow  heirof,  but  that  ether  princeis  be  reformit  and  be  compellit 
also  to  reform  their  wickit  laws,  or  els  all  gud  men  depart  fra  thair 
service  and  companie."  Additions  to  the  Apology  of  the  Parisian 
Protestants:  MS.  Letters,  p.  477.  Dr.  Robertson  has  ascribed  to 
Knox  and  Buchanan  an  "excessive  admiration  of  ancient  policy;" 
and  he  says,  their  "principles,  authorities,  and  examples,  were  all 
drawn  from  ancient  writers,"  and  their  political  system  founded  "  not 
on  the  maxims  of  feudal,  but  of  ancient  republican  government."  His- 
tory of  Scotland,  vol.  i.  b.  ii.  p.  391.  Lond.  1809.  These  assertions 
need  some  qualification.  If  republican  government  be  opposed  to 
absolute  monarchy,  the  principles  of  Knox  and  Buchanan  may  be  de- 
nominated republican ;  but  if  the  term  (as  now  commonly  understood) 
be  used  in  contradistinction  to  monarchy  itself,  it  cannot  be  shown 
that  they  admired  or  recommended  republicanism.  They  were  the 
friends  of  limited  monarchy.  It  is  the  excellence  of  the  government 
of  Britain,  that  the  feudal  maxims  which  once  predominated  in  it, 
have  been  corrected,  or  their  influence  counteracted,  by  others  bor- 
rowed from  republican  constitutions.  And  it  is  not  a  little  to  the  cre- 
dit of  these  great  men,  and  evinces  their  good  sense  and  moderation, 
that,  notwithstanding  all  their  admiration'of  ancient  models  of  legis- 


NOTES.  445 

lation,  in  comparison  with  the  existing  feudal  monuments,  they  con- 
tented themselves  with  recommending  such  principles  as  tended  to 
restrain  the  arbitrary  power  of  kings,  and  secure  the  rights  of  the 
people.  Nor  were  all  their  authorities  and  examples  drawn  from 
ancient  writers,  as  may  be  seen  in  Buchanan's  dialogue,  De  jure  regni 
apud  Scotos. 

In  a  letter  written  by  him  to  the  queen  dowager,  a  few  days  after 
her  suspension  from  the  regency,  Knox  says,  "  My  toung  did  bothe 
perswade  and  obtein,  that  your  authoritie  and  regiment  suld  be  obey- 
ed of  us  in  all  things  lawfull,  till  ye  declair  yourself  opin  enemie  to 
this  comoun  welthe ;  as  now,  allace !  ye  have  done."  Historic,  p.  180. 
This  declaration  is  justified  by  the  letters  which  he  wrote  to  his  breth- 
ren before  his  arrival  in  Scotland.  The  following  extract  from  a  letter 
addressed  to  the  Protestant  nobility,  December  17,  1557,  is  a  speci- 
men : — "  But  now,  no  farder  to  trubill  you  at  the  present,  I  will  onlie 
advertis  you  of  sic  bruit  as  I  heir  in  thir.  partis,  uncertainlie  noysit, 
whilk  is  this,  that  contradictioun  and  rebellioun  is  maid  to  the  autori- 
tie  be  sum  in  that  realme.  In  whilk  poynt  my  conscience  will  not 
suffer  me  to  keip  back  from  you  my  consall,  yea,  my  judgment  and 
commandement,  whilk  I  communicat  with  yow  in  Godis  feir,  and  by 
the  assurance  of  his  trueth,  whilk  is  this,  that  nane  of  you  that  seik  to 
promot  the  glorie  of  Chryst  do  suddanlie  disobey  or  displeas  the  estab- 
lissit  autoritie  in  things  lawful,  neither  yet  that  ye  assist  or  fortifie 
such  as,  for  their  awn  particular  caus  and  warldlie  promotioun,  wald 
trubill  the  same.  But,  in  the  bowallis  of  Chryst  Jesus,  I  exhort  yow, 
that,  with  all  simplicitie  and  lawfull  obedience,  with  boldness  in  God, 
and  with  opin  confessioun  of  your  faith,  ye  seek  the  favour  of  the 
autoritie,  that  by  it  (yf  possible  be)  the  cause  in  whilk  ye  labour  may 
be  promotit,  or,  at  the  leist,  not  persecutit:  Whilk  thing,  efter  all 
humill  request,  yf  ye  can  not  atteane,  then,  with  oppin  and  solemp 
protestation  of  your  obedience  to  be  given  to  the  autoritie  in  all 
thingis  not  planelie  repugnying  to  God,  ye  lawfullie  may  attemp  the 
extreamitie,  whilk  is,  to  provyd  (whidder  the  autoritie  will  consent  or 
no)  that  Chrystis  evangell  may  be  trewlie  preachit,  and  his  haly  sacra- 
mentis  rychtlie  ministerit  unto  yow  and  to  your  brethren,  the  subjectis 
of  that  realme.  And  farder  ye  lawfully  may,  yea,  and  thairto  is  bound, 
to  defend  your  brethrene  from  prosecutioun  and  tiranny,  be  it  aganis 
princes  or  emprioris,  to  the  uttermost  of  your  power;  provyding 
alwayis  (as  I  have  said)  that  nether  your  self  deny  lawful  obedience, 
nether  yit  that  ye  assist  nor  promot  thois  that  seik  autoritie  and  pre- 
eminence of  warldlie  glorie."  MS.  Letters,  pp.  434,  435. 

In  a  conversation  with  Queen  Mary  at  Lochleven,  we  find  him 
inculcating  the  doctrine  of  a  mutual  compact  between  rulers  and  sub- 
jects. "  It  sail  be  profitabill  to  your  majesty  to  consider  quhat  is  the 
thing  your  grace's  subjects  luiks  to  receave  of  your  majesty,  and 
quhat  it  is  that  ye  aucht  to  do  unto  thame  by  mutual  contract.  They  ar 
bound  to  obey  you,  and  that  not  bot  in  God ;  ye  ar  bound  to  keip 
lawes  unto  thame.  Ye  crave  of  thame  service ;  they  crave  of  you 
protectioun  and  defence  against  wicked  doars.  Now,  madam,  if  you 
sail  deny  your  dewty  unto  thame,  (quhilk  especially  craves  that  ye 
punish  malefactors,)  think  ye  to  receave  full  obedience  of  thame  ?" 
Historic,  p,  327.  This  sentiment  was  adopted  by  his  countrymen. 
The  committee  appointed  by  the  Regent  Murray,  to  prepare  overtures 
for  the  parliament  which  met  in  December,  1567,  (of  which  committee 
our  Reformer  was  a  member,)  agreed  to  this  proposition : — "  The 
band  and  contract  to  be  mutuale  and  reciprous  in  all  tymes  cuming 
betwixt  the  prince  and  God,  and  his  faithfull  people,  according  to  the 
word  of  God."  Robertson's  Records  of  Parliament,  p.  796.  This  was 
38 


446  NOTES. 

also  one  of  the  articles  subscribed  at  the  General  Assembly  in  July 
preceding;  and  their  language  is  still  more  clear  and  express, — "mu- 
tual and  reciproque  in  all  tymes  coming  betwixt  the  prince  and  God, 
and  also  betwixt  the  prince  and  faithful  people."  Buik  of  the  Univer- 
sall  Kirk,  p.  34,  Advocates'  Library.  Keith,  582.  See  also  the  pro- 
clamation of  the  king's  authority,  in  Anderson's  Collections,  vol.  ii.  p. 
205.  Keith,  441.  The  right  of  resistance  was  formally  recognized  in 
the  inscription  on  a  coin  stamped  soon  after  the  coronation  of  James 
VI.  On  one  of  the  sides  is  the  figure  of  a  sword  with  a  crown  upon 
it ;  and  the  words  of  Trajan  circumscribed,  Pro  me;  si  mereor,  in  me; 
i.  e.  Use  this  sword  for  me ;  if  I  deserve  it,  against  me.  CardoneJl's 
Numismata  Scotiae,  plate  ix.  p.  101.  Our  Reformer's  Appellation  may 
be  consulted  for  the  proof  of  what  has  been  asserted  (pp.  191,  192)  as 
to  his  endeavours  to  repress  aristocratical  tyranny,  and  to  awaken 
the  mass  of  the  people  to  a  due  sense  of  their  rights.  See  also  his 
Historic,  p.  100.  The  effect  of  the  Reformation  in  extending  popular 
liberty  was  very  visible  in  the  parliament  which  met  in  August,  1560, 
in  which  there  were  representatives  from  all  the  boroughs,  and  a  hun- 
dred lesser  barons,  "with  mony  otheris  baronis,  fre-halderis,  and 
landit  men."  Keith  informs  us  that,  during  a  space  of  no  less  than 
seventy-seven  years  preceding,  "scarcely  had  one  of  the  inferior  gen- 
try appeared  in  parliament.  And  therefore,"  adds  he,  "  I  know  not 
but  it  may  be  deemed  somewhat  unusual,  for  a  hundred  of  them  to 
jump  all  at  once  into  the  parliament,  especially  in  such  a  juncture  as 
the  present  was."  History,  pp.  147,  148.  The  petition  presented  by 
the  lesser  barons,  for  liberty  to  sit  and  vote  in  the  parliament,  has  this 
remarkable  clause  in  it :  "  otherwise  we  think  that  whatsomever  ordi- 
nances and  statutes  be  made  concerning  us  and  our  estate,  we  not 
being  required  and  suffered  to  reason  and  vote  at  the  making  thereof, 
that  the  same  should  not  oblige  us  to  stand  thereto."  Robertson's 
History  of  Scotland,  Append.  No.  4. 

Liberal  principles  respecting  civil  government  accompanied  the  pro- 
gress of  the  Reformation.  Knox  had  the  concurrence  of  English 
bishops  in  his  doctrine  concerning  the  limited  authority  of  kings,  and 
the  lawfulness  of  resisting  them.  See  above,  Note  BB,  and  Note  III. 
And  he  had  the  express  approbation  of  the  principal  divines  in  the 
foreign  churches.  Historic,  363, 366.  In  the  seventeenth  century,  some 
of  the  French  reformed  divines,  in  their  great  loyalty  to  the  Grand 
Monarque,  disclaimed  our  Reformer's  political  sentiments,  and  repre- 
sented them  as  proceeding  from  the  fervid  and  daring  spirit  of  the 
Scottish  nation,  or  adapted  to  the  peculiar  constitution  of  their  gov- 
ernment. Riveti  Castig.  in  Balzacum,  cap.  xiii.  §  14:  Oper.  torn.  iii.  p. 
539.  Quotations  from  other  French  authors  are  given  by  Bayle,  Diet. 
Art.  Knox,  Note  E.  In  the  controversy  occasioned  by  the  execution 
of  Charles  I.  our  Reformer's  name  and  principles  were  introduced. 
Milton  appealed  to  him,  and  quoted  his  writings,  in  defence  of  that 
deed.  One  of  Milton's  opponents  told  him  that  he  could  produce  in 
his  support  only  a  single  Scot,  "  whom  his  own  age  could  not  suffer, 
and  whom  all  the  Reformed,  especially  the  French,  condemned  in  this 
point."  Regii  Sanguinis  Clamor  ad  Ccelum,  p.  129.  Hagae-Comit.  1625; 
written  by  Pierre  du  Moulin,  the  son.  Milton,  in  his  rejoinder,  urges 
with  truth,  that  Knox  had  asserted,  that  his  opinions  were  approved 
of  by  Calvin,  and  other  eminent  divines  of  the  reformed  churches. 
Miltoni  Defensio  Secunda,  p.  101. 

Long  before  the  controversy  respecting  the  execution  of  Charles, 
Milton  had  expressed  himself  in  terms  of  high  praise  concerning  our 
Reformer.  Arguing  against  the  abuses  committed  by  licensers  of  the 
press,  he  says,  "  Nay,  which  is  more  lamentable,  if  the  work  of  any 


NOTES.  447 

deceased  author,  though  never  so  famous  in  his  lifetime  and  even  to 
this  day,  come  to  their  hands  for  licence  to  be  printed  or  reprinted,  if 
there  be  found  in  his  book  one  sentence  of  a  venturous  edge,  uttered 
in  the  height  of  zeal,  (and  who  knows  whether  it  might  not  be  the 
dictate  of  a  divine  spirit  1)  yet,  not  suiting  with  every  low  decrepit 
humour  of  their  own,  though  it  were  KNOX  himself,  the  Reformer  of  a 
kingdom,  that  spake  it,  they  will  not  pardon  Mm  their  dash :  the  sense 
of  that  great  man  shall  to  all  posterity  be  lost  for  the  fearfulness,  or 
the  presumptuous  rashness  of  a  prefunctory  licenser.  And  to  what 
an  author  this  violence  hath  bin  lately  done,  and  in  what  book  of 
greatest  consequence  to  be  faithfully  publisht,  I  could  now  instance, 
but  shall  tbrbear  till  a  more  convenient  season."  Prose  Works,  vol.  i. 
p.  311.  The  tract  from  which  this  quotation  is  made,  was  first  pub- 
lished in  1644,  the  year  in  which  David  Buchanan's  edition  of  Knox'3 
History  appeared ;  and  Milton  evidently  refers  to  that  work. 


Note  NN,  p.  213. 

I  shall,  in  this  note,  add  some  particulars  respecting  the  early 
practice  of  the  Reformed  Church  of  Scotland,  under  the  following 
heads : — 

Of  Doctors. — The  doctrine  of  the  Church  of  Scotland,  and  indeed 
of  other  reformed  churches,  on  this  head,  has  not  been  very  uniform 
and  decided.  The  First  Book  of  Discipline  does  not  mention  doctors, 
but  it  seems  to  take  for  granted  what  has  been  stated  respecting  them 
in  the  Book  of  Common  Order,  where  they  are  declared  to  be  "  a 
fourth  kind  of  ministers  left  to  the  Church  of  Christ,"  although  the 
English  Church  at  Geneva  could  not  attain  them.  Knox's  Liturgy,  p. 
14.  Dunlop's  Confessions,  ii.  409,  410.  In  the  Second  Book  of  Discip- 
line, the  office  of  doctor  is  expressly  mentioned  as  "ane  of  the  twa 
ordinar  and  perpetual  functions  that  travel  in  the  world,"  and  "  differ- 
ent from  the  pastor,  not  only  in  name,  but  in  diversity  of  gifts."  The 
doctor  is  to  "assist  the  pastor  in  the  government  of  the  kirk,  and  con- 
cur with  the  elders  his  brethren  in  all  assemblies,"  but  not  "  to  minis- 
ter the  sacraments  or  celebrate  marriage."  Dunlop,  ii.  773,  774.  The 
Book  of  Common  Order  and  Second  Book  of  Discipline  agree  in  com- 
prehending, under  the  name  and  office  of  a  doctor,  "  the  order  in 
schooles,  colledges,  and  universities."  Ibid.  The  fact  seems  to  be, 
that  there  never  were  any  doctors  in  the  Church  of  Scotland,  except 
the  teachers  of  divinity  in  the  universities.  "  Q,uamvis  ecclesia  nos- 
tra,"  says  Calderwood,  "  post  primam  reformationem,  quatuor  agnos- 
cat  ministrorum  genera,  pastorum,  doctoriim,  presbyterorum,  et  dia- 
conorum,  tamen  doctores  alios  nondum  habuit  quam  scholarchas." 
De  Regimine  Ecclesiae  Scoticanae  Brevis  Relatio,  pp.  1,  2.  Anno,  1618. 
Some  writers  have  asserted,  that  it  was  as  doctors  that  Buchanan 
and  Andrew  Melville  sat,  and  sometimes  presided,  in  the  church 
courts.  The  Episcopalians  having  objected,  that  the  Church  of  Scot- 
land admitted  persons  to  act  as  moderators  in  her  assemblies  who 
were  in  no  ecclesiastical  office,  and  having  appealed  to  the  instances 
of  the  two  persons  above  mentioned,  Mr.  Baillie  gives  this  answer : 
"Mr.  Melvil  was  a  doctor  of  divinity,  and  so  long  as  episcopal  perse- 
cution permitted,  did  sit  with  great  renowne  in  the  prime  chair  we 
had  of  that  faculty :  George  Buchanan  had  sometimes,  as  I  have  heard, 
been  a  preacher  at  St.  Andrews :  after  his  long  travells  he  was  em- 
ployed by  our  church  and  state  to  be  a  teacher  to  King  James  and  his 
family:  of  his  faithfulnesse  in  this  charge  he  left,  I  believe,  to  the 
world  good  and  satisfactory  tokens:  the  eminency  of  this  person  was 


448  NOTES. 

so  great,  that  no  society  of  men  need  be  ashamed  to  have  been  mode- 
rated by  his  wisdome."  Historical  Vindication,  pp.  21,  22.  The  re- 
port which  Mr.  Baillie  had  heard  of  Buchanan  having  been  a  preacher, 
probably  originated  from  the  divinity  lectures  which  Calderwood 
informs  us  he  read  with  great  applause  in  the  university  of  St.  An- 
drews. "  Buchanan  and  Mr.  Melville  were  doctors  of  divinity,"  says 
Rutherford,  in  his  Lex  Rex,  pref.  p.  5.  London,  1644. 

Of  Readers. — Those  employed  as  readers  appear  to  have  often 
transgressed  the  bounds  prescribed  to  them,  and  to  have  both  solemn- 
ized marriage,  and  administered  the  sacraments.  Different  acts  of 
Assembly  were  made  to  restrain  these  excesses.  The  General  As- 
sembly, in  October,  1576,  prohibited  all  readers  from  administering 
"the  holie  sacrament  of  the  Lord,  except  such  as  hes  the  word  of  ex- 
hortation." The  Assembly  which  met  in  July,  1579,  inhibited  them 
from  celebrating  marriage,  unless  they  were  found  meet  by  "  the  com- 
mission, or  synodal  assembly."  At  length,  in  April,  1581,  the  order 
was  suppressed.  "  Anent  readers :  Forsamekle  as  in  assemblies  pre- 
ceding, the  office  therof  was  concludit  to  be  no  ordinar  office  in  the 
kirk  of  God,  and  the  admission  of  them  suspendit  to  the  present  as- 
semblie,  the  kirk  in  ane  voyce  hes  votit  and  concludit  farder,  that  in 
na  tymes  coming  any  reider  be  admitted  to  the  office  of  reider,  be  any 
having  power  within  the  kirk."  Buik  of  the  Universal!  Kirk,  in  loc. 

Of  Superintendents.— The  Church  of  Scotland  did  not  consider 
superintendents  as  ordinary  or  permanent  office-bearers  in  the  Church. 
They  are  not  mentioned  in  the  Book  of  Common  Order.  The  First 
Book  of  Discipline  explicitly  declares,  that  their  appointment  was  a 
matter  of  temporary  expedience,  for  the  plantation  of  the  Church,  and 
on  account  of  the  paucity  of  ministers.  Its  words  are,  "  Because  we 
have  appointed  a  larger  stipend  to  them  that  shall  be  superintendents 
than  to  the  rest  of  the  ministers,  we  have  thought  good  to  signifie  to 
your  honours  such  reasons  as  moved  us  to  make  difference  betwixt 
teachers  at  this  time."  And  again :  "  We  consider  that  if  the  minis- 
ters whom  God  hath  endowed  with  his  singular  graces  amongst  us 
should  be  appointed  to  several  places,  there  to  make  their  continual 
residence,  that  then  the  greatest  part  of  the  realme  should  be  destitute 
of  all  doctrine;  which  should  not  onely  be  the  occasion  of  great  mur- 
mur, but  also  be  dangerous  to  the  salvation  of  many.  And  therefore 
we  have  thought  it  a  thing  most  expedient  at  this  time,  that  from  the 
whole  number  of  godly  and  learned  men,  now  presently  in  this  realme, 
be  selected  ten  or  twelve,  (for  in  so  many  provinces  we  have  divided 
the  whole,)  to  whom  charge  and  commandment  should  be  given,  to 
plant  and  erect  kirkes,  to  set,  order,  and  appoint  ministers,  as  the 
former  order  prescribes,  to  the  countries  that  shall  be  appointed  to 
their  care  where  none  are  now."  First  and  Second  Books  of  Discip- 
line, p.  35,  printed  anno  1621.  Dunlop's  Confessions,  ii.  538,  539. 
Archbishop  Spots  wood  has  not  acted  faithfully,  if  his  History  has  been 
printed,  in  this  place,  exactly  according  to  his  manuscript.  He  has 
omitted  the  passages  above  quoted,  and  has  comprehended  the  whole 
two  paragraphs  from  which  they  are  extracted  in  a  short  sentence  of 
his  own,  which  is  far  from  being  a  full  expression  of  the  meaning  of 
the  compiler.  History,  p.  158.  Lond.  1677.  This  is  the  more  inexcus- 
able, as  he  says  that,  for  "the  clearing  of  many  questions  which  were 
afterwards  agitated  in  the  Church,"  he  "thought  meet  word  by  word 
to  insert  the  same  [the  First  Book  of  Discipline]  that  the  reader  may 
see  what  were  the  grounds  laid  down  at  first  for  the  government  of 
the  Church."  Ibid.  p.  152.  He  could  not  be  ignorant  that  the  grounds 
of  the  appointment  of  superintendents  formed  one  of  the  principal 
questions  agitated  between  him  and  his  Anti-Episcopal  opponents.  I 


NOTES.  449 

have  examined  the  copy  of  the  First  Book  of  Discipline,  inserted  in  an 
old  MS.  copy  of  Knox's  Historic,  and  find  that  it  exactly  agrees  with 
the  quotations  which  I  have  made  from  the  editions  published  in  1621, 
and  by  Dunlop.  Dr.  Robertson  has  been  misled  by  the  archbishop. 
"  On  the  first  introduction  of  his  system,"  says  he,  "  Knox  did  not 
deem  it  expedient  to  depart  altogether  from  the  ancient  form.  Instead 
of  bishops,  he  proposed  to  establish  ten  or  twelve  superintendents  in 
different  parts  of  the  kingdom."  As  his  authority  for  this  statement, 
he  refers  solely  to  the  mutilated  account  in  Spotswood.  Hist,  of  Scot- 
land, ii.  42,  43.  Lond.  1809.  Mr.  Laing,  from  an  examination  of  the 
original  documents,  has  given  a  more  accurate  account,  and  pro- 
nounced the  appointment  of  superintendents  to  have  been  a  "  tempo- 
rary expedient."  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  iii.  pp.  17,  18.  Lond.  1804. 

The  superintendents  were  elected  and  admitted  in  the  same  manner 
as  other  pastors.  Knpx,  263.  They  were  equally  subject  to  rebuke, 
suspension,  and  deposition,  as  the  rest  of  the  ministers  of  the  Church. 
In  the  examination  of  those  whom  they  admitted  to  the  ministry,  they 
were  bound  to  associate  with  them  the  ministers  of  the  neighbouring 
parishes.  They  could  not  exercise  any  spiritual  jurisdiction  without 
the  consent  of  the  provincial  synods,  over  which  they  had  no  nega- 
tive voice.  They  were  accountable  to  the  General  Assembly  for  the 
whole  of  their  conduct.  The  laborious  task  imposed  upon  them  is 
what  few  bishops  have  ever  submitted  to.  "  They  must  be  preachers 
themselves ;"  they  are  charged  to  "  remain  in  no  place  above  twenty 
daies  in  their  visitation,  till  they  are  passed  through  their  whole 
bounds."  They  "  must  thrice  everie  week  preach  at  the  least."  When 
they  return  to  their  principal  town  of  residence,  "  they  must  likewise 
be  exercised  in  preaching;"  and  having  remained  in  it  "three  or  foure 
monthes  at  most,  they  shall  be  compelled  (unless  by  sicknesse  they  be 
retained)  to  re-enter  in  visitation."  Dunlop,  ii.  542.  De  Regimine 
Eccles.  Scotican.  Brevis  Relatio,  pp.  5, 6.  Epistolae  Philadelphi  Vindi- 
cise  contra  calumnias  Spots wodi :  Altare  Damascenum,  pp.  724 — 727. 
Lugd.  Batav.  1708.  In  the  last  mentioned  tract  (of  which  Calderwood 
was  the  author)  the  difference  between  the  Scottish  superintendents 
and  Anglican  bishops  is  drawn  out  under  thirteen  heads.  Spots- 
wood's  treatise  is  entitled,  Refutatio  Libelli  de  Regimine  Ecclesiae 
Scoticanae.  Lond.  1620. 

The  visiters,  or  commissioners  of  provinces,  exercised  the  same 
power  as  the  superintendents ;  the  only  difference  between  them  was, 
that  the  former  received  their  commission  from  one  Assembly  to  an- 
other. Altare  Damascenum,  p.  727.  But  these  commissions  appear 
sometimes  to  have  been  granted  for  a  longer  period ;  for  one  of  Robert 
Font's  titles  was  Commissioner  of  Murray.  Perhaps,  in  this  case,  a 
commissioner  differed  from  a  superintendent,  merely  in  not  being 
obliged  to  have  his  stated  residence  within  the  bounds  of  the  province 
committed  to  his  inspection. 

Of  the  weekly  Exercise,  or  Prophesying. — This  was  an  exercise  on 
the  Scriptures,  intended  for  the  improvement  of  ministers,  the  trial  of 
the  gifts  of  those  who  might  afterwards  be  employed  in  the  service  of 
the  Church,  and  the  general  instruction  of  the  people.  It  was  to  be 
held  in  every  town  "  where  schools  and  repaire  of  learned  men  are.'* 
For  conducting  the  exercise,  there  was  an  association  of  the  ministers, 
and  other  learned  men,  in  the  town  and  vicinity,  called  "  the  company 
of  interpreters."  They  alternately  expounded  a  passage  of  Scrip- 
ture ;  and  others  who  were  present  were  encouraged  to  deliver  their 
sentiments.  After  the  exercise  was  finished,  the  constituent  members 
of  the  association  retired,  and  delivered  their  judgment  on  the  dis- 
courses which  had  been  delivered.  Books  of  Discipline,  ut  supra,  pp. 
38*  G3 


450  NOTES. 

60—62.  Dunlop,  ii.  587—591.  After  the  erection  of  regular  presbyte- 
ries, this  exercise  formed  an  important  part  of  their  employment;  and 
at  every  meeting,  two  of  the  members  by  turns  were  accustomed  to 
expound  the  Scriptures.  De  Regimine  Eccl.  Scot.  Brevis  Relatio,  p. 
3.  Until  lately  traces  of  this  ancient  practice  remained,  and  there  is 
reason  to  regret  that  it  has  generally  gone  into  desuetude  among 
Presbyterian  bodies.  Associations  of  the  same  kind  were  formed  in 
England.  From  1571  to  1576,  they  spread  through  that  kingdom,  and 
were  patronized  by  the  Bishops  of  London,  Winton,  Bath  and  Wells, 
Litchfield,  Gloucester,  Lincoln,  Chichester,  Exon,  St.  David's,  by  San- 
dys, Archbishop  of  York,  and  by  Grindal,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury. 
Several  of  the  courtiers,  as  Sir  Walter  Mildmay,  Sir  Francis  Knollys, 
and  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  greatly  approved  of  them ;  and,  at  a  future 
period,  they  were  recommended  to  King  James  by  Lord  Bacon.  But 
they  were  suppressed  by  an  imperious  mandate  from  Elizabeth.  Some 
interesting  particulars  respecting  their  number,  regulations,  and  sup- 
pression, may  be  seen  in  Strype's  Annals,  ii.  90—95,  219,  220,  318— 
324,  486.  Life  of  Grindal,  pp.  219—227,  230,  299,  300.  Life  of  Parker, 
460—462.  They  were  formed  on  the  model  of  the  Scottish  Exercises, 
and  in  their  regulations,  the  very  words  of  the  First  Book  of  Disci- 
pline are  sometimes  used.  A  species  of  ecclesiastical  discipline  was 
joined  with  them  in  some  dioceses.  I  also  observe  a  striking  resem- 
blance between  the  directions  given  by  Bishop  Scambler  for  the  cele- 
bration of  the  Lord's  Supper,  and  the  mode  which  was  then  used  in 
Scotland,  particularly  as  to  the  circumstances  of  two  communions  or 
ministrations  on  the  same  day,  and  the  early  hour  of  the  service. 
Strype's  Annals,  ii.  91,  compared  with  Scott's  History  of  the  Scottish 
Reformers,  p.  192. 

Keith  has  given  a  quotation  from  the  MS.  copy  of  Spotswood's  His- 
tory, in  which  the  archbishop  signifies,  that  at  the  time  of  the  compila- 
tion of  the  First  Book  of  Discipline,  several  of  the  reformed  ministers 
wished  to  retain  the  ancient  polity,  after  removing  the  grosser  cor- 
ruptions and  abuses,  but  that  Knox  overruled  this  motion.  Keith, 
492.  But  there  is  no  trace,  in  the  authentic  documents  of  that  period, 
of  any  diversity  of  opinion  among  the  Scottish  reformers  on  this  head. 
The  supposition  is  contradicted  by  Row,  (see  above,  p.  210,)  and  by 
their  own  language.  Dunlop,  iii.  518.  Knox's  Historic,  282.  It  is 
probable  that  the  archbishop's  story  had  its  original  at  a  later  period, 
when  the  design  of  conforming  the  Church  of  Scotland  to  the  Eng- 
lish model  began  to  be  entertained.  I  am  not  inclined  to  give  much 
more  credit  to  another  tale  of  Spotswood,  respecting  a  message  which 
Archbishop  Hamilton  is  said  to  have  sent  to  Knox  by  John  Brand. 
History,  174.  Keith,  495. 

Note  OO,  p.  215. 

Sentiments  of  the  Reformed  Ministers  respecting  Tithes  and  the 
Property  of  the  Church.— These  are  laid  down  in  the  First  Book  of 
Discipline,  chap.  v.  and  viii.  Dunlop,  ii.  533—538,  562—568.  Consid- 
erable light  is  also  thrown  upon  them  by  the  private  writings  of  that 
period.  The  reformed  ministers  did  riot  regard  tithes  as  of  divine 
right,  nor  think  that  it  was  sacrilegious  in  every  case  to  apply  to  secu- 
lar purposes  those  funds  which  had  been  originally  set  apart  to  a  reli- 
gious use.  But  they  held  that,  by  the  Christian  as  well  as  the  Jewish 
law,  a  competent  subsistence  was  appointed  to  be  made  for  the  minis- 
ters of  religion ;  that  it  is  incumbent  on  a  nation  which  has  received 
the  true  religion  to  make  public  provision  for  the  outward  mainten- 
ance of  its  ordinances ;  that  the  appropriation  of  the  tenth  part  of 


NOTES.  451 

property  for  this  purpose  is  at  least  recommended  by  primeval  usage, 
by  the  sanction  of  divine  wisdom  in  the  Jewish  constitution,  and  by 
the  laws  and  practice  of  Christian  empires  and  kingdoms;  that  pro- 
perty which  had  been  set  apart  and  given  for  religious  ends  could  not 
justly,  or  without  sacrilege,  be  alienated,  as  long  as  it  was  needed  for 
these  purposes;  and  that  though  many  of  the  donors  might  have  had 
the  support  of  superstitious  observances  immediately  in  their  eye, 
still  it  was  with  a  view  to  religion  that  they  made  such  gifts.  In  as 
far  as  it  should  appear  that  the  ecclesiastical  revenues  were  super- 
abundant and  unnecessary,  they  were  willing  that  the  surplus  should 
be  applied  to  the  common  service  of  the  state.  To  illustrate  their  sen- 
timents on  this  subject,  and  the  manner  in  which  they  complained  of 
the  alienation  of  church  property,  I  shall  add  a  few  extracts  from  some 
of  their  writings  M'hich  are  not  commonly  consulted. 

My  first  extracts  shall  be  from  Ferguson's  sermon,  to  which  our 
Reformer  set  his  hand  a  little  before  his  death.  Having  given  an 
account  of  the  law  of  Moses,  the  ordinance  of  the  New  Testament, 
and  the  practice  of  the  primitive  church,  he  adds,  "  Ye  se,  then,  that 
the  ministers  of  the  primitive  kirk  (that  levit  befoir  princes  wer  Chris- 
tianes  and  nurishers  of  the  kirk,  as  it  was  propheseit)  wer  na  beggaris, 
suppois  they  wer  no  lordis  that  aboundit  in  superfluous  welth,  as  the 
papis  bischoppis  did ;  bot  had  sufficient  asweill  for  the  necessitie  of 
thair  owin  families,  as  for  the  help  of  uther  Christianes  that  now  and 
then,  as  occasiones  servit,  repairit  to  thair  housis.  Q,uhen  the  tyme 
come  foirspokin  bi  David  (Ps.  Ixviii.  and  cii.)  that  kingis  and  empe- 
reouris,  and  thair  kingdomes,  suld  serve  the  Lord,  and  bring  giftes 
unto  him,"  they,  "  following  his  example  that  only  is  wyse,  ordainit 
be  thair  authoritie,  that  the  tiendis  sulde  serve  to  the  same  use  in  the 
tyme  of  the  gospell." — "  Our  youth  aucht  also  to  be  nurischit  and 
maintenit  at  the  schuillis,  and  thairoutof  efterward  might  spring 
preicheris,  counsellouris,  physiciounis,  and  all  other  kinds  of  learnit 
men  that  we  have  neid  of.  For  the  scheulis  are  the  seid  of  the  kirk 
and  common  welth,  and  our  childrene  are  the  hope  of  the  posteritie, 
quhilk  being  neglectit,  thair  can  nathing  be  luikit  for  bot  that  barba- 
rous ignorance  sail  overflow  all.  For  suppois  God  has  wonderfullie, 
at  this  time,  steirit  up  priecheris  amang  us,  even  quhen  darkness  and 
ignorance  had  the  upperhand,  he  will  not  do  sa  heirefter,  seeing  we 
have  the  ordinarie  meane  to  provide  them,  quhilk  gif  we  contempne, 
in  vane  sail  we  loke  for  extraordinary  proviscioun.  Israel  was  mirac- 
ulusslie  fed  in  the  wildernes  with  manna,  bot  how  soon  thay  did  eit 
of  the  corne  of  the  land  of  Canaan,  the  manna  ceissit,  nouther  had 
they  it  ony  moir,  bot  levit  efterward  on  the  frute  of  the  ground,  ordi- 
narilie  labourit  with  thair  handis.  I  speik  to  prudent  mien  that  may 
understand  and  judge  quhat  I  say."  After  deploring  the  decayed  state 
of  the  churches  and  schools,  and  the  poverty  of  the  ministers,  he  adds, 
"  I  am  compellit  to  speik  this,  thocht  I  be  als  plane  as  pleasant,  and 
appear  to  yow  as  the  greatest  fule  of  the  rest  to  stand  up  heir  to  utter 
that  quhilk  other  men  thinkis.  Weill ;  let  me  be  countit  a  fule  for 
speiking  the  treuth.  I  regard  not;  nouther  may  I  spair  to  speik 
it,  thocht  I  suld  be  judgeit  in  our  awin  cause  to  be  carryit  away 
with  a  particular  affectioun ;  following  heirin  the  exampil  of  our  pro- 
phet Malachie."— "  Ye  marvel,  I  doubt  not,  quhy  ye  have  not  prevailit 
aganis  yone  throtcutteris  and  unnaturall  murtherers  within  the  towne 
and  castell  of  Edinburgh,  specially  ye  heving  a  maist  just  actioun, 
being  ma  in  number,  and  mair  valyeant  men,  and  nathing  inferiour  to 
thame  in  wisdome,  circumspectioun,  or  ony  gud  qualiteis,  outher  of 
body  or  mynd.  Bot  ceis  to  marvel ;  for  the  caus  quhy  that  ye  have 
not  prevailit  aganis  thame  long  or  now,  amang  mony  uther  your 


452  NOTES. 

sinnis  quhairwith  ye  are  defylt,  is  this,  that  the  spuilyie  of  the  pure  Is 
in  your  housis ;  ye  invaid  that  quhilk  our  forbearis  gave  of  gude  zeil 
to  Goddis  honour,  and  the  commoun  welth  of  the  kirk ;  ye  spuilye  to 
your  awn  private  usis,  without  outher  ryme  or  resoun,  nouther  will 
ye  be  controllit.  This,  this,  I  say,  is  the  chief  caus  that  nathing  pros- 
peris  in  your  handis.  I  grant  that  our  fatheris,  of  immoderate  zeill, 
(besyde  the  teindis  and  necessarie  rentis  of  the  kirk,)  gave  thairunto 
superfluously,  and  mair  nor  aneuch.  Q,uhat  then  is  to  be  done  1  but 
that  the  preicheris  of  God's  word  be  reasonablie  sustenit,  seing  thair 
is  eneuch  and  over  mekil  to  do  it,  the  schullis  and  the  pure  be  weill 
provydit,  as  they  aucht,  and  the  tempellis  honestly  and  reverently 
reparit,  that  the  pepill,  without  injurie  of  wynd  or  wedder,  may  sit 
and  heir  Goddis  word,  and  participat  of  his  haly  sacramentis.  And 
gif  thair  restis  ony  thing  unspendit  quhen  this  is  done,  (as  na  dout 
thair  wil,)  in  the  name  of  God,  let  it  be  bestowiton  the  next  necessarie 
affairis  of  the  commoun  welth,  and  not  to  any  mannis  private  com- 
moditie."  Ane  Sermon  preachit  befoir  the  regent  and  nobilitie — be 
David  Fergussone.  B.  iv.  v.  C.  Lepruik,  1572. 

The  following  extracts  are  taken  from  Sermons  against  Sacrilege 
by  Robert  Pont.  "  From  the  yeare  of  our  Lorde  1560,  unto  this  pre- 
sent time,  the  greatest  study  of  all  men  of  power  of  this  land,  hes  bene, 
by  all  kinde  of  inventions,  to  spoyle  the  kirk  of  Christ  of  her  patrimo- 
nie,  by  chopping  and  changing,  diminishing  of  rentals,  converting  of 
victual  in  small  sumes  of  money :  setting  of  fewes  within  the  availe, 
long  tackes  uppon  tackes,  with  two  or  three  liferentes,  with  many 
twentie  yeares  in  an  tack,  annexationes,  erectiones  of  kirk-rents  in 
temporall  livings  and  heritage,  pensiones,  simple  donationes,  erecting 
of  new  patron  ages,  union  of  teindes,  making  of  new  abattes,  commen- 
dataries,  priors,  with  other  papistical  titles,  which  ought  to  have  no 
place  in  a  reformed  kirk  and  countrie ;  with  an  infinite  of  other  cor- 
rupt and  fraudfull  waies,  to  the  detriment  and  hurte  of  the  kirke,  the 
schooles,  and  the  poore,  without  any  stay  or  gaine-calling. 

"  Treuth  it  is,  parliaments  have  been  conveened,  and  acts  have  bene 
made,  for  providing  ministers  of  competent  livinges ;  for  reparaling 
of  parish  kirkes,  for  trayning  up  the  youth  in  schooles  of  theologie.) 
It  hath  bene  also  promised,  and  subscribed  in  writte,  by  a  great  parte 
of  the  nobilitie,  that  the  poore  labourers  of  the  grounde,  should  have 
an  ease  and  reliefe  of  the  rigorous  exacting  of  their  teindes :  and  many 
other  good  thinges  have  been  devised,  tending  to  the  advancement  of 
the  glorie  of  God,  and  establishing  of  Christ  his  kingdome.  Amongst 
us,  namely,  in  time  of  the  governemente  of  that  good  regente  (whome 
for  honoures  cause  I  name)  who,  although  he  could  not  doe  all  that 
hee  would  have  done,  (having  so  manie  hinderances  and  enemies,) 
yet  his  dooings  might  have  been  a  perfite  patterne  of  godlinesse  to 
the  reste  of  the  nobilitie,  to  make  thame  bene  content  to  live  uppon 
their  owne  rentes,  and  to  cease  from  robbing  and  spoyling  the  patri- 
monie  of  the  kirke.'r  Having  proposed  the  objection,  that  the  Leviti- 
cal  law  of  Moses  is  abrogated,  and  that  therefore  his  authorities  from 
the  Old  Testament  had  no  force  under  the  gospel,  he  adds  :  "  I  auns- 
were  concerning  these  lands  or  annual  rentes,  out  of  landes  delated 
and  given  to  the  kirke,  that  although  the  Leviticall  lawe,  with  the 
ceremonies  thereof,  concerning  the  outwarde  observation,  hath  taken 
an  ende,  and  is  fulfilled  in  Christ ;  yet  the  substance  of  the  policie, 
concerning  interteinment  of  the  service  of  God,  and  uphold  of  religion, 
still  remaines.  And  it  is  no  lesse  necessarie,  that  the  ministerie  of 
God  amongst  us  be  mainteined ;  and  that  sufficient  provision  be  made 
to  serve  other  godlie  uses,  whereunto  the  kirke-rentes  ought  to  be 
applyed,  nor  it  was  that  the  priestesandlevites  shoulde  bene  upholden 


NOTES.  453 

in  the  time  of  the  olde  law.  And  as  to  the  holinesse  or  unholines  of 
these  ]andes  and  revenues:  albeit  in  their  owne  nature  (as  I  said  in 
the  former  sermon)  they  be  like  other  earthly  possessiones ;  yet,  in  so 
far  as  they  were  applyed  to  an  holy  use,  they  may  wel  be  called  holy 
possessions  and  rents,  as  the  kirk  is  holy,  to  whose  use  they  are  ap- 
pointed. I  will  not  deny  but  the  teindes  might  be  possibly  changed, 
in  other  meanes  of  sufficient  provision  for  the  kirke,  if  such  godly 
zeale  were  now  amongst  men,  as  was  of  olde  time.  But  in  so  farre 
as  we  see  the  plane  contrarie,  that  men  are  now  readier  to  take  away, 
than  ever  our  predecessors  were  to  give;  it  were  a  foolish  thing  to 
loose  the  certaine  for  the  uncertaine,  and  that  which  is  never  likely 
to  come  to  passe."  Font's  Sermon's  against  Sacrilege.  B,  8.  C,  2.  C,  8. 
E,  6.  Woldegrave,  1599. 

It  appears  from  the  following  extract,  that  Pont  undertook  this  work 
at  the  desire  of  the  General  Assembly.  "July  3,  1591.  Mr.  Robert 
Pont  is  ordained  to  writ  against  sacrilege,  and  show  his  travells  to 
the  next  assembly."  Matthew  Crawfurd's  MS.  History  of  the  Church 
of  Scotland,  vol.  i.  p.  161. 


Note  PP,  p.  216. 

Of  John  Row,  and  the  introduction  of  Hebrew  Literature  into  Scot- 
land.— The  following  notices  of  Row's  employment  at  Rome  are 
furnished  by  a  very  curious  and  valuable  manuscript  in  the  possession 
of  Thomas  Thomson,  Esquire.  Besides  papal  bulls  relating  to  bishop- 
rics and  benefices  in  Scotland  about  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury, it  contains  a  number  of  important  documents  as  to  the  corres- 
pondence between  the  Scottish  primate  and  the  Roman  court,  to- 
gether with  accounts  of  receipts  and  disbursements  by  the  agent  at 
Rome  for  the  Earl  of  Arran,  governor  of  Scotland,  John  Hamilton, 
Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews,  and  Gavin  and  Claud  Hamilton.  John 
Row  was  employed  as  their  procurator.  In  "  Ane  Recollectioun  of 
my  lord  of  Sanct  Andros  missives  to  my  lord  of  Kilwinning,"  (MS.  p. 
324,)  is  the  following  article : — 

"  And  is  content  M.  Johne  Row  was  put  in  charge  of  his  1  [ordship's] 
affairs  in  Rome,  11  Martii,  1554." 

In  "  Ane  memoir  of  all  things  left  wt.  M.  Johne  Row  be  Gavin, 
commendator  of  Kilwinning,  at  his  departing  of  Rome,  20  mesis 
Martii,  1555,"  (MS.  p.  240,)  is  the  following:— 

"  Item,  appointed  wt.  M.  Johne  Row  for  the  provestrie  of  Kirkfield, 
and  caus  M.  Alexr.  Forres  send  his  mandat  to  ratify  the  20/.  pension 
reservit  to  the  said  M.  Jhone." 

In  a  variety  of  letters  to  the  pope,  "concerning  my  lord  duckis  bairnis, 
my  lord  archbishope  of  Sanctandros,  bischope  Argile,  my  lord  Kilwinn- 
ing self,  and  utheris  thair  frends,"  to  cardinal  Sermonet,  "  regni  Scotiae 
promotori,"  and  to  other  members  of  the  sacred  college,  from  John,  Arch- 
bishop of  St.  Andrews,  Gavin,  coadjutor  to  the  archbishop,  James  Earl 
of  Arran,  and  Mary  dowager  queen  and  regent  of  the  kingdom ;  written 
during  the  years  1555  and  1556,  and  inserted  in  the  same  manuscript, 
John  Row  is  recognized  and  recommended  as  "  procurator  for  the  see  of 
St.  Andrews."  At  the  close  of  the  book  is  a  table  of  ciphers,  with  an 
explanation,  to  which  this  title  is  prefixed,  "Ciphre  send  be  my  1.  of 
Sanct  andros  of  Edr.  13th  May,  1555,  to  M.  Johne  Row  in  Rome." 

One  great  object  of  the  negociation  with  Rome,  in  which  Row  was 
employed,  was  the  obtaining  of  a  confirmation  and  extension  of  the 
powers  formerly  granted  to  the  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews  as  primate 
and  legatus  natus  of  Scotland,  from  which  Gavin  Dunbar,  late  Arch* 


454  NOTES. 

bishop  of  Glasgow,  had  procured  an  exemption.  In  support  of  his 
claim,  the  primate  urges,  that  "there  had  always  been  a  great  number 
of  heretics  in  the  diocese  of  Glasgow;"  that  its  proximity  to  England 
"gave  easy  ingress  and  egress  to  persons  of  bad  manners  and  opin- 
ions ;"  that  various  scandals  and  enormities,  such  as  "  the  burning  of 
the  images  of  God  and  the  saints,  the  contempt  of  prelates,  the  beat- 
ing of  priests  and  monks,  and  the  eating  of  forbidden  meats,"  were 
committed  within  its  bounds,  and  that  the  archbishop  could  not  sup- 
press these  evils  in  his  diocese,  and  at  the  same  time  hindered  the 
primate  from  exerting  his  power  for  this  purpose.  The  following 
passage,  in  one  of  the  informations  presented  to  the  court  of  Rome, 
throws  light  on  the  fate  of  two  individuals  whom  we  have  already 
(pp.  110,  391)  had  occasion  to  mention.  "Insuper  cum  magna  pars 
dioe  Glasguen.  nuper  fuerat  heresibus  infecta,  et  tarn  durante  vita 
dicti  quondam  Gavini  vltimi  archiepiscopi  Glasguen.  quam  sede  va- 
cante,  maxima  scandala  contra  Catholicam  fidem  perpetrabantur.  nee 
in  potestate  sedis  Glasguen.  et  suorum  suffraganeorum  erat  eorum 
potentie  resistere.  Sed  D.  Archiepiscopus  Sancti  andree  modernus 
metropolitano  ac  jure  prouinciali  eandem  diocesin  visitavit,  et  repur- 
gavit  malis  hominibus  heresiarchis.  In  cuius  testimonium  ipse  sua 
propria  persona  expugnavit  locum  de  Ochiltre,  et  inde  inuito  domino 
ejusdem  detrusit  ad  carceres  et  vincula  quendam  apostatam  nomine 
,:-J\lac6roi^heresiarcham,  et  eiusdem  fautores  gravibus  penis  mulc- 
tauit.  ^EtsTmiliter  alterum  Vallasium  nuncupatum  in  sua  heresi  per- 
seuerantem  in  eadem  diocesi  Glasguen.  natum  hereticas  opiniones 
profitentem  publica  omnium  regni  ordinum  prelatorum  conuentione 
de  heresi  conuictum  et  condemnatum  curie  tradidit  seculari  ad  coinbur- 
endum.  Et  ita  curavit  heresis  pestem  puniri  quod  sedes  Glasguen. 
minime  potuit  facere,  que  res  cum  sic  notissima  probation!  vlteriori 
non  multum  indigens  que  si  esset  necessaria  omnibus  Scotis  Rome 
satis  innotescit."  [MS.  fol.  179,  comp.  fo.  185—187.] 

Row  left  Rome  on  the  20th  of  May,  and  arrived  in  Scotland  on  the 
29th  of  September,  1558.  The  following  is  the  account  of  his  conver- 
sion from  Popery  given  by  his  son.  Being  in  Cleish,  the  house  of  the 
gentleman  who  had  detected  the  imposture  at  Musselburgh,  (see  p. 
201,)  the  young  man  who  was  said  to  have  been  cured  of  blindness, 
was  brought  into  his  presence,  where  he  "  played  his  pavie,"  by  "  flyp- 
ing  up  the  lid  of  his  eyes,  and  casting  up  the  white."  While  Row 
was  confounded  at  this  discovery,  the  gentleman  addressed  him  very 
seriously :  "  Weill,  Mr.  John  Row,  ye  are  a  great  clergyman,  and  a 
great  linguist  and  lawyer,  but  I  charge  you,  as  you  must  answer  to 
the  great  God  at  the  last  day,  that  ye  do  not  now  hold  out  any  light 
that  God  offers  you,  but  that  ye  will,  as  soon  as  ye  come  to  your 
study,  close  the  door  upon  you,  and  take  your  Bible,  and  seriously 
pray  to  God  that  ye  may  understand  the  Scriptures. — Read  the  2d  ch. 
of  the  2d  epistle  to  the  Thessalonians ;  and  if  ye  do  not  see  your  mas- 
ter, the  pope,  to  be  the  great  antichrist  who  comes  with  lying  wonders 
to  deceive  the  people  of  God,  (as  now  he  and  his  deceiving  rabble  of 
clergy  in  Scotland  have  done  lately  at  Musselburgh,)  ye  shall  say 
Squire  Meldrum  has  no  skill."  Row,  Historic  of  the  Kirk,  p.  356 ;  copy 
of  the  MS.  transcribed  in  1726.  After  conference  with  several  of  the 
reformed  ministers,  and  particularly  Knox,  he  made  formal  abjura- 
tion of  popery.  "Ipse  Nuncius,"  says  his  grandson,  "nassa  evangelii 
irretitus,  ejus  pura,  pia,  pathetica  praedicatione  inescatus,  poritificiis 
syrtbus,  famigerati  Knoxi  opera,  extractus  est."  Hebreae  linguae  Insti- 
tutiones,  a  M.  Joa.  Row,  epist.  dedic.  A.  3,  b.  Glasguae,  1644.  In  the 
beginning  of  the  year  1560,  he  was  admitted  minister  of  Kinneuchar 
m  Fife,  where  he  married  Margaret  Beatoun,  a  daughter  of  the  laird 


NOTES.  455 

of  Balfour.  Row's  Historic,  ut  supra.  Before  the  end  of  that  year  he 
was  translated  to  Perth.  Knox,  236.  Keith,  498.  His  son  informs  us 
that  he  was  born  at  Row,  a  place  situated  between  Stirling  and  Dum- 
blane,  and  which  belonged  to  the  family.  That  he  was  an  author 
appears  from  the  testament  of  Thomas  Bassinden,  printer  in  Edin- 
burgh, who  died  on  the  J8th  of  October,  1577,  and  the  inventory  of 
whose  goods  contains  the  following  lines: — "Item,  ane  M.  Johne 
Rowis  signes  of  the  sacramentis,  price  12d" 

During  his  residence  in  Italy,  Row  had  acquired  the  knowledge  of 
the  Greek  and  Hebrew  languages.  The  latter  was  at  that  time  almost 
entirely  unknown  in  Scotland,  and  he  immediately  began,  at  the  re- 
commendation of  his  brethren,  to  teach  it.  The  grammar-school  of 
Perth  was  then  the  most  celebrated  in  the  kingdom,  and  noblemen 
and  gentlemen  were  accustomed  to  send  their  children  thither  for 
their  education.  Many  of  these  were  boarded  with  Row,  who  in- 
structed them  in  Greek  and  Hebrew.  As  nothing  but  Latin  was 
spoken  by  the  boys  in  the  school  and  in  the  fields,  so  nothing  was 
spoken  in  Row's  house  but  French.  The  passages  of  Scripture  read 
in  the  family  before  and  after  meals,  if  in  the  Old  Testament,  were 
read  in  Hebrew,  Greek,  Latin,  French,  and  English ;  if  in  the  New 
Testament,  they  were  read  in  Greek,  &c.  His  son  John,  when  he 
was  between  four  and  five  years  old,  was  taught  the  Hebrew  charac- 
ters, before  he  knew  the  English  letters ;  and  at  eight  years  of  age  he 
read  the  Hebrew  chapter  in  the  family.  When  he  went  to  the  newly 
erected  university  of  Edinburgh,  his  uncommon  acquaintance  with 
the  Hebrew  language  attracted  the  particular  notice  of  the  learned 
and  amiable  Principal  Rollock.  Row's  Historic,  372—375.  Hebreae 
Ling.  Institut.  ut  supra.  Row  gave  instructions  to  the  master  of  the 
grammar-school  in  the  Greek  tongue,  by  which  means  it  came  to  be 
afterwards  taught  in  Perth.  And,  in  1637,  his  grandson,  John  Row, 
became  rector  of  that  school,  in  which  he  taught  Latin,  Greek,  and 
Hebrew.  This  produced  the  following  encomiastic  verses  by  John 
Adamson,  principal  of  the  college  of  Edinburgh. 

Perthana  quondam  Latialis  linguae  schola 
Laude  cluebat,  fueratque  uniuslabri; 
Nunc  est  trilinguis,  Latio  jungens  Graeciam, 
Et  huic  Patestinam;  omnium  linguis  loquens. 
O  ter  beatam  te  nunc  Perthanam  scholam! 
O  ter  beatum  Rollum  rectorem  tuum ! 
Per  quern  juventus,  barbariae  procul  habitu, 
Rudis  et  tenella  primulis  labellulis 
Solymas,  Athenas,  et  Romam  scite  sonat. 

About  the  year  1567,  James  Lawson  (afterwards  Knox's  successor 
at  Edinburgh)  returned  from  the  Continent,  where  he  had  studied 
Hebrew.  The  professors  of  St.  Andrews  prevailed  on  him  to  give 
lessons  in  that  language  in  their  university.  Life  of  Lawson,  p.  2,  in 
Wodrow's  MS.  Collections,  vol.  i.  Bibl.  Coll.  Glas.  As  he  was  made 
sub-principal  in  the  university  of  Aberdeen,  in  1569,  it  is  to  be  pre- 
sumed that  he  would  also  teach  that  language  there.  Lawson,  after 
his  settlement  in  Edinburgh,  patronized  the  interests  of  literature  in 
this  city.  It  was  chiefly  by  his  exertions  that  the  buildings  for  the 
high-school  were  completed  in  1578.  His  intentions  were  to  have  it 
erected  into  an  university,  or  at  least  to  make  it  schola  illustris,  with 
classes  of  logic  and  philosophy.  The  books  destined  for  the  library 
were  kept  in  his  house,  previous  to  the  foundation  of  the  college. 
Crawfurd's  History  of  the  University  of  Edinburgh,  pp.  19,  20.  It  is 
unnecessary  to  say  any  thing  here  of  the  influence  which  Andrew 


456  NOTES. 

Melville  exerted  on  the  promotion  of  Oriental  literature  in  this  coun- 
try. Thomas  Smeton,  who  succeeded  Melville  as  principal  of  the 
university  of  Glasgow,  was  a  Hebrew  scholar,  as  appears  from  his 
answer  to  Hamilton's  Dialogue.  Those  who  held  the  situation  of  prin- 
cipal in  the  universities  at  that  time  were  accustomed  to  teach  such 
branches  of  learning  as  were  most  neglected. 


Note  QQ,  p.  217. 

Of  George  Buchanan. — As  every  thing  relating  to  this  scholar  must 
be  interesting  to  the  learned,  I  shall  add  a  few  notices  of  him  which 
have  been  hitherto  overlooked. 

The  following  entries  in  the  treasurer's  accounts  refer  to  the  period 
during  which  he  was  tutor  to  James  Stewart,  abbot  of  Melrose  and 
Kelso,  an  illegitimate  son  of  James  V. 

"  Anno  1536.  Item,  the  16th  day  of  februar,  be  the  kingis  gracis  pre- 
cept and  speciale  comand,  to  Maister  George  Balquhanan  and  Andro 
Mylin,  seruandis  to  lord  James,  to  be  thame  twa  gownis,  xi  elnis 
pareis  blak,  price  of  the  elne  32s.  Summa.  \7L  12s.,  &c.  &c. 

"Augt.  1537.  Item,  to  Maist.  George  Buchquhanan,  at  the  king's 
command,  20J. 

[July  1537.]    "Item,  for  yi  elnis  paris  blak  to  be  Maister  George 

Iquhanan  ane  gown,  price  of  the  elne  36s.  Summa.  10£.  16s." 
[Compt.  Thesaur.] 

From  the  manuscript  belonging  to  Thomas  Thomson,  Esq.,  quoted 
in  the  preceding  note,  it  appears  that  an  absolution  was  procured  at 
Rome,  for  George  Buchanan,  by  the  regent  Arran  and  the  Archbishop 
of  St.  Andrews ;  and  that  his  brother  Patrick  was  appointed  tutor  to 
the  regent's  children  at  Paris.  In  an  accompt  entitled  "  The  archden 
of  Sanctandros  memo,  of  expenses  in  Rome,"  (MS.  p.  141,)  is  the  fol- 
lowing article : — 

[1553.]    "  Item,  for  M.  George  Balquhananes  absolution,  crowns  9." 

In  the  papers  of  Gawen,  commendator  of  Kil winning,  (MS.  pp.  204, 
206,  235,  325,)  are  the  following  articles  :— 

"  Item,  given  to  M.  Patric  Balquhannan  to  ane  gud  compt,  24  July, 
1554,  500  franks. 

"  And  I  haif  left  with  M.  Patric  Balquhannan  in  ane  steil  box  500 
crownis,  1  Rois  nobilis,  and  xiv  Hary  nobilis.  Parisiis,  28th  July,  1554. 

"  Memoir  of  the  geir  left  with  Maister  Patrik  Bawquhenan  the  27th 
day  of  July,  anno  1554  at  my  departyng  to  Chattelleraut,  &c. 

"  And  to  tak  sikernes  at  M.  Patric  Balquhanan  suld  serve  my  lordis 
bairnis,  and  quitclame  his  pension  quhen  he  war  benefitit  26.  1554." 

The  following  extracts  from  the  treasurer's  accounts  refer  to  the 
year  1568,  when  Buchanan  accompanied  the  Regent  Murray  to  Eng- 
land, to  justify  the  charges  against  Mary  Queen  of  Scots. 

"  Item,  the  said  day  [27  May]  to  ane  boy  passand  of  Stirriling,  wt. 
clois  writtings  of  my  lord  regent  g.  to  the  lard  of  Buchquhannane, 
and  Maister  George  Buchquhannane  being  baith  in  Sanctandr.  4s. 

"  June  26th.  Item,  the  said  day  to  ane  boy  passand  of  Edinburgh 
to  Sanctandrois  wt.  ane  clois  writting  of  my  lord  regent  g.  to  Maister 
George  Buchquhannane,  5s. 

"  Item,  the  said  27th  day  of  August,  be  my  lord  regentis  grace  spe- 
ciale command,  to  Maister  George  Buchquhanane,  5  elns  2  quarteris 
of  fyne  blak  veluote,  ye  eln  71.  Summa.  38/.  10s. 

"  Item,  to  him  ane  sleik  of  chamlot  of  silk,  22/. 

"  Item,  2  elnis  2  quarteris  of  Londoun  claith,  the  eln  4/.  10s.  Summa, 
12/.  7s.  6d.  [Compt.  Thesaur.] 


NOTES.  457 

As  his  imprisonment  in  Portugal,  and  his  release  from  confinement, 
have  been  imperfectly  related,  I  shall  here  insert  two  accounts  of  them, 
which  have  escaped  the  notice  of  his  biographers.  Principal  Smeton's 
account,  which  was  most  probably  derived  from  Buchanan  himself,  is 
the  following.  "  Vivit  adhuc,"  says  he  in  his  answer  to  Hamilton,  "et 
utinam  diu  vivat,  orbis  terrarum,  non  Scotiee  tantum,  decus  GEORGIUS 
BUCHANANUS  ;  quern  inepte  facerem,  si  a  rabidi  canis  latratu  defendere 
conarer,  extra  omnem  ingenii  aleam  omnium  judicio  constitutum. 
Q,uod  de  abjurata  ab  eo  haeresi  adscribis,  impudentissimum  est  men- 
dacium,  Hamiltoni.  Duplici  quidem  de  causa  in  verae  religionis  sus- 
picionem  in  Lusitania  venit ;  turn  quod  Seraphici  ordinis  mysteria  in 
Franciscano  suo  apertius  reuelasset:  turn  quod  in  priuato  colloquio 
discipulis  quibusdam  dixisset,  videri  sibi  Augustinum  transubstantia- 
tionis  figmento  non  prorsus  fauere.  In  carcerem  coniectus  causam 
capitis  perorauit.  Franciscanum  se  regis  sui  iussu  scripsisse;  nee 
quicquam  in  eo  esse  quod  vllum  fidei  Christiana  dogma  conuellat. 
Versus  quosdam  memoriter  pronuntiare  iussus  (nam  nemo  ibi  libellum 
habebat)  memoriae  iacturam  causatus  est.  De  transubstantiatione  res- 
pondit ;  non  alia  se  quam  Augustini  verba  recitasse,  ex  cap.  16.  lib.  3. 
de  Doctrina  Christiana.  Q,uae  sic  habent.  '  Si  praeceptiua  locutio  est, 
aut  flagitium  aut  facinus  vetans,  aut  vtilitatem  aut  beneficentiam 
iubens,  non  est  figurata :  Si  autem  flagitium  aut  facinus  videtur  iubere, 
aut  vtilitatem  aut  beneficentiam  vetare,  figurata  est.  Nisi  manducau- 
eritis,  inquit,  carnem  filij  hominis  et  sanguinem  biberitis,  non  habebitis 
vitam  in  vobis :  facinus  vel  flagitium  videtur  iubere.  Figura  est  ergo, 
praecipiens  passioni  DOMINI  esse  communicandum,  et  suauiter  atque 
vtiliter  recondendum  in  memoria,  quod  pro  nobis  caro  eius  crucifixa 
et  vulnerata  sit.'  Hasc,  inquit,  si  haeresim  sapiunt,  prius  Augustinum 
damnate;  quod  vt  feceritis,  haud  aequum  tamen  erit,  vt  ego  alienae 
culpae  poenas  luam.  Ergo  cum  nee  ratione,  nee  testimonio  cuiusquam 
conuinci  posset,  iudicum  calculis  absolutus  in  Galliam  redijt ;  tanto 
bonarum  litterarum  damno,  vt  ipsemet  postea  Lusitaniae  Rex  amantis- 
simis  eum  scriptis  reuocarit.  Sed  frustra.  Summo  enim  DEI  beneficio 
ex  crudelissimis  inquisitorum  manibus  liberatus,  in  discrimen  se  ite- 
rum  conjicere  noluit :  cum  in  Gallia  praesertim,  omnium  quee  sub  sole 
sunt  regionum  humanitate,  optimarum  artium  studijs  et  doctorum 
numero  prima,  opimce  illi,  et  admodum  honorificae  conditiones  defer- 
rentur.  Sed  BUCHANANUM  singularis  animi  candor,  et  in  omni  genere 
perspecta  virtus  satis  per  se  defendet."  Smetoni,  Responsio  ad  Viru- 
lentum  Arch.  Hamiltonii  Dialogum,  Edinburgi,  1579,  pp.  89,  90. 

I  shall  add  the  account  which  Archibald  Hamilton  gives  of  this 
affair,  in  his  reply  to  Smeton,  although  the  judicious  reader  will  be  of 
opinion  that  no  credit  is  due  to  such  a  writer,  especially  when  his  tes- 
timony is  flatly  contradicted  by  that  of  Smeton,  and  of  Buchanan  him- 
self. "  Tarn  illud  quidem  contra  regis  Scotorum  integritatem,  quam 
hoc  contra  Hyspanorum  nunquam  satis  laudatam  in  examinandis 
hfereticis  a  ever  it  at  em,  malitiose  confictum,  et  utrumque  longe  falsissi- 
mum  est.  Neque  enim  Jacobus  Quintus,  in  tenenda  atque  asserenda 
fide  Catholica  princeps  nulli  omnium  secundus,  tarn  impuro  et  procaci 
pasquillo,  auctorem  se  unquam  dedisset :  neq ;  theologorum  gravissi- 
ma  censura,  tarn  impiam  athei  poetae  dicacitatem  impune  abire  per- 
misisset :  et  ut  prioris  mendacii  falsitas  illustrium  dominorum  Askein 
et  Levingston  publico  testimonio  evicta  tune  fuit,  quando  legatione 
apud  Gallos  functi,  regis  nomine  haereseos  convictum  Buchananum 
Hyspanorum  legato  detulerunt:  ita  ducentorum  qui  non  disputationem 
sed  supplicem  lachrymantis  deprecationem  audiverunt,  sententiis, 
alterius  illius  figmenti  vanitas  coargui  potest.  sin  illae  non  satis 
fortiter  premunt  quod  longe  a  nobis  absint,  et  nostrorum  hom- 
39  H3 


458  NOTES. 

inum,  quod  rei  gestae  non  interfuerunt  narratio  digna  fide  minus 
videatur:  publice  tamen  urbis  commentarii,  in  quos  res  gestae 
referri  solent,  auctoritate  vacare  non  debent,  qui  aperte  adhuc  testa- 
buntur  non  Augustini  testimonio.  cap.  17.  libri  tertii  de  doctrina  Chris- 
tiana, sed  Psalmographi  versum,  psalmo  vigesimo  quarto,  subsidio  ei 
tune  fuisse :  dum  ad  Cardinalis  pedes  provolutus,  flebili  voce,  verba 
ista  proferebat  (delicta  juventutis  meae  et  ignorantias  ne  memineris, 
Domine)  earn  recantationis  formulam,  ab  eo  tune  temporis  usurpatam, 
ad  eum  sane  finem  obiter  attigi,  ut  tandem  Scotia  intelligent,  quam 
gravem  et  constantem  nunc  patriarcham  in  religione  sequitur :  dum 
levis  poetae  et  abjurati  haeretici  paradoxa  omnia  pro  certissimis  spi- 
ritus  sancti  oraculis  habet."  Calvinianae  Confusionis  Demonstratio. — 
per  Archibald  um  Hamiltonium,  p.  252,  b.  253  a.  Parisiis,  1581. 


Note  RR,  p.  218. 

Of  David  Ferguson,  and  the  cultivation  of  the  Scottish  Language.— 
I  have  said  in  the  text,  that  the  reformers,  while  they  exerted  them- 
selves to  revive  the  knowledge  of  the  learned  languages,  did  not 
neglect  the  improvement  of  their  native  tongue ;  and  that,  among 
others,  David  Ferguson,  minister  of  Dunfermline,  distinguished  him- 
self in  this  department.  It  appears,  from  a  document  already  pro- 
duced, (Note  GG,)  that  he  belonged  originally  to  Dundee.  Though 
"  not  graduated  in  a  college,"  he  was  very  far  from  being  illiterate, 
and  was  much  admired  for  the  quickness  of  his  wit  and  good  taste, 
as  well  as  for  his  piety — "  elegantis  ingenii  et  magnae  pietatis  virum," 
says  Smeton,  Responsio  ad'Hamilt.  Dialog,  p.  92.  Row's  Coronis  to 
his  Historic,  p.  314  of  copy  in  Divinity  Lib.  Edin.  The  sermon  which 
he  preached  at  Leith  before  the  regent  and  nobility,  and  afterwards 
published,  (see  above,  p.  327.)  is  a  proof  of  this;  and  had  it  not  been  a 
sermon,  would  most  probably  have  been  republished  before  this  time, 
as  a  specimen  of  good  Scottish  composition.  Extracts  from  it  may  be 
seen  in  Note  OO.  John  Davidson,  then  one  of  the  regents  at  St.  An- 
drews, celebrated  the  success  of  the  author  in  refining  his  vernacular 
language,  in  the  following  Latin  lines,  which  are  prefixed  to  the 
sermon : — 

Grsecia  mellifluo  quantum  det  Nestoris  ori, 

Aut  Demostheneo  debeat  eloquio  ; 

Ipsi  facundo  quantum  (mini  crede)  parent! 

Attribuat  linguae  turba  togata  suae ; 

Nos  tibi,  Fergusi,  tantum  debere  fatemur, 

Scotanam  linguam  qui  reparare  studes. 

Sermonem  patrium  ditas ;  inculta  vetustas 

Horret  qua  longe  barbariemque  fugas ; 

Adde  etiam,  neque  abest  facundis  gratia  dictis, 

Respondet  verbis  materia  apta  tuis. 

Quod  satis  ostendit  nobis  tua  concio  prsesens, 

Qua  nihil  in  lucem  doctius  ire  potest. 

Besides  this  sermon,  Ferguson  was  the  author  of  a  collection  of 
Scottish  Proverbs,  and  of  an  Answer  to  the  Rejoinder,  which  the  Jesuit 
Tyrie  made  to  Knox.  That  abusive  writer,  James  Laing,  calls  this 
last  work  "  a  barbarous,  and  Scotican  epistle,"  and  rails  against  its 
author  as  an  ignorant  sutor  and  glover,  who  knew  neither  Hebrew, 
nor  Greek,  nor  Latin.  As  for  himself,  although  a  Scotsman,  Laing 
tells  us,  that  he  thought  it  beneath  him  to  write  in  a  language  which 
was  fit  only  for  barbarians  and  heretics.  "  Tres  sunt  lingua?  elegantes 


NOTES.  459 

et  ingenuae,  Hebraica,  Grseca,  et  Latina,  qua?  nobilibus  principibus — 
sunt  digna3 :  caeteras  linguas,  cum  sint  barbarae,  barbaris  et  hoereticis 
tanquam  propriis  relinquo."  De  Vita  Haereticorum,  Dedic.  p.  ult.  et  p. 
31.  Paris,  1581.  Notwithstanding  this  writer's  boasting  of  his  litera- 
ture, and  the  opportunities  which  he  takes  to  display  it,  he  did  not 
know  the  top  from  the  bottom  of  a  Hebrew  letter,  if  we  may  judge 
from  his  book,  p.  94,  b.  Laing's  objection  to  the  literature  of  Fergu- 
son may,  however,  be  thought  as  solid  as  that  which  another  Popish 
writer  has  brought  against  his  morals,  by  accusing  him  of  using  pepper 
instead  of  salt  to  Ms  beef.  "At  hi  quibus  carnem  accendant  irritent- 
que,  novas  artes  quotidie  excogitant ;"  and  on  the  margin,  he  says, 
"  Exemplo  est  David  Ferguson  ad  macerandas  carnes  bubulas  pipere 
pro  sale  utens."  Hamilton,  de  Confus.  Calviniana3  Sectse,  p.  76.  But 
to  do  justice  to  Hamilton,  it  is  proper  to  mention,  that  pepper  was  at 
that  time  so  high  priced  as  to  be  a  morsel  only  for  a  pope  or  a  cardi- 
nal, and  very  unfit  for  the  mouths  of  barbers,  cobblers,  &c.  of  which 
rank  he  tells  us  the  reformed  preachers  generally  were.  Principal 
Smeton,  after  saying  that  Ferguson  had  reared  a  numerous  family  on 
a  very  moderate  stipend,  adds : — "  Undenam  ergo  illi,  amabo  te,  tan- 
turn  piperis  ad  carnes  quotannis  macerandas  quantum  sexcentis  apud 
nos  aureis  nummis  nemo  unquam  comparariU"  Smetoni  Responsio 
ad  Hamilt.  p.  95.  The  truth  is,  there  was  too  much  salt  and  pepper 
in  the  writings  of  Ferguson  for  the  Papists. 

A  number  of  Ferguson's  witty  sayings  are  recorded  by  his  son-in- 
law,  John  Row.  James  VI.  who  resided  frequently  at  Dunfermline, 
used  to  take  great  delight  in  his  conversation.  "  David,"  said  James 
to  him  one  day,  "  why  may  not  I  have  bishops  in  Scotland  as  well  as 
they  have  in  England !"— « Yea,  Sir,"  replied  Ferguson,  "ye  may 
have  bishops  here ;  but  remember  ye  must  make  us  all  bishops,  else 
will  ye  never  content  us.  For  if  ye  set  up  ten  or  twelve  lowns  over 
honest  men's  heads,  (honest  men  will  not  have  your  antichristian  pre- 
lacies,) and  give  them  more  thousands  to  debauch  and  mispend  than 
honest  men  have  hundreds  or  scores,  we  wil  never  al  be  content. 
We  ar  Paul's  bishopis,  Sir,  Christ's  bishopis ;  ha'd  us  as  we  are." — 
"  The  d— 1  haid  aills  you,"  replied  James,  "  but  that  ye  would  all  be 
alike ;  ye  cannot  abide  ony  to  be  abone  you." — "  Sir !"  said  the  min- 
ister, "do  not  ban."  Row's  Coronis  to  his  Historic  of  the  Kirk,  p.  314. 
Ferguson  seems  to  have  amused  himself  with  some  of  those  incidents 
which  were  generally  reckoned  ominous.  The  king  having  once 
asked  him,  very  seriously,  what  he  thought  was  the  reason  that  the 
Master-of-Gray's  house  shook  during  the  night,  he  answered,  "  Why 
should  not  the  devil  rock  his  awin  bairns  1"  "  Having  met  at  St.  An- 
drews along  with  other  commissioners  of  the  church,  to  protest  against 
the  inauguration  of  Patrick  Adamson  as  archbishop  of  that  see,  one 
came  in  and  told  them,  that  there  was  a  crow  "  Grouping"  on  the  roof 
of  the  church.  "  That's  a  bad  omen,"  said  he,  shaking  his  head,  "  for 
inauguration  is  from  avium  garritu,  the  raven  is  omnimodo  a  black 
bird,  and  it  cries  corrupt,  corrupt,  corrupt"  Row's  Historic,  p.  40. 

It  may  not  be  improper  to  insert  here  the  inscription  on  the  tomb 
of  John  Row,  the  historian  to  whom  I  have  so  often  been  indebted, 
who  was  the  third  son  of  the  learned  minister  of  Perth,  and  married 
Grizzel,  daughter  to  David  Ferguson  of  Dunfermline.  It  is  on  his 
monument  in  the  churchyard  of  Carnock. 

"  Hie  jacet  M.  Jo.  Row,  Pastor  hujus  Ecclesiae  fidelissimus.  Vixit 
acerrimus  veritatis  et  foederis  Scoticani  assertor,  Hierarchiae  pseudo- 
episcopalis,  et  Romanorum  rituum,  cordicitus  osor,  in  frequenti  sym- 
mystarum  apostasia  cubi  instar  constantissimus. — Duxit  Gricellidam 
Fergusonam,  cum  qua  annos  51  conjunctissime  vixit.  Huic  ecclesiae 


460  NOTES. 

annos  54  praefuit.    Obiit  Junij  26to,  anno  domini  1646.    ^Etatis  78. 
Obiit  et  ilia  Januarij  SOmo,  1659." 


Note  SS,  p.  218. 

Order  of  Procedure  at  thejirst  Meetings  of  the  General  Assembly. — 
The  first  appointment  of  a  moderator  was  in  December,  1563.  "  It 
was  proponit  to  the  haill  assemblie  yat  ane  moderator  suld  be  ap- 
pointit  for  avoyding  confusioun  in  reasoning."  Buik  of  the  Universal 
Kirk,  p.  8.  The  Assembly  which  met  at  Perth,  August,  1572,  ordained, 
as  a  perpetual  law,  that  no  person,  of  whatever  estate,  take  in  hand 
to  speak  without  licence  asked  and  given  by  the  moderator,  that  mo- 
deration should  be  kept  in  reasoning,  and  silence  when  commanded 
by  the  moderator,  under  pain  of  removal  from  the  Assembly,  and  not 
to  re-enter  during  that  convention.  Ibid.  p.  55.  In  July  1568,  to  cor- 
rect evils,  "  be  reason  of  the  pluralitie  and  confusion  of  voices,"  it  was 
enacted,  that  none  should  have  power  to  vote  but  superintendents, 
commissioners  appointed  to  visit  kirks,  ministers  "  brought  with  yame, 
presented  as  habile  to  reasone,  and  having  knowledge  to  judge,"  and 
commissioners  of  burghs,  shires,  and  universities.  The  ministers 
were  to  be  chosen  at  the  synodal  convention  of  the  diocese,  by  con- 
sent of  the  rest  of  the  ministry  and  gentlemen  that  shall  convene  at 
the  said  synodal  convention ;  commissioners  of  burghs  by  "  the  coun- 
sell  and  kirk  of  their  awn  townes." — "  None  to  be  admitted  without 
sufficient  commission  or  wreit."  And  to  prevent  a  monopoly  of 
power,  they  were  to  be  changed  from  Assembly  to  Assembly.  Ibid. 
p.  38.  The  Assembly,  MarclTl  569— 70,  settled  the  following  order  of 
procedure.  After  sermon  and  prayer  by  the  former  moderator,  1.  A 
new  moderator  to  be  chosen.  2.  Superintendents,  commissioners,  &c. 
to  be  tried.  First,  the  superintendents  being  removed,  inquiry  was 
made  of  the  ministers  and  commissioners  of  their  bounds  if  they  had 
any  charges  to  lay  against  them  as  to  neglect  of  duty,  &c.  If  any 
charge  was  brought,  it  was  examined,  and  sentence  passed.  The 
same  order  was  observed  in  the  trial  of  the  other  members  of  Assem- 
bly. 3.  The  case  of  penitents  and  persons  under  censure  to  be  con-, 
sidered.  Lastly,  The  business  left  undecided  by  last  Assembly,  or 
brought  before  the  present,  to  be  taken  up.  Ibid.  p.  47 


Note  TT,  p.  219. 

Epistolary  Correspondence  between  Knox  and  Calvin. — In  a  letter 
dated  28th  August,  1559,  Knox  requests  Calvin's  opinion  on  the  two 
following  questions.  1.  Whether  bastards,  the  children  of  idolaters 
and  excommunicated  persons,  should  be  admitted  to  baptism,  before 
their  parents  gave  satisfaction  to  the  church,  or  they  themselves  were 
able  to  require  it?  2.  Whether  monks  and  Popish  priests,  who  nei- 
ther serve  the  church,  nor  are  capable  of  serving  it,  although  they 
have  renounced  their  errors,  ought  to  have  the  annual  rents  of  the 
church  paid  to  them  1  Knox  had  maintained  the  negative  on  the  last 
question.  The  letter  is  said  to  be  written  raptim.  "  Plura  scribere 
vetat  febris  qua  crucior,  laborum  moles  qua  premor,  et  Gallorum  bom- 
bardae,  qui,  ut  nos  opprimant,  appulerunt."  (Comp.  Historie,  p.  161.) 
Calvin,  in  a  letter  dated  Nov.  8, 1559,  answers,  that  it  was  his  opinion, 
and  that  of  his  colleagues,  on  the  first  question,  That  the  sacrament 
of  baptism  was  not  to  be  administered  to  those  who  were  without  the 
church,  nor  to  any  without  proper  sponsors;  but  the  promise  (upon 


NOTES.  461 

which  the  right  was  founded)  was  not  confined  to  the  posterity  in  the 
first  degree :  and  therefore  those  who  were  descended  from  godly  pa- 
rents were  to  be  viewed  as  belonging  to  the  church,  although  their 
parents,  or  even  grand-parents,  had  become  apostates,  and  such  chil- 
dren were  not  to  be  refused  baptism,  provided  persons  appeared  as 
sponsors,  engaging  for  their  religious  education.  "  Adde  quod  alia  est 
nunc  renascentis  ecclesiae  ratio,  quam  rite  formatae  et  compositae." 
(Comp.  Dunlop,  ii.  573.)  On  the  second  question,  he  says,  That  al- 
though those  who  performed  no  service  in  the  church  had  not  a  just 
claim  to  be  supported  by  its  funds,  still,  as  the  Popish  clergy  had 
brought  themselves  under  engagements  in  times  of  ignorance,  and 
had  consumed  a  part  of  their  lives  in  idleness,  it  seemed  harsh  to  de- 
prive them  of  all  support.  He  therefore  advises  a  middle  course  to  be 
adopted.  Calvini  Epistolae  et  Responsa,  pp.  516—520.  Hanoviae,  1597. 
Ibid.  pp.  201,  202,  in  Oper.  torn.  ix.  Amstaelod,  1667. 

From  another  letter  of  Calvin  to  Knox,  dated  April  23,  1561,  it  ap- 
pears that  the  Genevese  Reformer  had  been  consulted  by  our  coun- 
trymen on  some  other  points  of  considerable  difficulty, — most  proba- 
bly those  questions  on  which  the  nobility  and  the  ministers  differed. 
He  wrote  them  accordingly,  but  soon  afterwards  was  applied  to  a 
second  time  for  his  opinion  on  the  same  subject,  as  his  first  letter  had 
miscarried.  Knowing  that  his  judgment  was  not  altogether  agreeable 
to  some  of  his  correspondents,  he  suspected  that  they  wished  to  draw 
from  him  an  answer  more  favourable  to  their  own  sentiments,  and 
expressed  his  dissatisfaction  at  such  conduct.  Knox,  who  appears  to 
have  been  employed  in  the  correspondence,  was  grieved  at  this  sus- 
picion, and  vindicated  himself  from  the  imputation.  Calvin,  in  his 
letter,  apologises  for  his  severity,  and  assures  him  that  he  never  enter- 
tained any  suspicion  of  his  integrity.  "  Te  vero  dolose  quicquam 
egisse,  neque  dixi,  neque  suspicatus  sum.  Ac  mihi  dolet,  quod  exci- 
derat  ex  ore  meo,  sic  in  animum  tuum  penetrasse,  ut  putares  males 
fidei  aut  astutiae,  a  qua  te  remotum  esse  judico,  fuisse  insimulatum. 
Facessat  igitur  metus  ille  vel  cura."  In  both  letters,  Calvin  signifies 
his  high  satisfaction  at  the  wonderful  success  of  the  Reformation  in 
Scotland.  The  conclusion  of  the  last  is  expressive  of  the  unaffected 
piety  of  the  writer,  and  his  warm  regard  for  his  correspondent.  "  Hie 
versamur  inter  multa  discrimina.  Una  tantum  caelestis  praesidii  fiducia 
nos  a  trepidatione  eximit :  quanvis  non  simus  metu  yacui.  Vale,  exi- 
mie  vir,  et  ex  animo  colende  frater.  Dominus  tibi  semper  adsit,  te 
gubernet,  tueatur,  ac  sustentet  sua  virtute."  Ut  supra,  pp.  564 — 566, 
et  in  alter,  edit.  p.  150. 

These  are  the  only  parts  of  the  correspondence  between  Calvin  and 
our  Reformer  which  have  been  published;  but  Mons.  Senebier,  the 
librarian  of  Geneva,  has  informed  us  that  there  are  a  number  of  Knox's 
letters  to  Calvin  preserved  in  the  public  library  of  that  city.  Histoire 
Litteraire  de  Geneve,  torn.  i.  p.  380. 

During  his  residence  at  Geneva,  Knox  became  acquainted  with 
Beza,  who  then  acted  as  professor  of  Greek  in  the  neighbouring  city 
of  Lausanne,  from  which  he  was  translated  to  Geneva,  upon  the  erec- 
tion of  the  university  there,  the  same  year  in  which  our  Reformer 
returned  to  Scotland.  An  epistolary  correspondence  was  afterwards 
maintained  between  them.  Two  letters  of  Beza  to  Knox,  the  one 
dated  June  3,  1569,  the  other  April  12,  1572,  are  inserted  in  Epistol. 
Theolog.  Bezae,  pp.  333—336,  344—346.  of  the  first  edition ;  and  pp. 
304—307,  314—316,  of  the  second  edition,  Genevae,  1575.  Both  of 
them  evince  the  writer's  ardent  regard  for  our  Reformer,  and  his  high 
opinion  of  our  reformation.  The  first  letter  is  inscribed,  "  To  John 
Knox.  the  Restorer  of  the  Gospel  of  God  in  Scotland,"  and  begins 
39* 


462  NOTES. 

with  these  words :  "  Gratiam  et  pacem  tibi,  mi  frater,  omnibusque 
vestris  sanctis  ecclesiis  opto  a  Deo  et  Patre  Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi, 
cui  etiam  gratias  ago  assidue,  turn  de  tanta  ipsius  in  vos  beneficentia, 
turn  de  vestra  singular!  in  asserendo  ipsius  cultu  constantia  et  animi 
fortitudine.  Euge,  mi  frater,  quam  recte  illud  quod  disciplinam  simul 
cum  doctrina  conjungitis  f  Obsecro  et  obtestor  ut  ita  pergatis,  ne 
vobis  idem  quod  tarn  multis  eveniat,  ut  qui  in  limine  impegerint,  pro- 
gredi  non  possint,  imo  etiam  interdum  ne  velint  quidem,  quod  longe 
misserrimum  est."  The  second  letter,  which  behoved  to  be  received 
by  Knox  only  a  few  months  before  his  death,  could  not  fail  to  be  gra- 
tifying to  him,  even  although  he  had  then  taken  a  formal  "  farewell  of 
the  world."  It  is  addressed  "  To  his  dearest  Brother  and  Colleague," 
and  begins  in  the  following  lofty  strain  of  affection :  "  Etsi  tanto  ter- 
rarum  et  maris  ipsius  intervallo  disjuncti  corporibus  sumus,  mi  Cnoxe, 
tamen  minime  dubito  quin  inter  nos  semper  viguerit,  et  ad  extremum 
vigeat,  summa  ilia  animorum  conjunctio,  unius  ejusdemque  spiritus 
fideique  vinculo  sancita." 


Note  UU,  p.  220. 

Evidence  of  Queen  Mary's  design  to  restore  the  Roman  Catholic 
Religion  in  Scotland. — The  reader  who  doubts  that  this  was  her  uni- 
form object  from  the  time  that  she  left  France,  may  consult  the  follow- 
ing authorities.  Throkmorton's  Conference  with  Mary,  in  Knox, 
Historic,  275—277.  Keith,  History,  164—]  67.  Life  of  Bishop  Lesley, 
in  Anderson's  Collections,  i.  4,  iii.  9.  The  letters  of  the  Cardinal  de 
St.  Croix,  (ambassador  from  the  pope  to  the  court  of  France,)  extracted 
from  the  Vatican  library,  afford  a  striking  demonstration  of  the  inten- 
tions of  the  queen.  St.  Croix  writes  to  Cardinal  Borromeo,  that  the 
grand  prior  of  France  (one  of  Mary's  uncles)  and  Mons.  Danville  had 
arrived  from  Scotland  on  the  17th  November,  (1561,)  and  had  brought 
information,  that  the  queen  was  going  on  successfully  in  surmounting 
all  opposition  to  her  in  that  kingdom.  Being  informed  one  day  that 
some  heretics  had  extinguished  the  candles  on  her  altar,  she  repaired 
to  the  chapel,  and  having  ascertained  the  fact,  commanded  a  baron, 
one  of  the  most  powerful  and  most  addicted  to  Lutheranism,  to  re- 
light the  candles,  and  place  them  on  the  altar :  in  which  she  was  in- 
stantly obeyed.  After  relating  another  instance  of  her  spirited  con- 
duct against  the  magistrates  of  a  certain  borough  who  had  banished 
the  Popish  priests,  the  cardinal  adds : — "  by  these  means  she  has 
acquired  greater  authority  and  power,  for  enabling  her  to  restore  the 
ancient  religion ;"  "con  che  acquesta  tutta  via  maggior  autorita  et 
forze,  per  posser  restituer  en  quel  regno  1'  antica  religione."  Aymon, 
Synodes  Nationaux  des  Eglises  Reformees  de  France,  torn.  i.  pp. 
17,  18. 


Note  XX,  p.  222. 

Sanguinary  spirit  and  principles  of  Roman  Catholics.  —  Bayle, 
Commentaire  Philosophique,  tome  i.  pref.  xiv.  part  ii.  chap.  v.  pp.  343, 
347,  anno  1686,  and  his  Critique  Generale  de  1'Histoire  du  Calvinisme, 
pp.  486,  501 — 519.  Hume's  History  of  England,  vol.  vii.  chap.  i.  p.  24. 
Lond.  1793,  12  mo.  Robertson's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  ii.  pp.  62, 
143,  352.  Lond.  1809. 

"  Les  Papistes,"  says  Bayle,  in  a  treatise  in  which  he  pleads  for  tol- 
eration on  a  very  extensive  basis — "  Les  Papistes  eux-memes  sont  les 


NOTES.  463 

premiers  en  ce  pais-ci  a  crier  qu'  il  n'y  a  rien  de  plus  injuste  que  de 
vexer  la  conscience.  Pensee  ridicule  en  leur  bouche !  et  non  seule- 
ment  ridicule,  mais  traitresse,  &c.  i.  e.  The  Papists  themselves  are 
the  first  in  this  country  [Britain]  to  exclaim  that  there  is  nothing  more 
unjust  than  to  distress  conscience.  A  sentiment  ridiculous  in  their 
mouth !  and  not  only  ridiculous,  but  treacherous,  and  marked  with 
that  dishonesty  which  they  have  uniformly  discovered  for  so  many 
ages.  For  they  would  not  fail,  in  three  years,  to  burn  and  butcher  all 
who  refused  to  go  to  mass,  if  they  acquired  the  power,  and  could 
avail  themselves  of  the  baseness  of  a  sufficient  number  of  court  para- 
sites, men  of  venal  souls,  and  unworthy  of  the  Protestant  name  which 
they  bear,  to  overturn  the  fundamental  barriers  which  so  salutarily 
restrain  the  royal  power."  Commentaire  Philosophique,  pref.  pp. 
xiii.  xiv. 

The  sentiments  contained  in  the  following  passage  are  now  become 
so  antiquated  and  unintelligible,  that  I  shall  not  risk  my  credit  by 
venturing  to  translate  it.  "  Les  malheurs  qui  sont  arrivez  a  nos  freres 
de  France  tourneront,  comme  il  y  a  apparence,  a  notre  profit.  II  nous 
ont  remis  dans  la  necessaire  defiance  du  Papisme,  il  nous  ont  fait  voir 
que  cette  fausse  religion  ne  s'amende  pas  par  le  long  age,  qu'  elle  est 
toujours,  comme  au  terns  jadis,  animee  de  1'  esprit  de  fourbe  et  de 
cruaute,  et  que  malgre  la  politesse,  1'honnetete,  la  civilite,  qui  regne 
dans  les  manieres  de  ce  siecle  plus  qu'en  aucun  autre,  elle  est  toujours 
brutale  et  farouche.  Chose  etrange !  tout  ce  qu'  il  y  avoit  de  grossier 
dans  les  moeurs  de  nos  ancestres  s'est  evanouit ;  a  cet  air  rustique  et 
sauvage  des  vieux  terns  a  succede  par  toute  1*  Europe  Chretienne  une 
douceur  et  une  civilite  extreme,  II  n'y  a  que  le  Papisme  qui  ne  se 
sent  point  du  changement,  et  qui  retient  toujours  son  ancienne  et  hab- 
ituelle  ferocite.  Nous  nous  imaginions  nous  autres  Anglois,  que  c' 
etoit  une  bete  apprivoisee,  un  loup  et  un  tigre  qui  avoit  oublie  son 
naturel  sauvage ;  mais  Dieu  merci  aux  Convertisseurs  de  France, 
nous  nous  sornmes  desabusez,  et  nous  savons  a  qui  nous  aurions  a 
faire  si  notre  sort  etoit  entre  leurs  mains.  Pesons  bien  cela  et  consid- 
erons  quel  malheur  nous  pendroit  sur  la  tete,  si  nous  laissions  croitre 
le  Papisme  dans  ce  bien  heureux  climat.  Je  ne  veux  pas  que  cela 
nous  porte  a  faire  aucunes  represailles  sur  les  papistes ;  non,  je  deteste 
ces  imitations ;  je  souhaite  seulement  qu'  ils  n'  aquierent  pas  la  force 
d'  executer  sur  nous  ce  qu'  ils  savent  faire,"  Ibid.  pp.  xv.  xviii.  xix. 


Note  Y Y,  p.  233. 

The  following  extracts  from  the  Records  of  the  Town  Council  of 
Edinburgh,  show  the  attention  which  they  paid  to  the  support  and 
accommodation  of  their  minister. 

May  8,  1560.  The  provost,  bailies,  and  council  ordain  the  treasurer 
to  pay  the  sum  of  40/.  Scots  for  furnishing  of  the  minister,  John  Knox, 
in  his  household ;  and  because  he  had  been  furnished  on  David  For- 
rester's expenses  since  his  coming  to  this  town,  for  the  space  of  fifteen 
days,  ordains  to  receive  David's  accompts,  and  make  payment. 
"  Penultimo  Octobris,  1560.  The  quhilk  day,  the  provost,  baillies,  and 
counsaill  ordainis  James  Barroun  to  pay  to  John  Knox  the  soulme  of 
sax  scoir  pounds  of  the  reddiest  money  of  the  solmes  being  in  his 
hands,  and  sicklyk  the  soulme  of  20/."  This  last  sum  seems  to  have 
been  allotted  for  repairs  on  his  house.  "  12th  Dec.  1560.  The  provost, 
baillies,  and  counsill  ordanis  James  Barroun  (dean  of  guild  of  last  year) 
to  pay  and  deliver  to  John  Knox,  minister,  the  soume  of  fiftie  pound  for 
supporting  of  his  charges,  and  that  incontinent  after  the  sight  heirof, 


464  NOTES. 

and  gif  it  beis  funden  that  the  said  James  be  superexpendit,  after  the 
making  of  his  accompt,  precepts  shall  be  given  in  maist  strait  forme, 
commanding  the  treasurer  to  mak  him  gud  and  thankfull  payment  of 
his  haill  superexpensis,  within  aught  days  nixt  thairafter."  From  the 
minutes  of  Dec.  22,  1560,  April  5,  and  May  28,  1561,  it  appears  that 
his  fixed  stipend  was  200/.  a  year ;  for  501.  is  ordered,  each  time,  "  for 
his  quarter  payment"  or  "dues."  On  Dec.  14,  1560,  it  was  agreed 
that  his  house  rent  should  afterwards  be  "  paid  at  the  rate  of  fifteen 
merks  a-year." 

"  Penultimo  Octobris,  [1561.]  The  samine  day  the  provost,  baillies, 
and  counsail  ordanis  the  dene  of  gyld,  with  all  diligence,  to  mak  ane 
warm  stuydye  of  dailies  to  the  minister,  Johne  Knox,  within  his  hous, 
abone  the  hall  of  the  same,  with  lyht  and  wyndokis  thereunto,  and  all 
uther  necessaris :  and  the  expenciss  disbursit  be  him  salbe  allowit  to 
him  in  his  accomptis." — "January,  1561,  (i.  e.  1562,)  the  provost,  bail- 
lies,  and  counsale,  understanding  that  the  minister  Jhone  Knox,  is 
requyrit  be  the  hale  kirk  to  pass  in  the  partis  of  Anguss  and  Mearnys, 
for  electing  of  ane  superintendent  thare,  to  the  quhilk  they  themselfs 
hes  grantit,  thairfoir  ordains  Alexander  Guthrie,  dene  of  gild,  to  pass 
in  companie  with  him,  for  furnishing  of  the  said  ministeris  charges, 
and  to  deburse  and  pay  the  same  of  the  readeast  of  the  townis  gudis 
in  his  handis,  quhilk  salbe  allowit  in  his  accomptis :  And  further  haist 
the  said  minister  hame,  that  the  kirk  hear  be  not  desolait." 

To  these  extracts  respecting  Knox,  I  may  add  one  from  the  same 
records  respecting  Willock,  who  officiated  in  his  place  as  minister  of 
Edinburgh  during  the  civil  war.  "29  August,  1560.  The  counsaill 
ordains  their  treasurer  to  deliver  to  John  Willock  twenty-two  crownes 
of  the  sone  for  recompense  of  the  greit  traveill  sustenit  be  him  this 
haill  yiere  bygane,  in  preching  and  administring  the  sacramentis  with- 
in this  burgh,  and  ordanis  ane  member  of  the  counsail  to  thank  him 
for  his  greit  benevolence,  and  for  the  greit  travaill  forsaid."  Previous 
to  this,  they  had  remunerated  John  Cairns,  with  whom  Willock  had 
lodged. 

In  the  text  I  have  mentioned,  that,  after  the  arrangement  made  by 
the  privy  council  respecting  the  thirds  of  benefices,  Knox  seems  to 
have  received  part  of  his  stipend  from  the  common  fund.  The  ex- 
tracts which  Keith  has  given  from  the  books  of  assignation  mention 
only  two  allowances  made  to  him.  "  To  John  Knox,  minister,  wheat 
2  cfhalders,]  bear*  6  c.  meal  o.  oates  4  c."  Whether  this  was  for  the 
year  1563,  or  not,  Keith  does  not  say.  He  adds  in  a  note,  "For  the 
year  1568, 1  see  333/.  6s.  8d.  given  to  Mr.  Knox."  History,  Appendix, 
188.  His  stipend  at  the  time  of  his  death  will  be  stated  in  Note  QQQ. 
Keith  has  inserted,  from  the  books  of  assignation,  the  prices  of  the 
principal  articles  of  living  at  that  time,  from  which  an  idea  of  the  value 
of  money  may  be  formed.  Ibid.  189.  The  following  are  a  specimen. 
In  Fyfe,  Lothian,  Merse,  and  Teviotdale,  for  1573,  wheat,  261.  13s.  4d. 
the  chalder;  bear,  211.  6s.  8d;  meal,  16/. ;  oats,  20  merks.  Or,  ac- 
cording to  another  account,  without  expressing  any  county,  wheat 
II.  the  boll;  bear,  1Z.  13s.  4cZ. ;  meal  the  same;  oats,  10s.;  malt,  21. ; 
rye,  and  pease  and  beans,  the  same;  mairts  of  Aberdeen,  2/.  13s.  4d. 
the  piece;  sheep,  9s.;  poultry,  4s.  the  dozen;  geese,  Is.  the  piece; 
cheese,  6s.  Sd.  the  stone. 

*  i.  e.  barley. 


NOTES.  465 

Note  ZZ,  p.  234. 

Protoco.— James  Nicolson. 

Pro  Johanne  Knox. 

Knox's  Protest  in  the  affairs  of  the  Earl  of  Angus. — Vigesimo 
quarto  die  mensis  Octobris,  anno  Domini  millesimo  quingentesimo 
sexagesimo  primo,  in  presence  of  me  notair,  and  witnesses  vnder- 
writtin,  Comperit  Johnne  Knox,  minister  of  Edinburgh,  and  thair 
being  requyrit  be  George  Dowglas,  sone  naturall  to  vmquhile  Archi- 
bald erle  of  Angus  that  last  deceissit,  to  deliuer  agane  to  him  the  letter 
of  renunciatioun  maid  be  the  said  George  of  the  landis,  lordschip,  and 
baronie  of  Abirnethy,  and  regalite  thairof,  with  the  maner,  places, 
mylnis,  multuris,  woddis,  fischingis,  tennentis,  tennandriys,  service 
of  free  tennentis,  aduocationis,  donationis,  and  rychtis  of  patronages 
of  the  kirkis,  benefices,  collegis,  and  prebandarys  thairof,  &c.,  in  fav- 
ouris  of  Archibald,  now  erle  of  Angus,  of  the  daitt  at  Edinburgh,  the 
24th  day  of  Junij  the  zeir  of  God  1500  threscoir  ane  zeiris;  and  con- 
signit  and  putt  be  him  in  the  handis  of  the  said  Johnne,  in  hoip  of  ag- 
greance  to  haif  bene  dressit  betuix  him  the  said  erle  and  his  tutouris. 
Ansuerit,  that  he  granted  the  resaving  of  the  said  lettir,  vnder  condi- 
tioun  foirsaid;  and  that  he  had  bestowit  his  faithful!  laubouris  besyde 
the  travellis  tane  zairin  be  diuers  noble  men  to  haif  had  that  mater 
aggreit.  Be  quham  thair  wes  diuers  reasonable  offer  is  made  to  the 
said  George,  quhilkis  he  hes  refusit,  and  thairfoir  protestit  gif  that  his 
refuis  turne  heirefter  to  his  awin  darnnage,  that  the  said  Johne  be  in- 
nocent thairof.  Testifiand  to  the  said  George,  in  his  awin  presence 
and  ouris,  and  also  befoir  God,  that  the  offer  maid  is  mair  reasonable 
nor  he  belevis  the  said  George  is  able  to  haif  ony  proffet  or  gaynes 
vtherwyis  thairbi.  And  thairupoun  the  said  Johnne  deliuerit  to  the 
said  George  his  said  lettir  of  renunciatioun,  of  the  daitt  foirsaid,  vnder 
his  seill  and  subscriptions  quhilk  the  said  George  confessit  and  re- 
cognoscit  to  be  the  same  quhilk  he  deliuerit,  togidder  also  with  his 
seill  in  lead,  quhilkis  the  said  George  resavit  and  dischargit  the  said 
Johnne  thairof.  duhairupoun  the  said  Jon.  askit  instruments.  Done 
in  maister  James  M'gillis  study,  at  6  houris  at  even,  or  thairbi.  Pre- 
sent thairat  the  said  Maister  James  clerk  of  regri. ;  Maister  George 
Hay  vicare  of  Eddilstoune ;  Adam  Wauchop,  and  I  James  Nicolson. 

J.  NICOLSON. 


Note  AAA,  p.  238. 

Minutes  of  the  Town  Council  of  Edinburgh,  respecting  a  second 
Minister.— "  10th  April,  1562.  The  same  day  the  counsale,  under- 
standing the  tedious  and  havie  labours  sufferit  be  the  minister,  Jhone 
Knox,  in  preiching  those  in  the  oulk,  and  twise  on  the  Sounday,  or- 
dains with  ane  consent  to  solist  and  persuade  Maister  Jhone  Craig, 
presentlie  minister  of  the  Canongait,  to  accept  upoun  him  the  half 
chargis  of  the  preaching  of  the  said  kirk  of  Edinburgh  for  sic  gud 
deid  as  they  can  agree  on."  That  this  measure  was  not  carried  into 
effect  for  some  time  after,  appears  from  the  following  act  of  council. 
"  18th  June,  1563.  After  lang  reasoning  upon  the  necessities  of  min- 
isters, finds  that  there  salbe  ane  uther  minister  elected  be  the  provost, 
baillies,  and  counsale,  dekynes  and  elderis  of  this  burgh,  and  addit  to 
Johne  Knox,  minister."  From  the  same  act  and  subsequent  mea- 

13 


466  NOTES. 

sures,  it  is  evident  that  the  want  of  necessary  funds  was  the  cause  of 
the  delay.  For  the  council  resolved,  that  "  for  susteaning  of  thame 
baith,  togidder  with  Johne  Cairns  reider,"  the  deacons  should  meet 
with  the  trades  and  the  merchants,  to  see  what  they  would  be  willing 
to  give.  The  reports  made  to  the  council  bore  that,  if  they  would  fix 
a  particular  stipend,  the  trades  were  willing  to  pay  a  fifth  part  of  it, 
according  to  old  custom.  But  although  Craig  had  not  been  translated 
from  the  Canongate,  he  seems  to  have  performed  a  part  of  the  duty 
in  Edinburgh ;  for,  in  the  same  month,  I  find  the  council  appointing  a 
number  of  persons  "  to  go  amang  the  faithfull  who  had  communicate," 
and  make  a  collection  for  "  Johnne  Craig  and  Johnne  Cairns,  who  had 
received  nathing  for  a  lang  time."  This  expedient  they  were  obliged 
afterwards  to  repeat.  On  the  26th  September,  1561,  the  council  had 
agreed  to  give  "  to  John  Cairns,  lector  of  morning  prayeris,  100  merks 
a-year,  in  tyme  to  cum."  Records  of  Town  Council. 


Note  BBB,  p.  242. 

Writings  of  Quintin  Kennedy  and  George  Hay. — Keith  has  inserted 
a  letter  which  Kennedy  wrote  to  the  Archbishop  of  Glasgow,  and  the 
correspondence  between  him  and  Willock,  in  1559.  He  has  also  given 
large  extracts  from  his  Compendious  Tractive.  History,  Append,  pp. 
193 — 203.  The  following  quotations  may  be  added,  for  verifying  the 
statement  which  I  have  made  in  the  text.  Having  quoted  John  v.  39, 
Kennedy  says,  "Marke  (gud  redare)  the  Scripture  to  occupy  the  place 
of  ane  wytnes,  and  not  the  place  of  ane  juge."  A,  iv.  In  a  subsequent 
part  of  the  work,  he  endeavours  to  qualify  what  he  had  stated  respect- 
ing the  church  being  judge  of  all  matters  in  religion.  "  We  never  say 
in  all  our  lytil  tractive,  that  the  kirk  is  juge  to  the  Scripture,  bot  yat 
the  kirk  is  juge  to  discern  quhilk  is  the  trew  Scripture  of  God,  and  to 
mak  manifest  to  the  congregation  the  trew  understandyng  of  the 
samyn."  Ibid.  H,  v.  This  explication  does  not  much  mend  the  mat- 
ter ;  for  certainly  he  who  has  the  power  of  calling  what  witnesses  he 
pleases,  and  of  putting  what  sense  he  pleases  upon  their  testimony,  is 
to  all  intents  and  purposes  the  judge  of  the  witnesses,  and  of  their 
evidence.  Having  mentioned  that  there  were  persons  "  swa  religious 
and  clean  fyngerit,  that  thair  wil  na  thyng  perswade  thaim  without 
testimony  of  Scripture,"  he  adds,  "  All  Christin  men  havand  ane  gen- 
erale  understanding  of  the  articles  of  our  faith  (conforme  to  the  under- 
standing that  the  kirk  hes  teacheit  ws) ;  the  ten  commandements,  the 
prayer  of  the  Lord  callit  the  Pater  noster,  it  suffices  to  thame  to 
quhame  it  does  not  appertene  of  thair  office  nor  vocatioun,  to  occupy 
the  place  of  the  prechairis  or  techeairis  in  the  congregatioun.  As  to  the 
sacramentis,  and  all  uther  secretis  of  the  Scripture,  stand  to  the  juge- 
mentof  thy  pasture,  (without  curious  ressoning  or  cersing  of  the  secretis 
of  Godis  word,)  quha  beiris  thy  burding  in  all  materis  doutsum  abone 
thy  knawledge,  conforme  to  the  saying  of  the  apostle,  '  Obey  unto 
your  superioris,'  &c.  And  in  cais  they  be  negligent,  ressave  doctryne 
of  the  kirk,  as  the  tyme  teicheis  ws.  Be  this  way  (quhilk  is  conforme 
to  Godis  word  and  all  veritie)  it  sail  be  asie  to  all  men,  quhat  place  or 
estait  in  the  congregatioun  that  ever  he  occupy,  to  beir  his  awin  bur- 
ding."  Ibid.  D,  vii. 

Another  work  of  Kennedy  has  lately  been  printed,  from  a  MS.  in 
the  Auchinleck  library,  under  the  following  title : — "  Ane  oratioune  in 
fauouris  of  all  thais  of  the  Congregatione,  exhortand  thaim  to  aspy 
how  wonderfullie  thai  ar  abusit  be  thair  dissaitful  prechouris,  set  furth 
be  master  Quintine  Kennedy,  Commendatour  of  Corsraguell,  ye  zeir 


NOTES.  467 

of  Gode  1561."  Edinburgh,  1812.  Perhaps  this  oration  was  printed 
in  the  year  mentioned  in  the  title,  although  no  copy  is  now  to  be 
found,  and  was  one  of  "  his  books,"  referred  to  by  the  abbot  in  his 
dispute  with  Knox.  I  have  already  given  extracts  from  this  book,  pp. 
406,  431.  It  concludes  in  the  following  manner : — "  Quharfor,  with  all 
my  hart  exhortis,  prays,  and  but  mercie  appeflis  thar  pestilent  prech- 
eouris,"  [on  the  margin,  "  Knox,  Willock,  Winrame,  Gudmane,  Dowg- 
lasse,  Heriot,  Spottiswoode,  and  all  ye  rest."]  "  puffiit  vp  with  vane 
glore,  quhilkis  rackinnis  thaimselfis  of  gretar  knawlege  nor  Christis 
haill  kirk,  cumand  but  authentic,  subuertand,  subornande,  and  cir- 
cumuenande  the  simple  peple,  cersande  thair  pray  like  the  deuillis 
rachis,  barkand  bauldly  like  bardis,  aganis  the  blissit  sacrament  of 
the  altare,  the  sacrifice  of  the  mess,  and  all  vther  godlie  ordinance  of 
Jhesus  Christ  and  his  kirk,  to  preiss  their  wittis  and  inginis,  and  to 
streik  all  thair  pennis  in  my  contrar,  makande  the  congregatioun  and 
all  vtheris  to  vnderstande,  gif  I  do  propirly,  truely,  and  godly,  or 
nocht,  invey  againis  thair  deuillische  doctrine  and  doyingis.  Fail- 
yeande  thairof,  recant,  for  schame,  recant  (ye  famouse  precheouris) 
and  cum  in  obedience  to  the  kirk  of  God,  quhilk  ye  haue  stubbornlie 
misknawin  this  lang  time  bypast,  (and  that  nocht  without  grete  dan- 
gere  to  your  avne  saulis  and  mony  vtheris,)  thairfor  recant,  in  tyme 
recant,  as  ye  lufe  your  saluation,  and  cry  God  mercie :  To  quaham, 
with  the  Sone  and  Haly  Gaist,  be  prayse,  honour,  and  glore,  for  ever 
..  ande  ever.  Amen.  Progenies  viperarum  fugite  a  ventura  ira,  nam 
securis  ad  radicem  arboris  posita  est,  penitentiam  agite.  Matth.  in." 
In  his  dispute  with  Knox,  the  abbot  mentions  his  "  books,"  and  he 
refers  particularly  to  a  book  which  he  had  published  in  1561,  on  the 
sacrament  of  the  mass.  There  is  in  the  library  of  Alexander  Bos- 
well,  Esq.  of  Auchinleck,  a  MS.  by  the  abbot,  entitled,  "  Ane  familiar 
commune  and  ressoning  anent  the  misterie  of  the  sacrafice  of  the 
mess,  betwixt  twa  brether,  master  Qjntin  Kennedy,  commendator  of 
Crosraguell,  and  James  Kennedy  of  .  In  the  yeir  of  God  ane 

thousand,  five  hundred,  three  scoir  ane  yeir."  It  was  answered  by 
George  Hay,  in  a  work  entitled,  "  The  Confutation  of  the  Abbote  of 
Crosraguels  Masse,  set  furth  be  Maister  George  Hay.  Imprinted  at 
Edinburgh  by  Robert  Lekpreuik,  1563."  The  dedication  is  inscribed, 
"  To  the  most  noble,  potent,  and  godlie  Lord  James  Earle  of  Murray." 
This  is  the  book  to  which  Winzet  alludes  on  the  margin  of  his  Buke 
of  Q,uestionis,  where  he  says,  "  Mr.  George  Hay,  fy  haist  zow  to 
recant."  Keith,  Append,  pp.  236,  246.  I  have  been  favoured  with  the 
sight  of  a  copy  of  this  rare  tract,  belonging  to  Richard  Heber,  Esq.  It 
would  seem  that  the  abbot's  treatise  was  not  printed,  but  that  copies 
of  it  had  been  transcribed,  and  industriously  circulated  through  the 
country  in  manuscript;  for  Hay  repeatedly  makes  the  supposition 
that  there  might  be  variations  in  the  different  copies,  and  on  one  occa- 
sion confesses  that  he  could  not  read  a  passage  in  the  copy  which  he 
used.  "Followeth,  another  objection  made  by  James.  Alwayes," 
says  he,  "  all  ze  wha  vses  the  Masse,  dois  not  (this  (not)  is  not  in  the 
text,  that  is  come  to  my  handes,  but  because  the  sentence  requireth 
it,  I  haue  added  it)  as  Christ  did  in  the  latter  supper,"  &c.  He  gives 
another  quotation  from  the  abbot  in  the  following  manner:  "  Trewly, 
brother,  and  ze  be  sa  scrupulus  Scripturares,  that  ze  will  nothing  but 
(but  is  not  in  my  text)  as  Christe  did,  towards  the  vse  of  the  Sacra- 
mentes,  ze  will  subuert  our  halie  Faith,  and  commend  our  awin 
doinges,*  (so  I  ride  it)  (our  owen  doinges  or  commonly  I  can  not  tell 

*  It  is  probable  that  the  words  which  puzzled  Hay  should  be  read,  and  condemn  your 
awin  doinges. 


468  NOTES, 

which  should  be  red,  or  if  there  be  any  other  thing  yet,)  for  quhair 
finde  ze  that  Christe  euer  appointed  ane  man  to  be  baptised,"  &e. 
Fol.  36,  b.  37,  a,  b. 

The  following  account  of  the  abbot's  talents  and  acquaintance  with 
the  Fathers  may  serve  as  a  specimen  of  Hay's  style.  "  Trew  it  is, 
that  before  this  boke  of  the  abbote  of  Crosraguel's  was  set  furth  and 
published,  sindrie  and  diuers  were  the  opinions  of  men  concerning  it. 
For  the  sorte  of  them  that  be  comonly  tearmed  Papistes,  aduersaries 
to  all  trew  religion,  thoght  in  verie  deid  that  they  should  receaue  such 
a  comfort,  yea,  such  a  gun  as  no  munition  myght  withstand,  no 
strengthe  resiste,  nether  yet  any  maner  of  force  repel.  They  were 
encuraged  by  the  brute  and  fame  of  the  man,  who  onely  wolde  ap- 
peare  in  these  tymes  to  haue  dexteritie  of  ingyne,  helped  and  auanced 
by  long  progress  of  tyme  spent  in  good  letters,  yea,  ad  besydes  the 
Scriptures  of  God,  will  also  appeare  to  haue  the  conference,  judgment, 
and  authoritie  of  the  ancient  Fathers  and  councils,  which  it  may  seme 
to  the  reader  that  he  feadeth  (not  unlyke  the  nyne  Muses)  in  his 
bosome.  I  my  self  hauing  hade  some  tymes  credit  and  acquentence 
of  the  man,  loked  for  some  what  that  might  haue  troubled  the  cos- 
ciences  of  waiklinges,  and  of  such  as  stayed  them  selues  vpon  a  glis- 
tering and  semely  ymagination  of  mans  heart,  rather  then  upon  the 
written  and  reueiled  treuth,  by  the  spirite  of  God.  For  it  was  not 
vnknawen  to  me  how  familiare  he  hath  bene  with  the  scolastike 
sophisters,  their  thornie  questions,  and  scabrus  conclusions,  yea  and 
some  of  the  ancient  doctors,  whose  writinges,  what  by  ignorance  of 
tyme  seduced,  what  by  affection  carryed  away,  I  thought  wel  he 
should  wreist  to  his  yngodly  opinion."  Fol.  3,  a.  Having  pointed  out 
a  false  quotation,  which  the  abbot  had  made  from  Chrysostom,  Hay 
adds,  "  Hereby  it  is  easy  to  perceaue  how  vainely  ye  ascribe  such 
reading  of  the  ancientes  vnto  your  self,  as  in  your  writinges  ye  take 
vpon  you,  that  ye  will  seme  in  the  eyes  of  the  people,  to  be  the  onely 
he  in  this  realme  versed  in  antiquitie.  And  now  to  say  my  judgment 
frely,  I  truste  ye  haue  no  works  of  such  men  as  ye  draw  your  autho- 
rities out  of,  but  onely  hath,  I  can  not  tell  what  lytle  scabbed  treaties 
of  Eccius,  Cochleus,  Hosius,  Stanislaus  youre  new  start  up  Campion, 
and  of  such  others  of  your  factio,  and  taketh  out  of  them  such  thinges 
as  ye  think  may  serue  to  your  wicked  and  blasphemus  purpose. 
What  credite  now,  or  what  authoritie  oght  to  be  given  to  such  places, 
as  thou  draweth  out  of  the  doctors,  who  belyke  neuer  hath  sene  there 
workes,  nether  yet  knoweth  to  what  purpose  they  speak,  if  they  speak 
of  their  owne  mynde,  or  of  their  aduersaries,  whither  they  speak  by 
an  interrogation  or  conclusiuely,  and  determinatly,  whither  they 
speak  w£/>/?oAiK«f,*  that  is  excessiuely,  to  extoll  the  dignitie  of  the  mater 
they  haue  in  hand  (which  is  not  rare  in  this  author)  or  simplie.  Thus 
the  text  it  self  is  to  be  considered,  that  it  that  preceadeth  being  con- 
ferred with  it  that  followeth,  the  mynde  and  sentence  of  the  author 
may  be  knowen  perfytlie.  Not  that  I  will  hereby  damne  yong  men, 
who  ether  excluded  by  tyme,  or  els  lacking  bookes,  muste  giue  credite 
to  good  authorities,  but  in  this  man  who  will  seme  to  be  an  other 
Anacharsis  inter  sordidos  Scythas,  it  is  intolerable,  who  is  seques- 
trate frome  the  common  societie  of  men,  and  trauell  in  the  common 
wealth,  hauing  not  else  to  do,  but  that  he  hath  inioyned  to  him  self, 
that  is  to  ly  by  a  pleasing  bray,  and  cast  in  stones  to  trouble  the  faire 
and  cleare  rinning  watter."  Fol.  18,  b.  19,  a. 

Lepreuik,  in  an  advertisement  to  the  reader,  apologizes  for  his  want 
of  Greek  characters,  which  he  was  forced  to  have  supplied  by  manu- 

*  The  Greek  word  is  inserted  with  a  pen. 


NOTES.  469 

script.  Herbert's  edit,  of  Ames,  p.  1487.  This  fact  illustrates  what  I 
have  mentioned  in  p.  374.  Herbert  questions  Ames's  statement,  that 
they  had  no  Hebrew  or  Greek  types  in  Scotland  in  1579,  and  he  ap- 
peals to  a  book  printed  "  at  Edinburgh,  be  Leighe  Mannenby,  anno 
Domini  1578,"  in  which  Greek  characters  are  found.  Ibid.  pp.  1499, 
1500.  But  this  cannot  overthrow  Ames's  statement,  which  is  correct; 
for  the  imprint  of  that  book  is  undoubtedly  fictitious,  as  no  such  Scot- 
tish printer  as  "Leighe  Mannenby"  seems  to  have  ever  existed. 


Note  CCC,  p.  249. 

Ordination  of  Reformed  Ministers. — In  the% prologue  to  the  "Rea- 
soning betwixt  Jo.  Knox  and  the  abbot  of  Crossraguell,"  Knox  adverts 
to  the  cavils  of  the  papists  against  the  validity  of  the  call  of  the  re- 
formed ministers,  and  intimates  his  intention  of  returning  an  answer 
to  the  questions  on  this  head  which  had  been  proposed  to  him  by 
Ninian  Winget,  the  "  Procutour  for  the  Papists."  There  are  some 
general  remarks  on  this  subject  in  his  answer  to  Tyrie's  Letter,  but  I 
do  not  think  that  he  ever  published  any  thing  professedly  on  the  point. 
There  is  a  ridiculous  tale  told  by  a  Popish  writer  concerning  a  pre- 
tended convention  held  by  the  reformed  ministers  in  Scotland  to  de- 
termine in  what  manner  they  should  proceed  in  the  admission  of  min- 
isters. Willock  proposed  as  a  weighty  difficulty,  that  if  they  used 
imposition  of  hands,  or  any  other  ceremony  commonly  practised  in 
the  church,  they  would  be  asked  to  show,  that  they  themselves  had 
been  admitted  by  the  same  ceremonies,  and  thus  the  lawfulness  of 
their  vocation  would  be  called  in  question.  "  Johann  kmnox  ansuerit 
maist  resolutlie,  « Buf,  buf,  man,  we  ar  anes  entered,  let  se  quha  dar 
put  us  out  agane ;'  meaning  that  thair  was  not  sa  monie  gunnis  and 
pistollis  in  the  countrie  to  put  him  out  as  was  to  intrud  him  with  vio- 
lence. Sua  Johann  kmnox,  to  his  awin  confusion,  entered  not  in  the 
kirk  be  ordinar  vocatione  or  imposition  of  handis,  but  be  imposition 
of  '  bullatis  and  pouldir  in  culringis  and  Jang  gunnis ;'  sua  ye  mister 
not  to  trubill  you  farder  in  seiking  out  of  Johann  kmnox  vocatione." — 
This  story  "I  understude,"  says  the  author,  "of  ane  nobil  and  hon- 
ourable man,  quha  can  yit  beir  witnes  gif  I  lea  or  not."  He  took  care, 
however,  not  to  give  the  name  of  the  nobleman.  Nicol  Burne's  Dis- 
putation, p.  129.  Parise,  1581. 


Note  DDD,  p.  250. 

Strictness  and  Impartiality  of  Discipline. — The  form  of  satisfaction 
enjoined  in  the  case  of  Methven,  was  appointed  for  all  who  should  be 
excommunicated  for  murder,  adultery,  incest,  or  other  aggravated 
crimes.  The  murderer  was  to  bear  in  his  hand  "  the  same  or  lyke 
weapoun  whairwith  the  murther  was  committed."  Buik  of  the  Univ. 
Kirk,  p.  38.  Other  rules  observed  in  cases  of  discipline  may  be  seen 
in  Knox's  Liturgy,  pp.  55—67,  edit.  1611,  and  in  Dunlop's  Confessions, 
ii.  704 — 756.  Impartiality,  as  well  as  severity,  distinguished  the  disci- 
pline of  those  times.  "  Gryt  men  offending  in  syc  crymes  as  deserves 
seckclaith,  they  suld  receave  the  same  als  weill  as  the  pure. — Na  su- 
perintendant  nor  commissioner,  with  advyce  of  any  particular  kirk 
of  yair  jurisdiction,  may  dispense  with  the  extreamitie  of  sackcloth, 
prescrivit  be  the  actes  of  the  general!  discipline,  for  any  pecuniall  sum 
or  paine  adpios  usus."  Buik  of  the  Univ.  Kirk,  August,  1573.  Dun- 
lop,  ii.  753.  This  was  not  a  mere  theoretic  proposition.  For,  in  1563, 
40 


470  NOTES. 

we  find  the  lord  treasurer  making  public  satisfaction,  (Keith,  '245, 529;) 
in  1567,  the  Countess  of  Argyle,  (Buik  of  the  Univ.  Kirk,  p.  37 ;)  and 
in  1568,  the  Bishop  of  Orkney,  (Anderson's  Collections,  ii.  284.)  Let 
not  our  modern  fashionables  and  great  ones  be  alarmed  at  hearing  of 
such  things.  Those  days  are  gone,  and  will  not,  it  is  likely,  soon 
return. 

The  parliament,  or  the  magistracy  of  particular  burghs,  enacted 
punishments  of  a  corporal  kind  against  certain  crimes  which  were 
ordinarily  tried  in  the  church  courts.  Some  of  these  existed  before 
the  Reformation,  and  some  of  them  were  posterior  to  it ;  but  the  in- 
fliction as  well  as  the  enacting  of  them,  pertained  to  the  civil  magis- 
trate. Knox,  p.  269.  In  the  minutes  of  several  kirk-sessions,  how- 
ever, the  sentences  inflicting  them  are  found  recorded  along  with 
censures  properly  ecclesiastical.  The  following  extract  accounts  for 
this  in  part.  "  What  you  bring"  (says  Mr.  Baillie,  in  his  answer  to 
Bishop  Maxwell)  "  of  pecuniary  mulcts,  imprisonments,  banishments, 
jogges,  cutting  of  haire,  and  such  like,  it  becomes  neither  you  to 
charge,  nor  us  to  be  charged  with,  any  such  matters :  No  church 
assembly  in  Scotland  assumes  the  least  degree  of  power,  to  inflict  the 
smallest  civil  punishment  upon  any  person ;  the  Generall  Assembly  it 
selfe  hath  no  power  to  fine  any  creature  so  much  as  in  one  groat :  It 
is  true,  the  lawes  of  the  land  appoint  pecuniary  mulcts,  imprisonment, 
joggs,  pillories,  and  banishment  for  some  odious  crimes,  and  the  power 
of  putting  these  lawes  in  execution  is  placed  by  the  parliament  in  the 
hands  of  the  inferior  magistrates  in  burroughs  or  shires,  or  of  others 
to  whom  the  counsel  table  gives  a  speciall  commission  for  that  end ; 
ordinarily  some  of  these  civill  persons  are  ruling  elders,  and  sit  with 
the  eldership :  So  when  the  eldership  have  cognosced  upon  the  scan- 
dall  alone  of  criminall  persons,  and  have  used  their  spirituall  censures 
only  to  bring  the  party  to  repentance,  some  of  the  ruling  elders,  by 
virtue  of  their  civill  office  or  commission,  will  impose  a  mulct,  or  send 
to  prison  or  stocks,  or  banish  out  of  the  bounds  of  some  little  circuit, 
according  as  the  act  of  parliament  or  counsell  do  appoint  it.  But  that 
the  eldership  should  imploy  its  ecclesiastick  and  spirituall  power  for 
any  such  end,  none  of  us  doe  defend.  That  either  in  Scotland,  or  any 
where  else  in  the  world  the  haire  of  any  person  is  commanded  to  be 
cut  by  any  church  judicatory  for  disgrace  and  punishment,  is  (as  I 
take  it)  but  a  foolish  fable.  That  any  person  truely  penitent  is  threat- 
ened in  Scotland,  with  church  censures  for  non-payment  of  monies, 
is  in  the  former  category' of  calumnies."  Historical  Vindication  of 
the  Government  of  the  Church  of  Scotland,  pp.  17,  18.  Lond.  1646.  I 
have  in  my  possession  (extracted  from  the  records  of  a  kirk  session) 
a  commission,  granted  in  1701,  by  the  sheriff-depute  of  Berwickshire, 
constituting  one  of  the  elders  session-bailie,  for  executing  the  laws 
against  profaneness,  agreeably  to  an  act  of  parliament  authorizing  the 
appointment  of  such  an  officer  in  parishes  within  which  no  ordinary 
magistrate  resided. 

I  may  add  the  following  quotation  from  another  able  and  strenuous 
assertor  of  the  presbyterian  discipline  and  government.  "  Ubi  origi- 
nalis  causa  excommunicationis  est  delictum  violans  jura  et  libertates 
ecclesiae,  &c.  When  the  original  cause  of  excommunication  is  an 
offence  violating  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  church,  either  in  the 
way  of  loss  being  sustained  or  injury  being  done,  I  confess  that  the 
assistance  of  the  secular  arm  may  be  implored,  and  the  guilty  person 
may  be  forced  to  repair  the  loss  and  to  give  civil  satisfaction ;  or  even 
if  the  person  already  excommunicated  shall  testify  a  disposition  to 
disturb  the  religious  service,  or  to  violate  the  rights  and  liberties  of 
the  church.  But  where  no  loss  or  injury  to  the  rights  and  liberties  of 


NOTES.  471 

the  church  arises  from  the  offence  or  from  the  contumacy,  but  scandal 
alone  is  given,  1  know  not  whether  any  person  is  to  be  forced  to  what 
is  called  penitential  satisfaction,  by  imploring  the  assistance  of  the 
secular  arm.  For  as  the  church  has  no  coactive  power  in  herself,  so 
neither  ought  she  to  use  it  indirectly  to  extort  confessions  which  are 
constrained,  and  consequently  counterfeit."  Calderwood,  Altare  Da- 
mascenum,  pp.  312—3.  edit.  Lugd.  Bat.  1708. 


Note  EEE,  p.  260. 

Mr.  Hume's  misrepresentations  of  the  behaviour  of  the  Reformers  to 
Queen  Mary. — The  whole  account  which  this  historian  has  given  of 
the  conduct  of  the  Protestant  clergy  towards  Mary,  from  her  arrival 
in  Scotland  until  her  marriage  with  Darnley,  is  very  remote  from  sober 
and  genuine  history.  It  is  rather  a  satire  against  the  Reformation, 
which  he  charges  with  rebellion;  against  the  Presbyterian  Church, 
whose  genius  he  describes  as  essentially  productive  of  fanaticism  and 
vulgarity ;  and  against  his  native  country,  the  inhabitants  of  which, 
without  exception,  he  represents  as  overrun  with  rusticity,  strangers 
to  the  arts,  to  civility,  and  the  pleasures  of  conversation.  History, 
Reign  of  Eliz.  chap.  i.  near  the  close.  "  II  n'est  rien  de  plus  facile  quand 
on  a  beaucoup  d'esprit,  et  beaucoup  d'experience  dans  1'art  de  faire 
des  livres,  que  de  composer  une  Histoire  satyrique,  des  meme  faits  qui 
ont  servi  a  faire  une  Eloge.  Deux  lignes  supprimees,  oupour  ou  contre, 
dans  1'exposition  d'un  fait,  sont  capables  de  faire  paroistre  un  homme 
ou  fort  innocent,  ou  tort  coupable :  et  comme  par  la  seule  transposi- 
tion de  quelques  mots,  on  peut  faire  d'un  discours  fort  saint  un  dis- 
cours  impie ;  de  meme  par  la  seule  transposition  de  quelques  circon- 
stances,  Ton  peut  faire  de  1'action  la  plus  criminelle,  1'action  la  plus  ver- 
tueuse."  Bayle,  Critique  Generale  de  1'Histoire  du  Calvinisme,  p.  1 3, 
2de  edition,  1683.  To  this  charge  the  historian  of  England  has  ex- 
posed himself  on  more  than  one  occasion. 

I  cannot  here  expose  all  his  misstatements  in  the  passage  to  which 
I  have  referred.  He  keeps  out  of  view  the  fixed  resolution  of  the  queen 
to  re-establish  the  Romish  religion,  with  all  the  perils  to  which  the  Pro- 
testants were  exposed.  He  artfully  introduces  his  narrative,  by  placing 
her  proclamation  against  altering  the  Protestant  religion  before  the 
symptoms  of  popular  discontent  at  her  setting  up  of  mass ;  whereas 
the  proclamation  was  issued  after  these,  and  would  never  have  ap- 
peared, had  it  not  been  found  necessary  to  allay  the  apprehensions  of 
the  people.  Knox,  285.  Keith,  504,  505.  As  a  proof  that  the  preachers 
"  took  a  pride  in  vilifying,  even  to  her  face,  this  amiable  princess,"  he 
gives  extracts  from  an  address  to  her  by  the  General  Assembly,  with- 
out ever  hinting  that  this  was  merely  a  draught  or  overture;  that 
every  offensive  expression  was  erased  from  it  before  it  was  adopted 
by  the  assembly ;  and  that,  when  the  address  was  presented  by  the 
superintendents  of  Lothian  and  Fife,  the  queen  said,  "  Here  are  many 
fair  words;  I  cannot  tell  what  the  hearts  are."  Knox,  315.  Mr.  H. 
goes  on  to  say :  "  The  ringleader  in  all  these  insults  on  Majesty,  was 
John  Knox. — His  usual  appellation  for  the  queen  was  Jezebel"  This 
is  a  mistake.  Neither  in  his  sermons,  nor  in  his  prayers,  nor  in  con- 
versation, did  he  give  this  appellation  to  Mary,  so  long  as  she  was 
queen ;  but  always  honoured  her  before  the  people,  as  well  as  in  her 
own  presence,  even  when  he  lamented  and  condemned  her  errors. 
Afterwards,  indeed,  when  for  her  crimes  (of  which  no  man  was  more 
convinced  than  Mr.  H.)  she  was  removed  from  the  government,  and 
he  no  longer  acknowledged  her  as  his  sovereign,  he  did  apply  this 


472  NOTES. 

name  to  her.  It  is  so  far  from  being  true,  that  "  the  whole  life  of  Mary 
was,  from  the  demeanour  of  these  men,  filled  with  bitterness  and 
sorrow,"  or  that  she  "  was  curbed  in  all  amusements  by  the  absurd 
seventy  of  these  reformers,"  that  she  retained  her  "  gaiety  and  ease," 
until,  by  her  imprudent  marriage  with  Darnley,  she  with  her  own  hand 
plarted  thorns  under  her  pillow ;  while  the  preachers  were  most  free 
in  their  sermons,  she  enjoyed  all  manner  of  liberty ;  her  mass  was 
never  taken  from  her ;  she  was  allowed  to  indulge  her  "  feasting,  finery, 
dancing,  balls,  and  whoredom,  their  necessary  attendant ;"  nor  was 
she  ever  interrupted  in  these  amusements,  except  when  her  own  hus- 
band deprived  her  of  her  favourite  Italian  fiddler,  a  loss  for  which  she 
afterwards  took  ample  vengeance.  It  is  difficult  to  conceive  how  one 
acquainted  with  the  history  of  that  period,  and  the  character  of  the 
queen,  could  impute  the  "  errors  of  her  subsequent  conduct"  to  the 
"  harsh  and  preposterous  usage  which  she  met  with"  from  the  refor- 
mers. Nor  can  there  be  a  greater  satire  upon  the  general  character 
of  Mary,  (previous  to  her  first  marriage,)  than  to  say  that  "she  found 
every  moment  reason  to  regret  her  leaving  that  country,  from  whose 
manners  she  had,  in  her  early  youth,  received  the  first  impressions." 
It  is  well  known,  that  the  court  at  which  she  received  her  education 
was  most  dissolute ;  and  the  supposition  that  she  carried  away  the 
innocent  polish  and  refinement  of  their  manners,  without  contracting 
their  criminal  contagion,  is  not  only  incredible,  but  contradicted  by 
the  confessions  of  her  friends.  Memoires  de  Chastelnau,  augmentez 
par  J.  le  Laboureur,  Prieur  de  Juvigne,  torn.  i.  p.  528.  A  Bruxelles, 
1731.  I  have  no  desire,  however,  to  dip  into  this  subject,  or  to  drag  to 
light  facts  unfavourable  to  that  unhappy  princess ;  although  the  un- 
warranted and  persevering  attacks  which  have  been  made  upon 
worthy  men,  in  order  to  reconcile  the  "  future  conduct"  of  Mary  with 
"  the  general  tenor  of  her  character,"  would  justify  far  greater  freedoms 
than  have  been  lately  used  in  this  way. 

"  We  are  too  apt  to  figure  to  ourselves  the  reformers  of  that  age,  as 
persons  of  impolitic  and  inflexible  austerity."  This  is  the  remark  of 
one  who  was  much  better  acquainted  with  their  history  than  Mr. 
Hume.  Lord  Hailes,  Historical  Mem.  of  the  Provincial  Councils  of 
the  Scottish  Clergy,  p.  41.  Comp.  Knox,  Historic,  p.  310.  See  also 
Note  OOO. 

Mr.  Hume's  object,  in  the  passage  on  which  I  have  animadverted, 
was  to  blacken  the  reformers,  rather  than  to  exalt  the  queen,  of  whose 
character  he  had  at  bottom  no  great  opinion.  "  Tell  Goodall,"  says 
he,  in  a  letter  to  Dr.  Robertson,  "  that  if  he  can  but  give  up  Queen 
Mary,  I  hope  to  satisfy  him  in  every  thing  else ;  and  he  will  have  the 
pleasure  of  seeing  John  Knox,  and  the  reformers,  made  very  ridicu- 
lous." Indeed,  Mr.  Hume  confessed  to  his  confidential  friends,  that  he 
had,  in  his  History,  drawn  the  character  of  that  princess  in  too  fa- 
vourable colours.  "  I  am  afraid,"  says  he  to  the  same  correspondent, 
"  that  you,  as  well  as  myself,  have  drawn  Mary's  character  with  too 
great  softenings.  She  was  undoubtedly  a  violent  woman  at  all  times" 
Stewart's  Life  of  Robertson,  pp.  37,  38. 


Note  FFF,  p.  260. 

Proceedings  of  Town  Council  in  a  slander  against  Knox. — "  18mo 
Junii,  1563. — The  samyn  day,  in  presence  of  the  baillies  and  counsale, 
comperit  Jhone  Gray,  scribe  to  the  kirk,  and  presentit  the  supplica- 
tione  following,  in  name  of  the  haill  kirk,  bering  that  it  was  laitlie 
cummen  to  thair  knawledge  bi  the  report  of  faythfull  bretherins,  that 


NOTES.  473 

within  thir  few  dayis  Eufame  Dundas,  in  the  presence  of  ane  multi* 
tude,  had  spokin  divers  injurious  and  sclandarous  wordis  baith  of  the 
doctrine  and  ministeris.  And  in  especiall  of  Jhonne  Knox,  minister, 
sayand,  that  within  few  dayis  past,  the  said  Jhonne  Knox  was  appre- 
hendit  and  tane  furth  of  ane  killogye  with  ane  commoun  hure;  and 
that  he  had  bene  ane  commone  harlot  all  his  dayis.  Q,uh  airfare  it 
was  maist  humblie  desyrit  that  the  said  Eufame  myt  be  callit  and  ex- 
aminat  upone  the  said  supplicatione,  and  gif  the  wordis  abone  written, 
spoken  bi  hir,  myt  be  knawin  or  tryit  to  be  of  veritie,  that  the  said 
Jhonne  Knox  myt  be  punist  with  all  rigour  without  favour :  other- 
wyse  to  tak  sic  ordour  with  hir  as  myt  stand  with  the  glory  of  God, 
and  that  sclander  myt  be  takin  from  the  kirk.  As  at  mair  length  is 
contenit  in  the  said  supplication.  Quhilk  beand  red  to  the  said  Eu- 
fame personallie  present  in  judgment,  scho  denyit  the  samyn,  and  Fry- 
day  the  25  day  of  Junii  instant  assignit  to  hir  to  here  and  see  witness 
producit  for  preving  of  the  allegiance  abone  expremit,  and  scho  is 
warnyt  apud  acta."  Records  of  Town  Council  of  Edinburgh,  of  the 
above  date. 

The  minute  of  the  25th  contains  the  account  of  the  proof  which 
Knox's  procurator  led  to  show  that  Eufame  Dundas  had  uttered  the 
scandal  which  she  now  denied,  and  the  appointment  that  the  parties 
should  be  "  warnit  literatorie  to  hear  sentence  given  in  the  said  ac- 
tion." I  have  not  observed  any  thing  more  respecting  the  cause  in  the 
minutes,  and  it  is  probable,  that  the  Reformer,  having  obtained  the 
vindication  of  his  character,  prevailed  on  the  judges  not  to  inflict 
punishment  on  the  accuser. 


Note  GGG,  p.  261. 

Calumnies  of  the  Popish  writers  against  Knox  and  other  Refor- 
mers.— "  C'est  rendre  sans  doute,"  says  Bayle,  "  quelques  services  a 
la  memoire  de  Jean  Knox,  que  de  fair  voir  les  extravagances  de  ceux 
qui  ont  dechire  sa  reputation."  And,  having  referred  to  the  gross  and 
extravagant  slanders"  of  one  writer,  he  adds,  "  this  alone  is  a  suffi- 
cient prejudice  against  all  which  the  Roman  Catholic  writers  have  pub- 
lished concerning  the  great  Reformer  of  Scotland."  Diet.  art.  Knox. 
If  Mons.  Bayle  could  speak  in  this  manner  upon  a  quotation  from  one 
author,  what  conclusion  shall  we  draw  from  the  following  quotations'? 

The  first  writer  who  attacked  Knox's  character  after  his  death,  was 
Archibald  Hamilton,  whose  hostility  against  him  was  inflamed  by  a 
personal  quarrel,  as  well  as  by  political  and  religious  considerations. 
(See  above,  p.  318.)  His  book  shows  how  much  he  was  disposed  to 
recommend  himself  to  the  Papists,  by  throwing  out  whatever  was 
most  injurious  to  his  former  connections,  But  there  were  too  many 
alive  at  that  time  to  refute  any  charge  which  might  be  brought  against 
the  Reformer's  moral  character.  Accordingly,  when  he  aimed  the 
most  envenomed  thrust  at  his  reputation,  Hamilton  masked  it  under 
the  name  of  an  apprehension  or  surmise.  Having  said,  that,  on  the 
death  of  Edward  VI.  "he  fled  to  Geneva  with  a  noble  and  rich  lady," 
(which,  by  the  by,  is  also  a  falsehood,)  he  adds,  in  a  parenthesis,  "qua 
simul  et  filia  matris  pellice  familiariter  usus  fuisse  putabatur"  De 
Confusione  Calvinianae  Sectae,  p.  65,  a.  Parisiis,  1577. 

In  1579,  Principal  Smeton  published  his  answer  to  Hamilton's  book, 
in  which  he  repelled  the  charges  which  he  had  brought  against  Knox, 
and  pronounced  the  above  mentioned  surmise  a  malicious  calumny, 
for  which  the  accuser  could  not  adduce  the  slightest  proof,  and  which 
was  refuted  by  the  spotless  character  which  the  Reformer  had  main- 
40*  K3 


474  NOTES. 

tained  before  the  whole  world.  Smetoni  Responsio  ad  Virulent.  Dial. 
Hamiltonii,  p.  95.  Edinb.  1579.  It  now  behoved  Hamilton  either  to 
retract  or  to  prove  his  injurious  insinuation.  But  how  did  he  act  in 
his  reply  to  Smeton?  Under  the  pretence  of  repeating  what  he  had 
said  in  his  former  book,  he  introduces  a  number  of  other  slanders 
against  Knox's  character,  of  which  he  had  not  given  the  most  distant 
hint  before ;  and  (incredible  to  be  told !)  he  absolutely  avers,  that  he 
had  formerly  specified  all  these  crimes,  and  condescended  upon  the 
places,  times,  and  other  circumstances  of  their  commission;  although, 
in  his  former  publication,  he  had  not  said  one  word  on  the  subject 
except  the  general  surmise  which  I  have  quoted  above !  !  !  "  Pueri- 
tiam  prematura  venere  et  pollute  insuper  patris  thoro  infamem  notavi. 
Inde  adolescentiam  perpetuis  assuetam  adulteriis  desig-navi.  Post 
hanc  maturioris  aetatis  apostasin,  &c.  descripsi:  res  ipsas  ut  gestae 
erant  retuli :  loca,  tempora, et  reliquas  omnes circumstantias  notavi" 
Calvinianae  Confusionis  Demonstratio,  contra  maledicam  Ministrorum 
Scotiae  responsionem ;  per  Archibaldum  Hamiltonium,  in  Sancta 
Christi  Ecclesia  Presbyterum.  p.  253,  Parisiis,  1581.  Than  this  what 
can  be  a  stronger  mark  of  one  who  has  "made  shipwreck  of  faith  and 
a  good  conscience,"  who  "  is  subverted  and  sinneth,  being  condemned 
of  himself?"  After  this  we  cannot  wonder  at  his  casting  off  all  shame, 
and  asserting, — "  Itane  vero  in  maledictis  ducitis,  quae  impurus  homu- 
cio  non  vno,  aut  paucis,  sed  multis,  et  fere  dicam  omnibus  attestanti- 
bus,  designaviU  patris  thorum  infami  incestu  pollutum,  et  tot  com- 
missa  adulteria,  quot  in  aedibus,  intra  quas  admittebatur,  relicta  vesti- 
gia etiamnu  recitant  Laudonienses  omnes  nobiles,  juxta  et  ignoUles" 
Ut  supra,  p.  253,  b. 

We  are  not  left  to  impute  these  slanders  to  personal  malice,  or  to 
the  miserable  shifts  of  an  unprincipled  individual,  who,  having  rashly 
committed  himself  by  advancing  a  falsehood,  attempts  to  maintain  his 
credit  by  bold  assertions  and  fresh  calumnies.  For,  in  the  very  same 
year  in  which  Hamilton's  last  work  appeared,  we  find  another  Popish 
author  writing  in  the  following  terms:  "Johne  Kmnox  your  first 
apostel,  quha  caused  ane  young  woman  in  my  Lord  Ochiltreis  place 
fal  amaist  dead,  because  sche  saw  his  maister  Satthan  in  ane  black 
mannis  likenese  with  him,  throuche  ane  bore  of  the  dure :  quha  was 
also  ane  manifest  adulterare  bringand  furth  of  Ingland  baith  the 
mother  and  the  dochter  whom  he  persuadit  that  it  was  lesum  to  leve 
her  housband,  and  adhere  unto  him,  making  ane  fleshe  of  himself,  the 
mother,  and  the  dochter,  as  if  he  wald  conjoyne  in  ane  religione,  the 
auld  synagogue  of  the  Jeuis  with  the  new  fundat  kirk  of  the  Gentiles." 
In  another  place  he  introduces  the  account  of  his  second  marriage 
with  these  words :  "  That  renegat  and  perjurit  priest  schir  Johane 
Kmnox,  quha  efter  the  death  of  his  first  harlot,  quhilk  he  mareit  in- 
curring eternal  damnation  be  breking  his  vou  and  promise  of  chasti- 
tie,  quhen  his  age  requyrit  rather  that  with  tearis  and  lamentations 
he  sould  have  chastised  his  flesh  and  bewailit  the  breaking  of  his  vou, 
as  also  the  horribil  incest  with  his  gudmother  in  ane  killogie  of  Had- 
dingtoun."  Burne's  Disputation  concerning  the  Controversit  Headdis 
of  Religion,  pp.  102,  143.  Parise,  1581.  But  Burne,  and  even  Hamil- 
ton, were  outstripped  in  calumny  by  that  most  impudent  of  all  liars, 
James  Laing,  who  published  in  Latin  an  account  of  the  lives  and 
manners  of  the  heretics  of  his  time.  There  are  few  pages  of  his  book 
in  which  he  does  not  abuse  our  Reformer ;  but  in  (what  he  calls)  his 
Life,  he  has  exceeded  any  thing  which  was  ever  dictated  either  by 
personal  malice,  or  by  religious  rancour.  "  Statim,"  says  he,  "  ab 
initio  suae  pueritiae  omni  genere  turpissimi  facinoris  infectus  fuit.  Vix 
exce&serat  jam  ex  ephebis,  cum  patris  sui  uxorem  violarat,  suam  no- 


NOTES.  475 

vercam  vitiarat,  et  cum  ea,  cui  reverentia  potissimum  adhibenda  fue- 
rat,  nefarium  stuprum  fecerat."  His  bishop  having,  forsooth,  called 
him  to  account  for  these  crimes,  he  straightway  became  inflamed  with 
the  utmost  hatred  to  the  Catholic  religion.  "  Deinde  non  modo  cum 
profanis,  sed  etiam  cum  quibuscunque  sceleratissimis,  perditissimis,  et 
potissimum  omnium  haereticis  est  versatus,  et  quo  quisque  erat  imma- 
nior,  sceleratior,  crudelior,  eo  ei  carior  et  gratior  fuit. — Ne  unum  qui- 
dem  diem  sceleratissimus  haereticus  sine  una  et  item  altera  meretrice 
traducere  potuit. — Continue  cum  tribus  meretricibus,  quae  videbantur 
posse  sufficere  uni  sacerdoti,  in  Scotia  convolat. — Ceterum  hie  las- 
civus  caper,  quern  assidue  sequebatur  lasciva  capella,  partim  perpe- 
tuis  crapulis,  partim  vino,  lustrisque  ita  confectus  fuit,  ut  quotiescunq. 
conscendere  suggestum  ad  maledicendum,  velim  precandum  [vel  im- 
precandum?]  suis,  opus  erat  illi  duobus  aut  tribus  viris,  a  quibus  ele- 
vandus  atq.  sustentandus  erat."  De  Vita  et  Moribus  atque  Rebus 
Gestis  Efereticorum  nostri  temporis.  Authore  Jacobo  Laingaeo  Scoto 
Doctore  Sorbonico,  fol.  113,  b.  114,  a,  b.  115,  a.  Parisiis,  1581.  Cum 
Privilegio.  Nor  were  such  accounts  confined  to  that  age.  In  the 
beginning  of  the  following  century,  they  were  repeated  by  John 
Hamilton.  Facile  Traictise,  contenand  ane  infallible  reul  to  discern 
trew  from  fals  religion,  p.  60.  Louvain,  1600.  In  1623,  an  English 
writer  refers  to  James  Laing's  work  for  an  authentic  account  of 
Knox's  private  life.  The  Image  of  bothe  Churches,  Jherusalem  and 
Babell,  by  P.  D.  M.  p.  134.  Tornay,  1623.  And  as  Jate  as  1628,  we 
find  Father  Alexander  Baillie  retailing,  in  the  English  language,  all 
the  gross  tales  of  his  predecessors,  with  additions  of  his  own,  in  which 
he  shows  a  total  disregard  to  the  best-known  facts  in  the  Reformer's 
life.  "  Jhon  Knox,"  says  he,  "  being  chaplane  to  the  laird  of  Balvurie, 
and  accused  for  his  vices  and  leecherie,  was  found  so  guiltie  and  cul- 
pable that  to  eschevie  the  just  punishment  prepared  for  him,  he  pre- 
sently fled  away  into  Ingland."  He  afterwards  says,  that  Knox,  after 
the  death  of  his  second  wife,  [that  is,  twenty  years  at  least  after  his 
own  death,]  "shamefully  fell  in  the  abominable  vice  of  incestuous 
adultery,  as  Archib.  Hamilton  and  others  doe  witnesse;"  and  as  a 
proof  that  Knox  reckoned  this  vice  no  blot,  Baillie  puts  into  his  mouth 
a  gross  defence  of  it,  in  the  very  words  which  Sanders,  in  his  book 
against  the  Anglican  Schism,  had  represented  Sir  Francis  Brian  as 
using  in  a  conversation  with  Henry  VIII.  Baillie's  True  Information 
of  the  Unhallowed  Offspring,  Progress,  and  Impoison'd  Fruits  of  our 
Scottish-Calvinian  Gospel  and  Gospellers,  pp.  14,  41.  Wirtsburgh 
1628. 

It  is  evident  that  these  outrageous  and  contradictory  calumnies  have 
been  all  grafted  upon  the  convicted  lie  mentioned  in  the  preceding 
note,  and  on  the  malignant  insinuation  of  Archibald  Hamilton.  The 
characters  of  the  foreign  reformers  were  traduced  in  the  very  same 
manner  by  the  Popish  writers.  Those  who  have  seen  Bolsec's  Lives 
of  Calvin  and  Beza,  or  others  written  in  the  same  spirit,  must  be  suffi- 
ciently convinced  of  this.  Will  it  be  believed  that,  in  the  middle  of 
the  seventeenth  century,  a  book  should  have  been  published  under 
the  name  of  Cardinal  de  Richlieu,  in  which  it  is  asserted  that  "  Calvin 
being  condemned  for  acts  of  incontinency,  which  he  had  carried  to 
the  utmost  extremity  of  vice,  [ses  incontinences,  qui  le  porterent  jus- 
ques  aux  dernieres  extremitez  du  vice,]  retired  from  Noyon  (his  na- 
tive city)  and  from  the  Roman  church,  at  the  same  time?"  And  that 
this  should  have  been  published  after  the  cardinal  himself  had  ex- 
amined the  registers  of  Noyon,  which  stated  facts  totally  inconsistent 
with  the  supposition  of  such  a  thing  having  ever  been  imputed  to  him  ? 
La  Defence  de  Calvin,  par  Charles  Drelincourt,  pp.  10, 11, 33.  Geneve, 


476  NOTES. 

1667.  Our  countrymen  of  the  Popish  persuasion  were  careful  to 
retail  all  the  calumnies  against  the  foreign  reformers,  and  they  do  so 
in  a  manner  peculiar  to  themselves.  Nicol  Burne  most  seriously 
asserts  that  Luther  was  begotten  of  the  devil,  as  to  his  carnal  as  well 
as  his  spiritual  generation ;  and  in  order  to  prove  that  this  was  not 
impossible,  he  advances  the  most  profane  argument  that  ever  pro- 
ceeded from  the  mouth  or  pen  of  a  Christian.  Disputation,  p.  141. 
The  same  thing  is  asserted  by  James  Laing.  De  Vita  Heretic,  fol.  1, 
b.  In  a  pretended  translation  into  Scots  of  a  poem  written  by  Beza 
in  his  youth,  (which  the  Roman  Catholics,  after  he  left  their  commu- 
nion, were  careful  to  preserve  from  oblivion,)  Burne  has  unblushingly 
inserted  some  scandalous  and  disgraceful  lines,  for  which  he  had  not 
the  slightest  warrant  from  the  original.  Disputation,  pp.  103,  104. 
John  Hamilton  says,  that  "  Calvin  did  ane  miracle  to  mak  ane  quik 
man  ane  deid,  quhilk  miracle  was  done  in  Geneve  to  ane  Brulaeus  of 
Ostune,  with  whome  he  contractit  for  a  piece  of  money  to  fenzie  him- 
self deid,  and  to  ryse  to  lyfe  at  his  prayers,  when  he  sulde  chope 
thryse  upon  his  biere:  bot  the  compagnion  forgot  to  ryse  again, 
whilk  come  to  Calvin's  schame."  Facile  Traictise,  p.  412.  But  the 
following  narrative  is  still  more  marvellous  and  lest  his  readers  should 
doubt  its  truth,  the  author  prays  them  to  "  suspend  thair  judgement, 
quhill  they  spere  [until  they  inquire  at]  the  maist  affectionat  Protes- 
tantis  of  Scotland  quha  has  bene  in  Geneve.  Surelie,"  continues  he, 
"  I  ressavit  the  treuth  of  this  be  honorable  gentilmen  of  our  countrie, 
quha  confessit  to  me  before  gud  vitnes,  that  the  devil  gangis  familiar- 
lie  up  and  down  the  town,  and  speciallie  cumis  to  pure  and  indigent 
men  quha  sells  thair  saullis  to  him  for  ten  sous,  sum  for  mair  or  less. 
The  money  is  verie  plesant  quhen  they  ressave  it ;  bot  putting  hand 
to  thair  purse,  quhen  they  vald  by  thair  denner,  thay  find  nathing  but 
uther  stane  or  stick."  Hamilton's  Catholik  and  Facile  Traictise,  fol. 
50,  b.  Paris,  1581.  Laing,  in  his  Life  of  Calvin,  (of  which  Senebier 
has  justly  said,  "  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  believe  that  such  a 
libel  had  been  written,  if  it  were  not  to  be  seen  in  print,")  has  raked 
together  all  the  base  aspersions  which  had  been  cast  upon  that  re- 
former, and  has  spent  a  number  of  pages  in  endeavouring  to  show 
that  he  was  guilty  of  stealing  a  sum  of  money.  De  Vita  Haret.  fol.  76, 
b.— 79,  b.  Of  Buchanan,  whom  he  calls  "  homo  sacrarum  literarum 
imperitissimus,  simulque  impudentissimus,"  he  relates  a  number  of 
impieties,  of  which  this  is  the  last ;  "  plurimi  etiam  narrant  ilium  mis- 
errimum  hominem  quondam  in  sacro  fonte,  quo  infantes  aqua  bene- 
dicta  ablui  solent,  adsit  reverentia  dictis,  oletum  fecisse."  Ibid.  fol.  40, 
a.  One  example  more,  and  I  have  done.  "  Te  admonerem  de  quo- 
dam  impio  hseretico  sacerdote  Davidson,  quern  audivi  his  jam  multis 
annis  publice  cum  quadam  meretrice  scortatum  esse,  quam  fertur 
peperisse  prima  nocte,  qua  cum  ilia  dormivit,  quod  hie  doctores  medici 
pro  magno  miraculo  habent ;  cum  vix  mulieres  ante  nonum  mensem, 
vel  octavum  parere  soleant."  Ibid.  fol.  36,  b.  37,  a. 

Persons  must  have  had  their  foreheads,  as  well  as  their  consciences, 
"  seared  with  a  hot  iron,"  before  they  could  publish  such  things  to  the 
world  as  facts.  Yet  Laing's  book  was  approved,  and  declared  worthy 
of  publication,  by  two  doctors  of  the  university  of  Paris.  Its  grossest 
slanders  against  the  Scottish  reformers  were  literally  copied,  and  cir- 
culated through  the  Continent  as  undoubted  truths,  by  Reginaldus, 
Spondanus,  Julius  Breigerus,  and  many  other  foreign  Popish  authors. 
Each  of  these  added  some  fabrication  of  his  own;  and  one  of  them  is 
so  ridiculously  ignorant  as  to  rail  against  our  Reformer  by  the  name 
of  Noptz.  Bayle,  Dictionnaire,  art.  Knox,  Note  G.  Archibald  Hamil- 
ton's two  works  had  the  same  respectable  recommendations  with 


NOTES.  477 

Laing's  book,  and  one  of  them  is  declared  to  be  "  very  orthodox,  and 
worthy  of  being  ushered  into  the  light  for  the  profit  of  the  Church." 
And  John  Hamilton  was  chosen  tutor  to  two  cardinals,  appointed  pro- 
fessor of  philosophy  in  the  Royal  College  of  Navarre,  elected  by  the 
students  of  the  German  nation  in  Paris,  to  the  cure  of  the  parish  of  St. 
Cosmus  and  Damian,  presented  to  it  by  the  university,  and  confirmed 
in  it  by  the  parliament ;  and,  in  fine,  was  chosen  rector  of  the  univer- 
sity of  Paris ! ! !  So  eager  were  foreigners  to  load  with  honours  the 
most  bigoted  and  fanatical  of  our  Popish  refugees.  Sketch  of  the  Life 
of  John  Hamilton,  pp.  2,  3,  written  by  Lord  Hailes. 

I  know  that  it  was  common  in  that  age  for  controversial  writers  of 
all  descriptions  to  indulge  themselves  in  a  coarseness  of  invective 
against  their  antagonists,  which  would  not  be  tolerated  at  present : 
but  this  is  quite  a  different  thing  from  what  I  have  given  examples  of 
in  this  note.  With  respect  to  the  complaints  which  Protestant  writers 
made  of  the  profligacy  of  the  Popish  clergy,  the  truth  of  these  is  incon- 
testably  established  by  the  testimony  of  Roman  Catholic  authors,  and 
by  the  public  documents  of  their  own  Church.  Nor  do  I  wish  to  in- 
sinuate that  all  the  Popish  writers  were  of  the  same  description  with 
those  whom  I  have  quoted,  or  that  there  were  not  many  Roman  Catholics, 
even  at  that  time,  who  disapproved  of  the  use  of  these  dishonourable 
and  impoisoned  weapons ;  but  the  great  number  of  such  publications, 
the  wide  circulation  which  they  obtained,  and  the  length  of  time  during 
which  they  continued  to  issue  from  the  Popish  presses,  demonstrate 
the  extent  to  which  a  spirit  of  lying  and  defamation  was  carried  in  the 
Roman  Church.  Petty  dabblers  in  antiquity,  and  flippant  orators, 
who  have  read  a  general  history  of  those  times,  or  a  modern  Roman 
Catholic  pamphlet,  must  be  allowed  to  repeat  the  trite  maxim,  of  faults 
on  both  sides,  and  to  conceal  their  ignorance  under  the  veil  of  mode- 
ration, by  representing  these  faults  as  equal ;  but  I  aver  that  no  can- 
did person,  who  is  duly  acquainted  with  the  writings  of  that  period,  » 
will  pretend  to  account  for  the  above-mentioned  calumnies,  by  im- 
puting them  to  a  spirit  of  asperity  and  prejudice  common  to  both 
parties. 


Note  HHH,  p.  270. 

Popish  accounts  of  Knox's  second  marriage. — "  Heaving  laid  aside 
al  feir  of  the  panis  of  hel,  and  regarding  na  thing  the  honestie  of  the 
warld,  as  ane  bund  sklave  of  the  Devil,  being  kendillit  with  an  un- 
quenshible  lust  and  ambition,  he  durst  be  sua  bauld  to  enterpryse 
the  sute  of  marriage  with  the  maist  honorabil  ladie,  myladie  Fleming, 
my  lord  duke's  eldest  dochter,  to  the  end  that  his  seid,  being  of  the 
blude  royal,  and  gydit  be  thair  father's  spirit,  might  have  aspyrit  to 
the  croun.  And  because  he  receavit  ane  refusal,  it  is  notoriouslie 
knowin  how  deidlie  he  haited  the  hail  house  of  the  Hamiltonis.— And 
this  maist  honest  refusal  would  nather  stench  his  lust  nor  ambition ; 
bot  a  lytel  efter  he  did  persew  to  have  allyance  with  the  honorabill 
hous  of  Ochiltrie  of  the  kyng's  M.  awin  blude.  Rydand  thair  with  ane 
gret  court,  on  ane  trim  gelding,  not  lyke  ane  prophet  or  ane  auld  de- 
crepit priest,  as  he  was,  bot  lyk  as  he  had  bene  ane  of  the  blude  royal, 
with  his  bendes  of  taffetie  feschnit  with  golden  ringis,  and  precious 
stanes :  And  as  is  planelie  reportit  in  the  countrey,  be  sorcerie  and 
witchraft  did  sua  allure  that  puir  gentil  woman,  that  scho  could  not 
leve  without  him ;  whilk  appeiris  to  be  of  gret  probabilitie,  scho  being 
ane  damsel  of  nobel  blud,  and  he  ane  auld  decrepit  creatur  of  maist 
bais  degrie  of  onie  that  could  be  found  in  the  countrey :  Sua  that  sik 


478  NOTES. 

ane  nobil  hous  could  not  have  degenerat  sua  far,  except  Johann  kmnox 
had  interposed  the  powar  of  his  maister  the  Devil,  quha  as  he  trans- 
figuris  him  self  sumtymes  in  an  angel  of  licht ;  sua  he  causit  Johann 
kmnox  appeir  ane  of  the  maist  nobil  and  lustie  men  that  could  be  found 
in  the  warld."  Nicol  Burne's  Disputation,  pp.  143,  144.  But  the  devil 
outwitted  himself  in  his  design  of  raising  the  progeny  of  the  Reformer 
to  the  throne  of  Scotland,  if  we  may  believe  another  Popish  writer. 
"For  as  the  common  and  constant  brute  of  the  people  reported,  as 
writeth  Reginaldus  [a  most  competent  witness !]  and  others,  it  chanced 
not  long  after  the  marriage,  that  she  [Knox's  wife]  lying  in  her  bed, 
and  perceiving  a  blak,  uglie,  il-favoured  man  busily  talking  with  him 
in  the  same  chamber,  was  sodainely  amazed,  that  she  took  seikness 
and  dyed ;"  [nor  does  the  author  want  honourable  witnesses  to  sup- 
port this  fact,  for  he  immediately  adds,]  "  as  she  revealed  to  two  of 
her  friends,  being  ladyes,  come  thither  to  visite  her  a  little  before  her 
decease."  Father  A.  Baillie's  True  Information,  p.  41.  It  is  unfor- 
tunate, however,  for  the  credit  of  this  "  True  Information,"  that  the 
Reformer's  wife  not  only  lived  to  bear  him  several  children,  but  sur- 
vived him  many  years.  James  owed  the  safety  of  his  crown  to  an- 
other cause.  See  above,  p.  362. 


Note  III,  p.  285. 

Of  Christopher  Goodman. — From  the  intimate  and  long  friendship 
which  subsisted  between  him  and  our  Reformer,  this  divine  deserves 
more  particular  notice  in  this  work.  The  Goodmans  were  a  family 
of  respectability  in  Chester,  and  repeatedly  held  the  office  of  magis- 
trates in  that  city.  In  a  pedigree  of  the  family,  preserved  in  the  British 
Museum,  "  Adam  Goodman  a  marchant,  and  Selay  Linge,"  have  a  son, 
"  Christoph.  prcher."  Harl.  MSS.  No.  2038.  32.  f  99.  During  the  reign 
of  Edward  VI.  he  read  lectures  on  divinity  in  Oxford.  Strype's  Annals, 
i.  124.  At  the  accession  of  Q,ueen  Mary,  he  retired  first  to  Strasburg, 
and  afterwards  to  Frankfort.  When  he  was  at  Strasburg,  he  joined 
in  a  common  letter,  advising  the  exiles  of  Frankfort  to  alter  as  little 
as  possible  in  the  English  service;  but  he  became  afterwards  so 
much  convinced  of  the  propriety  of  alteration,  and  was  so  much 
offended  at  the  conduct  of  the  Coxian  party,  that  he  removed  from 
Frankfort  to  Geneva,  along  with  those  who  were  of  the  same  senti- 
ments with  himself,  and  was  chosen  by  them  joint  minister  with  Knox. 
Troubles  at  Franckford,  pp.  22,  23,  54,  55,  59. 

In  1558,  he  published  the  book  which  afterwards  created  him  a  great 
deal  of  trouble.  Its  title  is,  "  How  superior  powers  ought  to  be  obeyed 
of  their  subjects  and  wherein  they  may  lawfully  by  God's  worde  be 
disobeyed  and  resisted.  Wherein  also  is  declared  the  cause  of  all  this 
present  miserie  in  England,  and  the  onely  way  to  remedy  the  same. 
By  Christopher  Goodman.  Printed  at  Geneva,  by  John  Crispin, 
MDLVIII."  In  this  book  he  subscribed  to  the  opinion  respecting 
female  government,  which  his  colleague  had  published  a  few  months 
before.  He  maintained  that  the  power  of  kings  and  magistrates  was 
limited,  and  that  they  might  lawfully  be  resisted,  deposed,  and  punish- 
ed by  their  subjects,  if  they  became  tyrannical  and  wicked.  These 
principles  he  applied  particularly  to  the  government  of  the  English 
Mary.  A  copy  of  verses  by  William  Kethe  (who  translated  some  of 
the  Psalms  into  English  metre)  is  added  to  the  work,  of  which  the  fol- 
lowing is  a  specimen : — 


NOTES.  479 

Whom  fury  long  foster'd  by  suffrance  and  awe, 
Have  right  rule  subverted,  and  made  will  their  law. 
Whose  pride  how  to  temper,  this  truth  will  thee  tell ; 
So  as  thou  resist  may'st,  and  yet  not  rebel. 

Goodman  came  to  England  in  1559,  but  he  found  Q,ueen  Elizabeth 
so  much  displeased  at  his  publication,  that  he  kept  himself  private. 
Burnet,  iii.  Append.  274.  On  this  account,  and  in  compliance  with  the 
urgent  request  of  our  Reformer,  he  came  to  Scotland.  When  the 
lords  of  the  Congregation  chose  him  one  of  the  council  for  matters  of 
religion,  the  Earl  of  Arran  endeavoured  to  appease  the  resentment 
which  the  English  queen  still  entertained  against  him.  Sadler,  i.  510, 
51 1,  532.  In  1562,  the  Earl  of  Warwick  repeatedly  interceded  for  him, 
and  for  his  being  recalled  from  Scotland ;  "  of  whom,"  says  he,  "  I  have 
heard  suche  good  commendation  both  of  the  lord  James  of  Scotland 
and  others,  that  it  seemeth  great  pitie,  that  our  countrye  suld  want 
so  worthy  and  learned  an  instrument."  Forbes's  State  Papers,  ii. 
235.  Calvin  urged  Goodman  not  to  leave  Scotland  until  the  Refor- 
mation was  completely  established.  Epistolae,  p.  566.  Hannoviae, 
1597.  When  he  did  return  to  his  native  country  in  1565,  it  was  with 
great  difficulty  that  he  was  received  into  favour,  notwithstanding  the 
friends  he  had  at  court.  He  was  obliged  to  make  a  recantation  of  the 
offensive  doctrines  in  his  publication.  He  protested  and  professed 
that  "  good  and  godly  women  may  lawfully  govern  whole  realms  and 
nations ;"  but  he  qualified  and  explained,  rather  than  recanted,  what 
he  had  taught  respecting  the  punishment  of  tyrants.  Strype  has  in- 
serted the  document  in  his  Annals,,!.  126;  but  he  has  certainly  placed 
it  under  the  wrong  year.  Collier  calls  it  "  a  lame  recantation."  Eccl. 
Hist.  ii.  440.  In  1572,  Goodman  subscribed,  in  the  presence  of  the 
queen's  ecclesiastical  commissioners,  a  more  ample  protestation  of  his 
obedience  to  Elizabeth.  Strype's  Annals,  ii.  95,  96.  He  was  also 
harassed  on  account  of  his  non-conformity  to  the  English  ceremonies. 
Life  of  Grindal,  170.  Life  of  Parker,  325,  326.  Knox  corresponded 
with  him  after  he  left  Scotland ;  and  Calderwood  has  preserved  a 
letter  which  he  wrote  to  him  in  1571,  in  which  he  alludes  to  the 
troubles  which  he  understood  his  friend  was  exposed  to.  MS.  ii.  270. 
Goodman  accompanied  Sir  Henry  Sidney  to  Ireland,  when  he  was 
sent  to  subdue  the  Popish  rebels  in  that  country.  Troubles  at  Franck- 
ford,  p.  196.  In  1580,  he  resided  at  Chester,  from  which  he  sent  his 
salutations  to  Buchanan.  Buchanani  Epistolae,  30,  31.  Oper.  edit. 
Rud.  He  died  at  Chester,  in  1601,  according  to  verses  to  his  memory 
in  Supplement.  Goodman's  book  was  quoted,  but  for  very  different 
purposes,  by  Bancroft,  (Dangerous  Positions,  b.  ii.  chap,  i.)  and  by 
Milton,  (Tenure  of  Magistrates :  Prose  Works  by  Symmons,  vol.  iii. 
p.  196.) 

Goodman  was  not  the  only  person  belonging  to  the  English  Church 
who  published  free  sentiments  respecting  civil  government.  About 
the  same  time  with  his  book,  there  appeared  another  work  on  that 
subject,  entitled,  "A  Short  Treatise  of  Politique  Pouuer,  and  of  the 
True  Obedience  which  Subjectes  owe  to  Kynges."  Its  author  was 
Dr.  John  Ponet,  bishop,  first  of  Rochester,  and  afterwards  of  Win- 
chester, under  Edward  VI.  Ames,  iii.  1594.  He  discusses  the  ques- 
tions respecting  the  origin  of  political  authority,  its  absolute  or  limited 
nature,  the  limits  of  obedience,  and  the  deposition  and  punishment  of 
tyrants.  "This  book,"  says  Strype,  "was  not  over  favourable  to 
princes.  Their  rigours  and  persecutions,  and  the  arbitrary  proceed- 
ings with  their  peaceable  subjects  in  those  times,  put  them  upon  exam- 
ining the  extent  of  their  power,  which  some  were  willing  to  curtail 
and  straiten  as  much  as  they  could.  This  book  was  printed  again  in 


480  NOTES. 

the  year  1642,  to  serve  the  turn  of  those  times."  Memorials  of  the 
Reformation,  iii.  328,  329.  In  the  second  edition  of  the  work,  it  is  said 
to  have  been  originally  published  in  1556.  Collier  (who  was  a  keen 
Tory)  calls  it  "a  most  pestilent  discourse."  He  wished  to  believe  that 
Bishop  Ponet  was  not  the  author,  but  it  is  evident  from  what  he  says, 
that  he  could  see  no  reason  for  departing  from  the  common  opinion. 
History,  ii.  363.  Ponet  was  a  superior  scholar.  He  read  the  Greek 
Lecture  in  the  University  of  Cambridge  about  1525,  and  was  among 
the  first  who  adopted  the  new  method  of  pronouncing  that  language 
introduced  by  Sir  Thomas  Smith.  He  also  wrote  several  books  on 
mathematics  and  other  subjects,  which  were  greatly  esteemed. 
Strype's  Life  of  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  pp.  26,  27.  Ames,  Typ.  Antiq.  i. 
599.  ii.  753,  1146.  iii.  1587. 


Note  KKK,  p.  297. 

The  proceedings  of  the  committee  appointed  to  prepare  overtures 
to  the  parliament,  Dec.  1567,  are  to  be  found  in  Robertson's  Records 
of  the  Parliament  of  Scotland,  and  Act.  Parl.  Scot.  vol.  iii.  Almost  the 
only  ecclesiastical  propositions  of  the  committee  which  were  not  adopt- 
ed by  the  parliament,  were  such  as  related  to  the  patrimony  of  the 
church.  I  shall  extract  one  or  two  respecting  the  commonwealth, 
which  did  not  obtain  a  parliamentary  sanction.  "  Als  it  is  thocht  ex- 
pedient that  in  na  tymes  cuming  ony  women  salbe  admitit  to  the 
publict  autoritie  of  the  realme,  or  function  in  pub'lict  government 
within  ye  same."  On  the  margin,  opposite  to  this,  is  written,  "  Fund 
gude ;"  which  is  expressive,  as  I  understand  it,  of  the  committee's 
approbation  of  the  motion.  As  Knox,  at  a  period  subsequent  to  this, 
declared  from  the  pulpit  that  he  had  never  "  entreated  that  argument 
in  publict  or  in  privat"  since  his  last  arrival  in  Scotland,  (Bannatyne's 
Journal,  p.  117,)  it  appears  that  this  motion  had  been  made  by  some 
other  member  of  the  committee.  The  late  misconduct  of  Queen  Mary 
must  have  had  a  great  effect  in  inclining  them  to  give  this  advice. 
The  23d  article  does  great  honour  to  the  enlightened  views  of  the 
movers.  It  proposes  that  all  hereditary  jurisdictions  throughout  the 
kingdom  should  be  abolished.  On  the  margin  is  written,  "  Apprevit," 
and  farther  down,  "  Supercedis."  A  long  time  elapsed,  before  this 
measure,  so  necessary  to  the  salutary  administration  of  justice,  was 
adopted  in  Scotland.  The  30th  article  also  is  of  great  importance,  as 
intended  to  prevent  delay  of  justice,  by  shortening  processes.  The 
following  was  a  proposed  sumptuary  law :  "  Item,  that  it  be  lauchfull 
to  na  wemen  to  weir  abone  yair  estait  except  howres."  On  the  mar- 
gin of  this  is  written,  "  This  act  is  verray  gude."  Act.  Parl.  Scot, 
vol.  iii.  pp.  38 — 40.  Robertson's  Rec.  of  Parl.  pp.  795,  798. 

The  ministers  appointed  on  this  committee,  were  "  Maister  Johne 
Spottiswood,  Maister  Johne  Craig,  Johne  Knox,  Maister  Johne  Row, 
and  Maister  David  Lindsay."  It  will  be  observed  that  our  Reformer 
is  the  only  one  who  has  not  "  Maister"  prefixed  to  his  name.  This 
title  was  expressive  of  an  academical  degree.  It  was  commonly  given 
in  that  age  to  Masters  of  Arts,  as  well  as  Doctors  of  Law,  and  in  their 
subscriptions  they  put  the  letter  M.  or  the  word  "  Maister,"  before 
their  names. 


NOTES.  431 


Note  LLL,  p.  305. 

Remarks  on  Dr.  Robertson's  character  of  the  Regent  Murray. — I 
am  not  moved  with  the  unfavourable  representations  which  the  parti- 
sans of  Mary  have  given  of  Murray,  nor  am  I  surprised  at  the  cold 
manner  in  which  Mr.  Hume  has  spoken  of  him  ;  but  I  confess  that  it 
pains  me  to  think  of  the  way  in  which  Dr.  Robertson  has  drawn  his 
character.  The  faint  praise  which  he  has  bestowed  on  him,  the  doubt 
which  he  has  thrown  over  his  moral  qualities,  and  the  unqualified 
censures  which  he  has  pronounced  upon  some  parts  of  his  conduct, 
have,  I  am  afraid,  done  more  injury  to  the  regent's  memory,  than  the 
exaggerated  accounts  of  his  adversaries.  History  of  Scotland,  vol. 
ii.  315,  316.  Lond.  1809.  Having  said  this  much,  it  will  be  expected 
that  I  shall  be  more  particular.  In  addition  to  those  qualities  which 
"  even  his  enemies  allow  him  to  have  possessed  in  an  eminent  de- 
gree," Dr.  R.  mentions  his  humanity,  his  distinguished  patronage  of 
learning,  and  impartial  administration  of  justice.  "  Zealous  for  reli- 
gion," he  adds,  "  to  a  degree  which  distinguished  him  even  at  a  time 
when  professions  of  that  kind  were  not  uncommon."  This  is  what 
every  person  must  allow,  but  it  certainly  is  far  from  doing  justice  to 
this  part  of  the  regent's  character.  His  professions  of  religion  were 
uniformly  supported  in  all  the  different  situations  in  which  he  was 
placed ;  his  strict  regard  to  divine  institutions  was  accompanied  with 
the  most  correct  arid  exemplary  morals ;  his  religious  principle  tri- 
umphed over  a  temptation  which  proved  too  powerful  for  almost  all 
the  Protestant  nobility.  (See  above,  p.  452.)  When  there  exist  such 
proofs  of  sincerity,  to  withhold  the  tribute  due  to  it  is  injurious  not 
only  to  the  individual,  but  to  the  general  interests  of  religion.  After 
bearing  a  decided  testimony  to  the  "disinterested  passion  for  the 
liberty  of  his  country,"  which  prompted  Murray  to  oppose  the  perni- 
cious system  of  the  princes  of  Lorrain,  and  the  "  zeal  and  affection" 
with  which  he  served  Mary  on  her  return  to  Scotland,  the  historian 
adds: — "But,  on  the  other  hand,  his  ambition  was  immoderate;  and 
events  happened  that  opened  to  him  vast  projects,  which  allured  his 
enterprising  genius,  and  led  him  to  actions  inconsistent  with  the  duty 
of  a  subject."  That  his  ambition  was  "  immoderate"  does  not,  I  think, 
appear  from  any  evidence  which  has  been  produced.  Dr.  R.  has  de- 
fended him  from  the  charge  as  brought  against  him  at  an  earlier  period 
of  his  life,  and  we  have  met  with  facts  that  serve  to  corroborate  the 
defence.  (See  p.  433.)  The  "  vast  projects"  that  opened  to  him  must 
be  limited  to  the  attainment  of  the  regency ;  for  I  do  not  think  that 
Dr.  R.  ever  for  a  moment  gave  credit  to  the  ridiculous  tale,  that  he 
designed  to  set  aside  the  young  king,  and  seat  himself  upon  the  throne. 
His  acceptance  of  the  regency  cannot  be  pronounced  "  inconsistent 
with  the  duty  of  a  subject,"  without  determining  the  question,  Whether 
the  nation  was  warranted,  by  the  misconduct  and  crimes  of  Mary,  to 
remove  her  from  the  government,  and  to  crown  her  son.  "  Her  bold- 
est advocates,"  says  Mr.  Laing,  "  will  not  venture  to  assert,  that,  on 
the  supposition  of  the  fact  being  fully  proved,  that  she  was  notori- 
ously guilty  of  her  husband's  murder,  she  was  entitled  to  be  restored." 
History  of  Scotland,  i.  137,  second  edition.  Murray  was  fully  satis- 
fied of  her  guilt  before  he  accepted  the  regency.  Never  was  any 
person  raised  to  such  a  high  station  with  less  evidence  of  his  having 
ambitiously  courted  the  preferment.  Instead  of  remaining  in  the 
country  to  turn  the  embroiled  state  of  affairs  to  his  personal  advan- 
tage, he,  within  two  months  after  the  murder  of  the  king,  left  Scot- 
land, not  clandestinely,  but  after  having  asked  and  obtained  leave, 
41  L3 


482  NOTES. 

And  whither  did  he  retire?  Not  into  England,  to  concert  measures 
with  that  court,  or  the  more  easily  to  carry  on  a  correspondence  with 
the  friends  whom  he  had  left  behind  him ;  but  into  France,  where  his 
motions  could  be  watched  by  the  friends  of  Mary.  Ibid.  pp.  59—61. 
The  association  for  revenging  the  king's  murder,  and  for  preserving 
the  young  prince,  the  surrender  of  Mary,  and  her  imprisonment  in 
Lochleven,  followed  so  unexpectedly  and  so  rapidly,  that  they  could 
not  have  proceeded  from  his  direction.  Nay,  there  is  positive  evi- 
dence that  the  lords  who  had  imprisoned  Mary,  so  far  from  having 
acted  in  concert  with  Murray,  were  suspicious  that  he  would  coun- 
teract their  designs.  "  As  yet  theys  lordes  wyll  not  suffer  Mr.  Nycho- 
las  Elveston,  sent  from  the  L.  of  Murrey,  to  have  access  to  the  quene, 
nor  to  send  my  L.  of  Murrey's  letter  unto  her."  Throkmorton's  Let- 
ters to  Cecil,  and  to  Elizabeth,  16th  July,  1567,  apud  Laing's  History 
of  Scotland,  ii.  Append.  No.  13,  pp.  121,  126.  When  he  returned  to 
Scotland,  he  found  that  the  queen  had  executed  formal  deeds  resign- 
ing the  government,  and  appointing  him  regent  during  the  minority 
of~her  son,  and  that  the  young  prince  was  already  crowned.  Hume, 
vol.  v.  note  K. 

"  His  treatment  of  the  queen,  to  whose  bounty  he  was  so  much 
indebted,  was  unbrotherly  and  ungrateful."  To  the  charge  of  ingra- 
titude, I  can  only  reply,  by  repeating  what  I  have  said  in  the  text, 
that  all  the  honours  which  she  conferred  on  him  were  not  too  great  a 
reward  for  the  important  services  which  he  had  rendered  her.  How 
often  have  persons  been  celebrated  for  sacrificing  parental  as  well  as 
brotherly  affection  to  the  public  good!  The  probable  reasons  for 
Murray's  interview  with  the  queen  in  Lochleven  have  been  stated  by 
Mr.  Laing.  History,  i.  119—121.  Were  I  to  speak  of  what  was  in- 
cumbent on  him  as  a  Christian  brother  with  the  view  of  bringing  her 
to  a  just  sense  of  the  iniquity  of  her  conduct,  I  would  use  language 
which,  I  am  afraid,  would  not  be  understood  by  many  readers,  and 
which  many  professed  Christians  seem  to  forget,  when  they  talk  on 
this  subject.  Any  exertions  which  were  necessary  to  save  his  sister's 
life  were  not  wanting  on  the  part  of  Murray.  To  restore  her  to  the 
government,  or  even,  as  matters  then  stood,  to  restore  her  to  liberty, 
he  was  not  bound  by  any  ties  either  of  a  public  or  private  kind.  Had 
he  amused  her  with  the  hopes  of  this,  he  might  have  escaped  the 
charge  of  harshness,  but  his  conduct  would  have  been  more  un- 
brotherly. 

"  But  he  deceived  and  betrayed  Norfolk  with  a  baseness  unworthy 
of  a  man  of  honour."  To  this  harsh  censure  I  oppose  the  opinion  of 
Mr.  Hume,  who  will  not  be  suspected  of  partiality  to  the  regent. 
"  Particularly,"  says  he,  in  a  letter  to  Dr.  Robertson,  written  after  the 
publication  of  his  History  of  Scotland,  "  I  could  almost  undertake  to 
convince  you  that  the  Earl  of  Murray's  conduct  with  the  Duke  of 
Norfolk  was  no  way  dishonourable."  Stewart's  Life  of  Robertson : 
History,  i.  1 58.  See  also,  in  confirmation  of  this,  "  Part  of  a  letter 
from  the  Earl  of  Murray  to  L.  B."  inserted  in  vol.  ii.  Appendix,  No. 
xxxiii. 

"  His  elevation  to  such  unexpected  dignity  [the  reader  will  observe 
that  it  was  unexpected]  inspired  him  with  new  passions,  with  haughti- 
ness and  reserve :  and  instead  of  his  natural  manner,  which  was  blunt 
and  open,  he  affected  the  arts  of  dissimulation  and  refinement.  Fond, 
towards  the  end  of  his  life,  of  flattery,  and  impatient  of  advice,  his 
creatures,  by  soothing  his  vanity,  led  him  astray,  while  his  ancient 
friends  stood  at  a  distance,  and  predicted  his  approaching  fall."  Cer- 
tainly the  facts  stated  by  Dr.  Robertson  in  the  preceding  part  of  his 
narrative,  do  not  prepare  the  mind  of  his  reader  for  these  charges. 


NOTES.  483 

The  severity  of  the  regent's  virtues  had,  indeed,  been  mentioned,  and 
it  had  been  asserted  that  his  deportment  had  become  distant  and 
haughty.  The  authority  of  Sir  James  Melvil  was  referred  to  in  sup- 
port of  this  statement ;  and  I  am  satisfied  that  it  was  upon  his  testi- 
mony chiefly  that  the  historian  proceeded,  when  he  gave  the  above 
account  of  Murray's  conduct  during  the  latter  part  of  his  life.  I  sub- 
mit to  the  reader  the  following  remarks  on  the  degree  of  credit  due  to 
the  authority  of  Melvil. 

In  the  first  place,  there  is  every  reason  to  think,  either  that  Melvil's 
Memoirs  have  been  unfaithfully  published  by  the  editor,  or  that  the 
narrative  which  the  author  of  them  has  given  of  affairs,  from  the 
queen's  marriage  with  Both  well  to  the  death  of  the  Earl  of  Murray,  is 
incorrect  and  unfaithful.  I  shall  not  take  it  upon  me  to  determine 
which  of  these  is  the  most  probable  supposition,  but  am  of  opinion 
that  either  the  one  or  the  other  must  be  admitted.  The  charge  which 
was  brought  against  Queen  Mary  of  participation  in  the  murder  of 
her  husband,  with  all  the  proofs  produced  in  support  of  it,  is  suppres- 
sed, and  studiously  kept  out  of  view  in  the  Memoirs.  There  is  not 
one  word  in  them  respecting  the  celebrated  letters  to  Bothwell,  al- 
though they  formed  the  grand  vindication  of  the  regent  and  his  friends. 
The  same  inference  may  be  drawn  from  the  ridiculous  account  given 
of  the  appearance  made  by  the  regent  before  the  commissioners  at 
York,  when  he  presented  the  nameless  accusation  against  Mary  (Me- 
moirs, 96,  97,  Lond.  1683 ;)  an  account  which  is  completely  discredited 
by  the  journals  of  both  parties,  and  which  neither  Hume  or  Robertson 
thought  worthy  of  the  slightest  regard.  It  is  observable,  that  Melvil 
could  not  be  ignorant  of  the  real  transaction,  as  he  was  present  at 
York ;  and  that  the  design  of  this,  as  well  as  of  the  subsequent  part 
of  his  narrative,  is  to  represent  the  regent  as  weakly  suffering  himself 
to  be  duped  and  misled  by  designing  and  violent  counsellors.  Mr. 
Laing  has  adverted  to  both  of  these  things  as  discreditable  to  the  Me- 
moirs. History,  ut  supra,  i.  118.  I  shall  produce  only  one  other  in- 
stance of  the  same  kind.  Speaking  of  the  queen's  marriage  with 
Bothwell,  Melvil  says :  "  I  cannot  tell  how  nor  by  what  law  he  parted 
with  his  own  wife,  sister  to  the  Earl  of  Huntly."  Mem.  80.  Is  it  cred- 
ible, that  one  who  was  in  the  midst  of  the  scene,  and  acquainted  even 
with  the  secrets  of  state  at  that  time,  could  be  ignorant  of  that  which 
was  proclaimed  to  all  the  world  1  If  it  should  be  alleged  that  Melvil, 
writing  in  his  old  age,  might  have  forgotten  this  glaring  fact,  (the 
excuse  commonly  made  for  his  inaccuracies,)  I  am  afraid  that  the 
apology  will  detract  as  much  from  the  credibility  of  his  Memoirs  as  the 
charge  which  it  is  brought  to  repel. 

2.  In  estimating  the  degree  of  regard  due  to  the  censures  which 
Melvil  has  passed  on  the  regent's  conduct,  we  must  keep  in  view  the 
political  course  which  he  himself  steered.  Sir  James  appears  to  have 
been  a  man  of  amiable  dispositions,  whose  mind  was  cultivated  by 
the  study  of  letters ;  but  those  who  have  carefully  read  his  memoirs 
must,  I  think,  be  convinced  that  his  penetration  was  not  great,  and 
that  his  politics  were  undecided,  temporizing,  and  inconsistent.  He 
was  always  at  court,  and  always  tampering  with  those  who  were  out 
of  court.  We  find  him  exposing  himself  to  danger  by  dissuading  his 
mistress  from  marrying  Bothwell,  and  yet  countenancing  the  marriage 
by  his  presence ;  acting  as  an  agent  for  those  who  had  imprisoned 
the  queen,  and  yet  intriguing  with  those  who  wished  to  set  her  at 
liberty ;  carrying  a  common  message  from  the  king's  lords  to  the  Earl 
of  Murray  upon  his  return  out  of  France,  and  yet  secretly  conveying 
another  message  tending  to  counteract  the  design  of  the  former;  sup- 
porting Murray  in  the  regency,  and  yet  trafficking  with  those  who 


484  NOTES. 

wished  to  undermine  his  authority.  I  do  not  call  in  question  the 
goodness  of  his  intentions  in  all  this :  I  am  willing  to  believe  that  a 
desire  for  the  peace  of  the  country,  or  attachment  to  the  queen,  in- 
duced him  to  go  between,  and  labour  to  reconcile,  the  contending 
parties.  But  when  parties  are  discordant — when  their  interests,  or 
the  objects  at  which  they  shoot,  are  diametrically  opposite,  to  perse- 
vere in  such  attempts  is  preposterous,  and  cannot  fail  to  foster  and 
increase  confusions.  Who  believes  that  the  Hamiltons  were  disposed 
to  join  with  the  king's  party?  or  that  the  latter,  when  unassured  of 
the  assistance  of  England,  were  averse  to  a  junction  with  the  former  1 
Yet  Melvil  asserts  both  of  these  things.  Mem.  85,  86,  90.  Who  thinks 
that  there  was  the  smallest  feasibility  in  what  he  proposed  to  the  re- 
gent as  "  a  present  remedy  for  his  preservation  V1  or  believes  that 
Maitland  would  have  consented  to  go  into  France  and  Kircaldy  to 
deliver  up  the  castle  of  Edinburgh?  The  regent  heard  him  patiently; 
he  respected  the  goodness  of  the  man ;  but  he  saw  that  he  was  the 
dupe  of  Maitland's  artifices,  and  he  followed  his  own  superior  judg- 
ment. For  rejecting  such  advices  as  this  (and  not  the  religious  pro- 
verbs, and  political  aphorisms,  which  he  quoted  to  him  from  Solomon, 
Augustine,  Isocrates,  Plutarch,  and  Theopompus)  has  Melvil  charged 
him  with  refusing  the  counsel  of  his  oldest  and  wisest  friends.  Mem. 
102—104. 

3.  What  were  the  errors  committed  by  the  regent  which  precipita- 
ted his  fall  ?    There  are  two  referred  to  by  Melvil, — the  imprisonment 
of  the  Duke  and  Lord  Herries,  and  the  accusation  of  Maitland  and 
Balfour.  Mem.  100, 101.    In  vindication  of  the  former  step,  I  have  only 
to  appeal  to  the  narrative  which  Dr.  Robertson  has  given  of  that  affair. 
Vol.  ii.  p.  266—299.    With  respect  to  the  latter,  Sir  James  Balfour  was 
"the  most  corrupt  man  of  that  age,"  (ibid.  p.  367,)  and  Maitland  was  at 
that  time  deeply  engaged  in  intrigues  against  the  regent,  ibid.  p.  307. 
There  is  not  a  doubt  that  both  of  them  were  accessory  to  the  murder 
of  Darnley,  (Laing,  i.  28,  135,  ii.  22;)  they  were  arrested  and  accused 
at  this  time  at  the  instance  of  Lennox,  and  in  consequence  of  the  re- 
cent confession  of  one  of  Both  well's  servants ;  and  Maitland  was  pre- 
served by  the  queen's  friends  assembling  in  arms  for  his  rescue,  which 
compelled  the  regent  to  adjourn  his  trial.    Ibid.  ii.  37.    Appendix,  No. 
28,  pp.  298-9. 

4.  Who  were  the  unworthy  favourites  by  whose  flattery  and  evil 
counsel  the  regent  was  led  astray  ?    Dr.  Robertson  mentions  "  Cap- 
tain Crawford,  one  of  his  creatures"    This  is  the  same  person  whom 
he  afterwards  calls  "  Captain  Crawford  of  Jordanhill,  a  gallant  and 
enterprising  officer,"  who  distinguished  himself  so  much  by  the  sur- 
prise of  the  castle  of  Dumbarton.  History,  ii.  307,  331,  comp.  Laing,  ii. 
297,  298 ;  and  Douglas's  Baronage  of  Scotland,  429.    Morton,  Lind- 
say, Wishart  of  Pittarow,  Macgill  of  Rankeillor,  Pitcairn,  Abbot  of 
Dunfermline,  Balnaves  of  Hallhill,  and  Wood  of  Tilliedavy,  were 
among  the  regent's  counsellors. 

5.  Who  were  his  old  friends  who  lost  his  favour  ?  They  could  be  no 
other  than  Balfour,  Maitland,  Kircaldy,  and  Melvil  himself.    Of  the 
two  former  I  need  not  say  a  word.    Kircaldy  of  Grange  was  a  brave 
man,  and  had  long  been  the  intimate  friend  of  the  regent ;  but  he  was 
already  corrupted  by  Maitland,  and  had  secretly  entered  into  his 
schemes  for  restoring  the  queen.    Robertson,  ii.  307.    Of  Melvil  I  have 
already  spoken ;  nay,  he  himself  testifies  that  the  regent  continued  to 
the  last  to  listen  to  his  good  advices.    "  The  most  part  of  these  sen- 
tences, (says  he,)  drawn  out  of  the  Bible,  I  used  to  rehearse  to  him  at 
several  occasions,  and  he  took  better  with  these  at  my  hands,  who  he 
knew  had  no  by-end,  than  if  they  had  proceeded  from  the  most  learned 


NOTES.  485 

philosopher.  Therefore,  at  his  desire,  I  promised  to  put  them  in  writ- 
ing, to  give  him  them  to  keep  in  his  pocket ;  but  he  was  slain  before 
1  could  meet  with  him."  Mem.  104.  How  this  is  to  be  reconciled 
with  other  assertions  in  the  Memoirs,  I  leave  others  to  determine.  It 
required  no  great  sagacity  in  the  ancient  friends  of  the  regent  to  "  pre- 
dict his  approaching  fall,"  when  repeated  attempts  had  already  been 
made  to  assassinate  him,  and  when  some  of  them  were  privy  to  the 
conspiracy  then  forming  against  his  life  ;  and  it  says  little  for  their  an- 
cient friendship,  that  they  "  stood  at  a  distance,"  and  allowed  it  to  be 
carried  into  execution. 

There  are  three  honourable  testimonies  to  the  excellence  of  the  re- 
gent's character,  which  must  have  weight  with  all  candid  persons. 
The  first  is  that  of  the  great  historian  De  Thou.  He  not  only  examined 
the  histories  which  both  parties  had  published  of  the  transactions  in 
Scotland,  which  made  so  much  noise  through  Europe,  but  he  carefully 
conversed  with  the  most  intelligent  and  candid  Scotsmen,  Papists  and 
Protestants,  whom  he  had  the  opportunity  of  seeing  in  France.  When 
that  part  of  his  history  which  embraced  these  events  was  in  the  press, 
he  applied  to  his  friend  Camden  for  advice,  acquainting  him  that  he 
was  greatly  embarrassed,  and  apprehensive  of  displeasing  King  James, 
who,  he  understood,  was  incensed  against  Buchanan's  History.  "  I 
do  not  wish  (says  he)  to  incur  the  charge  of  imprudence  or  malignity 
from  a  certain  personage  who  has  honoured  me  with  his  letters,  and 
encouraged  me  to  publish  the  rest  of  my  history  with  the  same  can- 
dour and  regard  for  truth."  Camden,  in  reply,  exhorted  him  to  study 
moderation,  and  told  him  the  story  which  he  had  received  from  his 
master,  imputing  the  disturbances  in  Scotland  chiefly  to  the  ambition 
of  Murray.  Durand,  Histoire  du  XVI.  Siecle,  torn.  vii.  contenant  la 
Vie  de  Monsieur  De  Thou,  pp.  226—231.  But  notwithstanding  the  re- 
spect which  he  entertained  for  Camden,  and  the  desire  which  he  felt 
to  please  James,  De  Thou  found  himself  obliged,  by  a  sacred  regard  to 
truth,  to  reject  the  above  imputation,  and  to  adopt  in  the  main  the  nar- 
rative of  Buchanan.  I  shall  quote,  from  his  answer  to  Camden,  the 
character  which  he  draws  of  Murray.  Having  mentioned  the  accu- 
sation brought  against  him,  of  ambitiously  and  wickedly  aiming  at  the 
crown,  he  says,  "  This  is  constantly  denied  by  all  the  credible  Scots- 
men with  whom  I  have  had  opportunity  to  converse,  not  even  except- 
ing those  who  otherwise  were  great  enemies  to  Murray  on  a  religious 
account ;  for  they  affirm,  that,  religion  apart,  HE  WAS  A  MAN  WITHOUT 

AMBITION,  WITHOUT  AVARICE,  INCAPABLE  OF  DOING  AN  INJURY  TO  ANY  ONE, 
DISTINGUISHED  BY  HIS  VIRTUE,  AFFABILITY,  BENEFICENCE,  AND  INNOCENCE  OF 

LIFE  ;  and  that  had  it  not  been  for  him,  those  who  tear  his  memory 
since  his  death,  would  never  have  attained  that  authority  which  they 
now  enjoy." — "  Res  ipsa  loquitur :  nam  demus,  quod  ab  diversa  tra- 
dentibus  jactatur,  Moravium  ambitione  ardentem  scelerate  regnum  ap- 
petisse,  quod  tamen  constanter  negant  omnes  fide  digni  Scoti,  quos- 
cunque  mihi  alloqui  contigit,  etiam  ii  quibus  alioqui  Moravius  ob  re- 
ligionis  causam  summe  invisus  erat ;  nam  virum  fuisse  aiebant,  extra 
religionis  causam,  ab  omni  ambitione,  avaritia,  et  in  quenquam  injuria 
alienum,  yirtute,  comitate,  beneficentia,  vita?  innocentia,  pnestantem ; 
et  qui  nisi  fuisset,  eos,  qui  tantopere  mortuum  exagitant,  hodie  minime 
rerum  potituros  fuisse."  Epistolae  de  Nova  Thuani  Histor.  Editione 
Paranda.  p.  40,  in  torn.  i.  Thuani  Histor.  et  torn.  vii.  cap.  v.  p.  5. 
Buckley,  1733. 

A  second  testimony  of  a  very  strong  kind  in  favour  of  the  regent  is 
that  of  Archbishop  Spots  wood.    He  must  have  conversed  with  many 
who  were  personally  acquainted  with  Murray;  he  knew  the  unfavour- 
able sentiments  which  James  entertained  respecting  him,  which  had 
41* 


486  NOTES. 

been  published  in  Camden's  Annals ;  and  he  had  long  enjoyed  the  fa- 
vour of  that  monarch  ;  yet,  in  his  history,  he  has  drawn  the  character 
of  the  regent  in  as  flattering  colours  as  Buchanan  himself  has  done. 
The  last  testimony  to  which  I  shall  appeal  is  the  Vox  Populi,  strongly 
expressed  by  the  title  of  The  Good  Regvnt,  which  it  imposed  on  him, 
and  by  which  his  memory  was  handed  down  to  posterity.  Had  he, 
elated  by  prosperity,  become  haughty  and  reserved,  or,  intoxicated 
with  flattery,  yielded  himself  up  to  unprincipled  and  avaricious  fa- 
vourites, the  people  must  soon  have  felt  the  effects  of  the  change,  and 
would  never  have  cherished  his  name  with  such  enthusiastic  gratitude 
and  unmingled  admiration. 


Note  MMM,  p.  307. 

Inscription  to  the  memory  of  the  Regent  Murray. — The  regent's 
monument  is  yet  entire  and  in  good  order.  It  stands  in  that  part  of 
St  Giles,  now  called  the  Old  Church,  (the  former  aisle  having  been 
taken  into  the  body  of  the  church  when  it  was  lately  fitted  up,)  at  the 
back  of  the  pulpit,  on  the  east  side.  At  the  top  is  the  figure  of  an  eagle, 
and  below  it  "  1570,"  the  date  of  the  erection  of  the  monument.  In  the 
middle  is  a  brass  plate,  on  which  the  following  ornaments  and  inscrip- 
tions are  engraved : — The  family  arms,  with  the  motto  "  Salus  per 
Christum,"  (Salvation  through  Christ :)  On  one  side  of  the  arms,  a 
female  figure  with  a  cross  and  Bible,  the  word  "  Religio"  above,  and 
below  "  Pietas  sine  vindice  luget,"  (Piety  mourns  without  a  defender ;) 
on  the  other  side,  another  female  figure,  in  a  mourning  posture,  with 
the  head  reclining  on  the  hand,  the  word,  "  Justicia"  above,  and  below 
"Jus  exarmatum  est,"  (Justice  is  disarmed.)  Underneath  is  the  fol- 
lowing inscription,  composed  by  Buchanan : — 

23  JANVARII  1569. 

JACOBO  '  STOVARTO  *  MORAVIJE  '  COMITI  *  SCOTIJE  * 
PROREGI  '  VIRO  *  -3ETATTS  '  8VJE  '  LONGE  •  OPTIMO  * 

AB  *  INIMICIS  *  OMNIS  *  MEMORISE  *  DETERRIMIS  * 
EX  '  INSIDIIS  *  EXTINCTO  '  CEV  '  PATRI  • 
COMMVNI  '  PATRIA  •  MOERENS  •  POSVIT  • 

The  verses  in  which  Buchanan  celebrated  the  regent  are  accessible 
to  every  scholar.  The  following  lines  are  less  known : — 

JACOBUS  STUARTUS, 

Moraviae  Comes,  Prorex  pro  Jacobo  vi.  rem  Scoticam  feliciter  gessit, 
purae  Religionis  assertor  acerrimus.  Ab  aemulis  Limnuchi  ex  insidiis 
glande  trajectus,  magno  omnium  desiderio  moritur  ad  d.  xxiii.  Janu- 
arii,  Anno  Christi  1570. 

Ter  tua  dicturus  cum  dicere  singula  conor, 

Ter  numeri,  et  numeros  destituere  soni. 
Nobilitas,  animus,  probitas,  sapientia,  virtus, 

Consilium,  imperium,  pectora  sancta,  fides, 
Cuncta  mihi  simul  hsec  instant  certamine  magno : 

Ut  sibi,  sic  certant  viribus  ista  meis  ; 
Ipsi  adeo  Aonides  cum  vellent  dicere,  cedunt 

Sponte  sua  numeris,  haec,  Buchanane,  tuis. 

Johannis  Jonstoni  Heroes,  pp.  31.  32. 
Lugduni  Batavorum,  1603. 


NOTES.  487 

Knox,  among  others,  warned  the  regent  of  the  designs  which  his  ene- 
mies had  formed  against  his  life.  "  When  the  Mr.  of  Grahame  (says 
Bannatyne)  come  and  drew  him  to  Dumbartane,  he  [Knox]  plainlie  said 
to  the  regent  then,  that  it  was  onlie  done  for  a  trane  be  that  meanis 
to  cut  him  off,  as  it  came  to  pas ;  also  when  he  was  in  Stirveling,  being 
returned  from  Dumbartane,  he  sent  me  to  my  ladie  the  regentis  wyfe, 
tuo  sundrie  tymes,  and  desyrit  her  to  signifie  my  lord  her  husband, 
that  he  suld  not  come  to  Lynlythgow.  So  that  gif  his  counsall  had 
bene  followed,  he  had  not  died  at  that  tyme.  And  my  ladie  the  last 
tyme  sent  Mr.  Jhone  Wood,  to  desyre  him  to  avoid  Lynlythgow.  But 
God  thought  vs  not  worthy  of  sic  a  rewlare  above  vs,  and  also  he  wald 
thereby  have  the  wickitnes  of  vthers  knawin,  whilk  then  was  hid;  and 
therefore  did  God  then  tak  him  fra  us.  But  lat  the  Hamiltonis,  the 
Lard  of  Grange,  with  the  rest  of  that  factione,  lay  their  compt  and 
recken  thair  advantage  and  wining  since."  Bannatyne's  Journal,  pp. 
428,  429.  The  intrepidity  of  Murray  prompted  him  to  despise  these 
prudential  admonitions,  and  defeated  the  precaution  of  his  friends. 

Mr.  Scott  has,  by  a  poetical  licence,  introduced  the  Reformer  as 
present  at  Linlithgow,  to  grace  the  regent's  fall. 

From  the  wild  border's  humbled  side, 

In  haughty  triumph  marched  he, 
While  Knox  relax'd  his  bigot  pride, 

And  smiled  the  traitorous  pomp  to  see. 

Ballads  and  Lyrical  Pieces,  p.  52.    Edin.  1810. 


Note  NNN,  p.  320. 

Sentiments  of  Scottish  Reformers  on  the  difference  between  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  authority. — I  may  subjoin  a  few  facts  which  ascertain 
the  opinion  of  our  reformers  on  this  subject. — In  common  with  other 
reformed  churches,  they  allowed  that  civil  rulers  have  a  right  to  em- 
ploy their  authority  for  the  reformation  of  religion  within  their  domin- 
ions, especially  when,  as  was  universally  the  case  under  the  papacy, 
religious  abuses  and  corruptions  affect  the  state  as  well  as  the  church, 
and  are  interwoven  with  the  civil  constitution  and  administration; 
they  allowed  them  a  power  of  making  laws  for  the  support  and  ad- 
vancement of  religion ;  and  they  held  that,  where  a  reformed  church 
existed,  there  might  be  a  co-operation  between  the  civil  and  ecclesi- 
astical authorities  about  certain  objects  which  came  under  the  cogni- 
zance of  both,  each  of  them  acting  within  its  own  line,  and  with  a 
view  to  the  proper  ends  of  its  institution.  But,  on  the  other  hand, 
they  maintained  that  civil  and  ecclesiastical  authority  were  essentially 
distinct,  and  they  refused  that  civil  rulers  had  a  supremacy  over  the 
church  as  such,  or  a  right  to  model  her  government  and  worship,  and 
to  assume  to  themselves  the  internal  management  of  her  affairs. 

The  Scottish  reformers  never  ascribed  or  allowed  to  civil  rulers  the 
same  authority  in  ecclesiastical  matters  which  the  English  did.  In 
particular,  they  resisted  from  the  beginning  the  claim  of  ecclesiastical 
supremacy  granted  to  the  English  monarchs.  On  the  7th  July,  1568, 
"  It  was  delatit  and  fund  that  Thomas  Bassinden,  printer  in  Edin- 
burgh, imprintit  an  buik,  intitulat  The  Fall  of  the  Roman  Kirk,  nam- 
ing our  King  and  Soverane  Supreme  Head  of  the  Primitive  Kirk — 
The  haill  assemblie  ordaint  the  said  Thomas  to  call  in  agane  all  the 
foirsaidis  buikis  yat  he  hes  sauld,  and  keip  the  rest  unsauld,  until  he 
alter  the  forsaid  title.  Attour,  the  assemblie  appoyntit  Mr.  Alex.  Ar- 
buthnot  to  revise  the  rest  of  the  forsaid  tractat,  and  report  to  the  kirk 
quhat  doctrine  he  finds  thairin."  Buik  of  the  Universall  Kirk,  pp.  38, 


488  NOTES. 

39.  The  General  Assembly  were  frequently  occupied  in  settling  the 
bounds  between  civil  and  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  and  in  March, 
1570,  arranged  the  objects  which  pertained  to  the  latter  under  six 
heads ;  including,  among  other  things,  the  judgment  of  doctrine,  ad- 
ministration of  divine  ordinances,  the  election,  examination,  admission, 
suspension,  &c.  of  ministers,  and  all  cases  of  discipline.  The  follow- 
ing is  the  concluding  article :  "  And  because  the  conjunction  of  mar- 
riages pertaineth  to  the  ministrie,  the  causis  of  adherents  and  divorce- 
ments aucht  also  to  perteine  to  thame,  as  naturallie  annexit  thairto." 
Buik  of  the  Universall  Kirk,  p.  51.  Actes  of  the  General  Assemblies, 
prefixed  to  the  First  and  Second  Booke  of  Discipline,  printed  in  1621, 
pp.  3,  4. 

On  occasion  of  some  encroachments  made  on  the  liberties  of  the 
church  in  1571,  John  Erskine  of  Dun,  superintendent  of  Angus  and 
Mearns,  addressed  two  letters  to  the  Regent  Mar.  They  are  written 
in  a  clear,  spirited,  and  forcible  style,  containing  an  accurate  state- 
ment of  the  essential  distinction  between  civil  and  ecclesiastical  juris- 
diction, and  should  be  read  by  all  who  wish  to  know  the  early  senti- 
ments of  the  Church  of  Scotland  on  this  subject.  See  Bannatyne's 
Journal,  pp.  279—290. 

It  has  always  been  a  principle  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  of  Scot- 
land, that  the  ministers  of  religion  ought  not  to  be  distracted  from  the 
duties  of  their  office  by  holding  civil  places.  The  first  General  As- 
sembly (Dec.  1560)  agreed  to  petition  the  Estates,  to  "remove  minis- 
ters from  civil  offices,  according  to  the  canon  law."  Buik  of  the  Uni- 
versall Kirk,  p.  2.  At  the  request  of  the  Regent  Mar,  the  assembly, 
or  convention,  which  met  at  Leith  in  January,  1571 — 2,  allowed  Mr. 
Robert  Pont,  on  account  of  his  great  knowledge  of  the  laws,  to  act  as 
a  Lord  of  Session.  Buik  of  the  Universall  Kirk,  p.  54.  But  in  March, 
1572— 3,  the  Regent  Morton  having  laid  before  them  a  proposal  for 
appointing  some  ministers  Lords  of  Session,  the  Assembly  "  votit 
throughout  that  naine  was  able  nor  apt  to  bear  the  saides  twa  charges." 
They  therefore  prohibited  any  minister  from  accepting  the  place  of  a 
senator ;  from  this  inhibition  they,  however,  excepted  Pont.  Ibid.  p. 
56.  In  1584,  Pont  resigned  his  place  as  a  Lord  of  Session,  or  rather 
was  deprived  of  it,  in  consequence  of  the  act  of  parliament  passed 
that  year,  declaring  that  none  of  the  ministers  of  God's  word  and 
sacraments  "in  time  cuming  sail  in  ony  waies  accept,  use,  or  admin- 
istrat  ony  place  of  judicature,  in  quhatsumever  civil  or  criminal  causes, 
nocht  to  be  of  the  Colledge  of  Justice,  Commissioners,  Advocates, 
court  Clerkes  or  Notaris  in  ony  matteris  (the  making  of  testamentes 
onely  excepted.)"  Skene's  Acts,  fol.  59,  b.  Edinburgh,  1597.  Lord 
Hailes's  Catalogue  of  the  Lords  of  Session,  p.  5,  and  note  34. 

The  name  of  Pont  often  occurs  in  the  account  of  ecclesiastical  trans- 
actions during  the  remainder  of  the  sixteenth  century.  The  writer 
of  Additional  Notes  to  Lord  Hailes's  Catalogue  of  the  Lords  of  Ses- 
sion, calls  him  by  mistake,  "  the  first  presbyterian  minister  of  the 
West  Kirk."  p.  8.  Edinburgh,  1798.  William  Harlaw  preceded  him 
in  that  situation,  (Keith,  498,)  and  continued  to  hold  it  in  August,  1571. 
See  Letter  to  him  from  the  duke  and  Huntly,  in  Bannatyne's  Journal, 
217.  Pont  was  also  commissioner  of  Murray,  and  provost  of  Trinity 
College,  Edinburgh.  Upon  the  death  of  the  Earl  of  March,  James  VI. 
offered  him  the  Bishopric  of  Caithness,  but  he  declined  accepting  it. 
Keith's  Scottish  Bishops,  129.  He  was  the  author  of  several  publica- 
tions, besides  the  sermons  against  Sacrilege,  repeatedly  mentioned. 

The  time  of  his  death,  and  his  age,  appear  from  the  following  in- 
scription on  his  tombstone,  in  St.  Cuthbert's  churchyard : 


NOTES.  489 

ILLE   EGO,    ROBERTUS  PONTA- 

NUS   IN   HOC   PROPE   SACRO 

CHRISTI   QUI   FUERAM   PASTOR 

GREGIS   AUSPICE   CHRISTO 
.KTERNJE   HIC    RECUBANS   EX- 
SPECTO    RESURGERE   VITJE, 
OBIIT   DIEM    JET.   81,    MEN- 
SIS    8   MAII,    A.  D.   1606.* 


Note  OOO,  p.  325. 

Particulars  respecting  Knox's  residence  at  St.  Andrews. — The  fol- 
lowing particulars  are  extracted  from  the  MS.  Diary  of  Mr.  James 
Melville.  "  Ther  wer  t  wa  in  St.  Androis  wha  war  his  aydant  heirars,  and 
wraitt  his  sermons,  ane  my  condiscipule,  Mr.  Andrp  Young,  minister 
of  Dumblane,  who  translated  sum  of  them  into  Latin,  and  read  thame 
in  the  hall  of  the  collage  insteid  of  his  orations."  The  other  was  a 
servant  of  Mr.  Robert  Hamilton,  but  with  what  view  he  took  notes 
Melville  could  not  say.  Diary,  p.  28. — "  Mr.  Knox  wald  sum  tymes 
cum  in,  and  repast  him  in  our  colleage  yeard,  and  call  ws  schollars 
unto  him  and  bliss  ws,  and  exhort  ws  to  knaw  God,  and  his  wark  in 
our  countrey,  and  stand  be  the  guid  caus,  to  use  our  tyme  well],  and 
learn  the  guid  instructiones  and  follow  the  guid  example  of  our  mais- 
ters.  Our  haill  collag  [St.  Leonard's]  maisters  and  schollars  war 
sound  and  zelus  for  the  guid  caus,  the  uther  twa  colleges  not  sa."  p. 
23.  "  This  yeir  in  the  moneth  of  July,  Mr.  Jhone  Davidsone,  an  of 
our  regents,  maid  a  pley  at  the  marriage  of  Mr.  Jhone  Colvin,  quhilk 
I  saw  playit  in  Mr.  Knox  presence,  wharin,  according  to  Mr.  Knox 
doctrine,  the  castle  of  Edinburgh  was  besieged,  takin,  end  the  captin, 
with  ane  or  twa  with  him,  hangit  in  effigie."  p.  24.  This  seems  to 
have  been  an  exercise  among  the  students  of  the  university.  The 
following  extract  shows  that  the  fine  arts  were  not  then  uncultivated, 
and  that  the  professors  and  students  attended  to  them  in  their  recrea- 
tions. "  I  lernit  singing  and  pleying  on  instrumentis  passing  weill, 
and  wald  gladlie  spend  tyme,  whar  the  exercise  thairof  was  within 
the  collag ;  for  twa  or  thrie  of  our  condisciples  pleyed  fellin  weill  on 
the  virginals,  and  another  on  the  lute  and  githorn.  Our  regent  had 
also  the  pinalds  in  his  chalmer,  and  lernit  sum  thing,  and  I  efter  him." 
Melville  adds,  that  his  fondness  for  music  was  at  one  period,  in  danger 
of  drawing  away  his  attention  from  more  important  studies,  but  that 
he  overcame  the  temptation,  p.  25. 

I  may  add  an  extract  from  the  same  Diary,  relating  an  incident  in 
the  life  of  one  who  entertained  a  high  respect  for  Knox,  and  after- 
wards became  a  distinguished  minister  in  the  church.  "  The  order  of 
four  kirks  to  a  minister,  then  maid  by  the  erle  of  Morton,  now  maid 
regent,  against  the  quilk  Mr.  Johne  Davidson,  an  of  the  regents  of 
our  collag,  made  a  buik  called  The  Conference  betwixt  the  Clark  and 
the  Courtier ;  for  the  quhilk  he  was  summoned  befor  the  Justice  Air 
at  Haddington  this  winter  (1573)  the  lest  of  our  course,  and  banished 
the  countrey."  p.  24.  This  dialogue,  which  is  in  verse,  contains  the 
following  lines : — 

*  History  of  the  Church  and  Parish  of  St.  Cuthbert,  or  West  Kirk  of  Edinburgh,  p. 
38.  Edin.  1829. 

M3 


490  NOTES. 

Had  glide  John  Knox  not  yit  bene  deid, 
It  had  not  cum  unto  this  held : 
Had  thay  myndit  till  sic  ane  steir, 
He  had  maid  hevin  and  eirth  to  heir. 

The  General  Assembly,  in  October  1577,  presented  a  supplication  to 
the  Regent  Morton,  requesting  him  to  allow  Mr.  Davidson  to  return 
home  from  England.  Buik  of  the  Universall  Kirk,  p.  70.  The  editor 
of  Davidson's  Poetical  Remains  (lately  printed)  has  furnished  some 
interesting  information  concerning  the  author.  I  am  indebted  to  him 
for  correcting  a  mistake  into  which  I  had  fallen  in  the  Life  of  Melville. 
Davidson  returned  to  Scotland  during  the  lifetime  of  the  regent, 
though  not  until  his  fall.  Hume  of  Godscroft,  in  his  account  of  Mor- 
ton's behaviour  before  his  execution,  says,  "  There  he  embraced  Mr. 
John  Davidson,  and  said  to  him,  You  wrote  a  book,  for  which  I  was 
angry  with  you ;  but  I  never  meant  any  ill  to  you, — forgive  me.  Mr. 
Davidson  was  so  moved  herewith,  that  he  could  not  refrain,  from  weep- 
ing." History  of  the  House  of  Douglas  and  Angus,  ii.  279,  12mo. 


Note  PPP,  p.  340. 

Verses  to  the  memory  of  Knox.  —  Beza  has  inserted  no  verses  to  the 
memory  of  our  Reformer,  in  his  Icones,  id  est,  Verce  Imagines  Viro- 
rum  Doctrina  simul  et  Pietate  Illustrium,  published  by  him  in  Latin, 
anno  1580.  But  of  this  work,  a  French  version  was  published  under 
the  title  of  Les  Vrais  Pourtraits  des  Homines  Illustres  en  Piete  et  Doc- 
trine. Geneve,  1581,  4to.  In  this  translation  are  inserted  original 
verses  on  Knox,  &c.  Irving's  Memoirs  of  Buchanan,  234.  Having 
never  seen  this  translation,  I  cannot  say  whether  the  verses  which  it 
contains  coincide  with  those  which  I  am  about  to  quote. 

Jacobus  Verheiden  published  "  Prsestantium  aliquot  Theologorum, 
qui  Romae  Antichristum  oppugnarunt,  Effigies,  quibus  addita  eorum 
Elogia,  librorumque  Catalogi.  Hag.  Comit.  1602."  A  new  edition  of 
this  was  published  by  Predericus  Roth-Scholtz,  under  the  title  of 
"Jacobi  Verheidenii  Hagae-Comitis  Imagines  et  Elogia,  &c.  Haga?- 
Comitum,  1725."  In  this  work  the  following  lines  are  placed  under 
the  portrait  of  Knox  :  — 

Scottorum  prim  urn  te  Ecclesia,  CNOXE,  docentem, 
Audiit,  auspiciis  estque  redacta  tuis, 
Nam  te  caelestis  pietas  super  omnia  traxit, 
Atque  Reformats  Religionis  amor. 

To  the  account  of  his  life  and  writings,  in  the  same  work,  is  added 
an  Epigram  in  Greek  and  in  Latin,  which,  according  to  a  common 
practice  in  such  compositions,  consists  of  a  play  upon  his  name,  and 
that  of  his  country,  in  the  way  of  contrast  ;  representing  Knox  as 
driving  the  nocturnal  crows,  or  scotican  sophists,  from  Scotland.  As 
the  author  informs  us  that  the  Batavian  youth  amused  themselves  in 
making  these  epigrams,  and  thinks  that  some  of  them  will  amuse  the 
reader,  I  shall  not  withhold  this  specimen  in  both  languages, 


WKrdg  Kopava?,  KO.I  VVKTU  afayyrj 
AXXa  re  Xuy/5  'Hwj  0£t!y£t  aXE^i/m^Of. 
wf  jilv  KNOHOS  'SKOTIKOVS  $i>o<p£povs  r 
Ev  Z/cortfj  Trarpri  I'/c^aXe 


NOTES.  491 

Nocturnes  corvos,  noctem  obscuramque,  volantes 

Mures,  Aurora  et  cetera  dira  fugat: 
Sic  CNOXVS  Scoticos  simul  obscurosque  sophistas 
Ex  Scotica  lucens  ejicit  hie  patria. 

Verheidenii  Imagines  et  Klogia,  pp.  69,  70. 
Hagae-Comitum,  1725. 

Davidson's  Poem,  and  Johnston's  Verses,  to  the  memory  of  Knox, 
will  be  found  in  the  Supplement. 


Note  aaa,  p.  341. 

Popish  account  of  Knox's  death. — The  slanders  propagated  by  the 
Popish  writers  against  our  Reformer's  character  have  been  stated  in 
Note  GGG.  After  the  specimen  there  given,  it  will  not  be  expected 
that  I  shall  dwell  upon  the  equally  extravagant  and  incredible  narra- 
tives which  they  circulated  concerning  the  manner  of  his  death.  I 
shall,  however,  translate  the  substance  of  Archibald  Hamilton's  account, 
the  original  picture  from  which  so  many  copies  were  afterwards 
taken.  "  The  opening  of  his  mouth,"  he  says,  "  was  drawn  out  to 
such  a  length  of  deformity,  that  his  face  resembled  that  of  a  dog,  as  his 
voice  also  did  the  barking  of  that  animal.  The  voice  failed  from  that 
tongue,  which  had  been  the  cause  of  so  much  mischief,  and  his  death, 
most  grateful  to  his  country,  soon  followed.  In  his  last  sickness,  he 
was  occupied  not  so  much  in  meditating  upon  death,  as  in  thinking 
upon  civil  and  worldly  affairs.  When  a  number  of  his  friends,  who 
held  him  in  the  greatest  veneration,  were  assembled  in  his  chamber, 
and  anxious  to  hear  from  him  something  tending  to  the  confirmation 
of  his  former  doctrine,  and  to  their  comfort,  he,  perceiving  that  his 
death  approached,  and  that  he  could  gain  no  more  advantage  by  the 
pretext  of  religion,  disclosed  to  them  the  mysteries  of  that  Savoyan 
art  (Sabaudicce  disciplince,  magic)  which  he  had  hitherto  kept  secret ; 
confessed  the  injustice  of  that  authority  which  was  then  defended  by 
arms  against  the  exiled  queen ;  and  declared  many  things  concerning 
her  return,  and  the  restoration  of  religion  after  his  death.  One  of  the 
company,  who  had  taken  the  pen  to  record  his  dying  sayings,  think- 
ing that  he  was  in  a  delirium,  desisted  from  writing,  upon  which  Knox, 
with  a  stern  countenance,  and  great  asperity  of  language,  began  to 
upbraid  him :  '  Thou  good-for-nothing  man !  why  dost  thou  leave  off 
writing  what  my  presaging  mind  foresees  as  about  to  happen  in  this 
kingdom  1  Dost  thou  distrust  me  1  Dost  thou  not  believe  that  all  which 
I  say  shall  most  certainly  happen  ?  But  that  I  may  attest  to  thee  and 
others  how  undoubted  the  things  which  I  have  just  spoken  are,  go  out 
all  of  you  from  me,  and  I  will  in  a  moment  confirm  them  by  a  new 
and  unheard-of  proof  They  withdrew  at  length,  though  reluctantly, 
leaving  only  the  lighted  candles  in  the  chamber,  and  soon  returned, 
expecting  to  witness  some  prodigy,  when  they  found  the  lights  extin- 
guished, and  his  dead  body  lying  prostrate  on  the  ground."  Hamilton 
adds,  that  the  spectators,  after  recovering  from  their  astonishment, 
replaced  the  dead  body  in  the  bed,  and  entered  into  an  agreement  to 
conceal  what  they  had  witnessed ;  but  God,  unwilling  that  such  a 
document  should  be  unknown,  disclosed  it,  "  both  by  the  amanuensis 
himself,  [Robertus  Kambel  a  Pinkincleugh,]  soon  after  taken  oft  by  a 
similar  death,  and  by  others  who,  although  unwillingly,  made  clear 
confessions."  De  Confusione  Calvin.  Sectse  apud  Scotos,  fol.  66,  67. 
Those  who  have  not  access  to  the  work  itself,  will  find  the  original 
words  extracted,  although  with  some  slight  inaccuracies,  by  Mac- 
kenzie. Lives  of  Scottish  Writers,  iii.  131,132.  "All  the  rest  of  the 


492  NOTES. 

Romish  writers,"  says  Mackenzie,  "  insist  upon  such  like  ridiculous 
stories  that  are  altogether  improbable."  Hamilton's  fabrications  gave 
occasion,  however,  to  the  publication  of  that  minute  and  satisfactory 
narrative  of  the  last  illness  and  death  of  Knox,  drawn  up  by  one  who 
waited  on  him  all  the  time,  and  added  by  principal  Smeton  "to  the  an- 
swer which  he  made  to  that  virulent  writer.  See  above,  p.  332.  Yet 
the  Popish  writers  continued  to  retail  Hamilton's  story  until  a  late 
period.  It  was  published  by  Knot  in  his  Protestancy  Condemned, 
Doway,  1654;  and  in  The  Politician's  Catechism,  printed  at  Antwerp, 
1658,  "permissu  superiorum."  Those  who  wish  to  see  the  variations 
which  it  had  undergone  by  that  time,  and  who  have  not  met  with 
these  writings,  may  be  satisfied  by  looking  into  Strype's  Life  of  Arch- 
bishop Parker,  p.  367. 

"  The  miserable,  horrible,  detestable,  and  execrable  deaths"  of 
Luther,  Calvin,  and  other  heretics  of  that  time,  are  particularly  re- 
corded by  James  Laing,  in  the  work  to  which  I  have  repeatedly  re- 
ferred. 


Note  RRR,  p.  359. 

Knox's  Stipend.— The  General  Assembly  held  in  March  1573,  passed 
the  following  act :  "The  Assemblie,  considering  that  the  travels  of 
umqll  Johne  Knox,  merits  favourablie  to  be  remembrit  in  his  posteritie, 
gives  to  Margaret  Stewart,  his  relict,  and  hir  thrie  daughters  of  the 
said  umqll  Johne,  the  pension  qlk  he  himselfe  had  in  his  tyme  of  the 
kirk,  and  that  for  the  year  approachand  and  following  his  deceis,  of  the 
year  of  God  1573,  to  their  education  and  support,  extending  to  five 
hundreth  merks  money,  twa  ch.  quhait,  sax  ch.  beir,  four  ch.  aittes." 
Bulk  of  the  Universall  Kirk,  p.  56. 

On  the  25th  of  May,  1574,  in  an  action  "  at  the  instance  of  Margaret 
Haldin,  relict  of  umqll  Mr.  Henry  Fowlis  of  Colingtown,  takesman  and 
fermorar  of  the  kirk  of  Haillis,  aganis  Margaret  Stewart,  relict  of  um- 
qll Johnne  Knox,  minister,  and  Andro  Ker  of  Fadounsyd,  now  hir 
spous  for  his  entress,  and  Maister  Adam  Lethame,  minister  at  the 
kirkis  of  Currie,  Haillis,  and  Sanct  Katherine  of  the  hoppis;"  setting 
forth  that  both  these  parties  demanded  from  her,  the  said  Margaret 
Haldin,  "the  sowme  of  100/.  wt.  the  kirkland  of  Currie,  viz.  the  thrid 
of  the  personage  of  Currie,  extending  to  641.  8*.  IQd.  and  thrid  pairt 
penny,  and  the  rest  extending  to  35£.  11s.  Id.  twa  pairt  penny,  furth 
of  the  thrid  of  Dumfermling,— and  she  aucht  not  to  be  eompellit  to 
mak  dowbill  payment  thairof. — The  lordis  of  counsale  desernis  and 
ordanis  the  same  Margaret  Haldin  to  answer,  obey,  and  mak  payment 
to  the  said  Margaret  Stewart,  relict  foirsaid,  and  her  bairnes,  of  the 
dewtie  contenit  in  the  said  tak  of  the  crop  and  yeirofGod,  1574  yeris, 
as  pairtie  fundin  be  the  saidis  lordis  haveand  maist  ryt  thairto,  con- 
forme  to  ane  decreit  given  by  the  lordis  of  secreit  counsale,  of  the  dait 
the  25  day  of  Marche,  the  yeir  of  God  1 574  yeris,  schawin  and  produced 
befoir  the  saidis  lordis,"  &c.  Reg.  of  Decreets  of  Court  of  Session, 
vol.  Ivi.  fo.  45. 

On  the  23d  of  May,  1569,  in  an  action  "at  the  instance  of  Allan 
Couttis,  chalmerlain  of  the  abbacy  of  Dumfermling,  aganis  Johne 
Knox,  minister  of  Christes  evengell,  allegeing  that  the  silver  males 
victuall  of  certane  landis  and  tiendis  of  the  said  abbacy  of  Dumferm- 
ling ar  assignit  to  him  in  payment  of  his  stipend  of  the  crope  and  yeir 
of  God  1568  yeris, — and  that  the  said  complener,  as  chalmerlane  foir- 
said, is  awand  to  him  the  sowme  of  twa  hundreth  and  fiftie  merkis, 


NOTES.  493 

as  for  the  silver  maill  of  the  landis  assignit  to  him  as  said  is,  of  the 
terme  of  Witsonday,  the  yeir  of  God  foirsaid.  The  lordis  of  consale 
decernis  the  said  Allane  Cowtes  to  answer  and  obey  the  said  Johne 
Knox  of  the  said  termes  payment,  as  pairtie  fundin  by  the  said  lordia 
havand  maist  right  thairto,  after  the  form  and  tenor  of  the  assignation 
given  and  granted  to  him  thairupon,  of  the  dait  the  21  day  of  Septem- 
ber the  yeir  of  God  1568  yeris,"  &c.  Reg.  of  Decreets,  vol.  xlii.  fo.  437. 

The  following  extracts  throw  light  on  the  subject  of  his  stipend  at 
an  earlier  period  :— 

"  The  Compt  of  Sir  John  Wyisharte  of  Pitarrow,  Knycht  Compt- 
roller and  Collector  Generall  of  the  Thredis  of  the  Benefices  of  the 
Realme,  1564. 

"  And  upown  the  first  day  of  August,  anno  &c.  Ixiiij,  delivered  to 
Johne  Knox,  minister,  at  my  lord  comptrollaris  command,  in  part  of 
payment  of  his  stipend,  the  soume  of  ane  hundreth  pundis,  as  his 
acquittance  beris, 100/. 

"  And  mair  deliverit  to  Margaret  Fowles,  Johne  Knox  servand,  the 
x  day  of  October,  the  soume  of  twentye  pundis,  .  .  .  207. 

"  And  upoune  the  xvij  day  of  October,  zeir  abonewritten,  to  John 
Reid,  servand  to  Johne  Knox,  the  soume  of  fourtye  pundis,  .  40/. 

"And  mair,  the  ix  day  of  Januar,  zeir  foirsaid,  anno  &c.  deliverit  to 
Robert  Watsone,  burges  of  Edinburgh,  for  Johnne  Knox,  the  sowme 
of  ane  hundrethe  pundis,  as  his  acquittance  therupoune  beris,  100/. 

"  And  to  Johnne  Willock,  the  xviij  day  of  September,  zeir,  &c.  Ixiiij, 
deliverit  the  soume  of  fouretye  pundis  at  my  lord  comptrollaris  com- 
mand, in  part  of  payment  of  his  stipend,  as  his  acquittance  beris,  40/. 

"  Alsua  the  comptare  aucht  to  be  discharged  of  the  prices  of  six 
chalderis  beir  at  twa  merkis  the  boll,  and  four  chalder  attis  at  20s.  the 
boll,  coft  be  the  comptare,  and  delivered  to  the  said  John  Knox,  min- 
ister, for  the  beir  and  aits  allowit  in  his  stipend  of  the  Ixiiij  yeiris  crop, 
quherof  na  allowance  is  tane  be  ony  of  the  collectouris  of  befoir,  ex- 
tending in  money  to 224/. 

"  The  Compt.  of  Schir  Williame  Murray  of  Tullybardin,  knight 
comptroller  and  collector  generall  of  the  thriddis  of  the  benefices,  &c. 
At  Edr.  Jan.  2,  1567,  of  crope  1566. 

"  And  als  the  comptare  aucht  to  be  discharged  of  the  soume  of  twa 
hundreth  fourescoir  twa  pundis  threttene  schillingis  four  penneis,  pait 
and  deliverit  be  the  comptare  to  Johne  Knox,  minister,  for  the  half  of 
his  stipend  of  the  cropp  and  zeir  of  God  1566  yeiris  baith  silver  and 
victuall  at  command  of  my  lord  regentis  precept,  as  the  same  and  his 
acquittance  producit  upon  compt  proportis,  .  .  282/.  13s.  4d. 

"And  of  the  soume  of  ane  hundreth  thretty  three  pundis  six  schill- 
inges  aucht  penneis  pait  be  the  comptare  to  William  Stewart,  Ross 
Herald,  translator  of  sic  werkis  in  the  kirk  as  ar  necessar  for  edifiing 
of  the  people,  quherof  he  hes  had  allocatioun  of  aid  be  the  appointment 
oftheBukeofthemodificatiounoftheministerie  .  133/.  6s.  8d." 


Note  SSS,  p.  359. 

Of  Knox's  descendants. — In  the  former  editions  of  this  work,  it  was 
stated  that  one  of  our  Reformer's  daughters  was  married  to  Robert 
Pont,  minister  of  St.  Cuthberts ;  but  I  have  since  ascertained  that  her 
husband  was  Zachary  Pont,  one  of  the  sons  of  that  minister.  This 
appears  from  the  following  documents : 

"Nov.  13,  1599. — Mr.  Zach.  Pont,  portioner  of  Schyresmilne,  and 
Margaret  Knox,  his  spouse,"  inhibited  by  Bessie  Colvill. 

"  11  Feby.  1602.— Said  Mr.  Zach.  Pont  and  spouse  inhibited  by  Mr. 
42 


494  NOTES. 

Johne  Velsche,  minister  of  Godis  word  at  our  bust  of  Kirckcudbryt, 
and  Elizabethe  Knox  his  spous."  Pont  owes  complainers  1000m,  as 
per  contract  between  parties  at  Schyrismylne,  8  Apr.  1596.  Res^d.  in 
books  of  Session,  17  Nov.  1601.  (Particular  Register  of  Inhibitions, 
vol.  v.) 

"  Marg.  Knox,  spous  to  Mr.  Zach.  Pont,  minister  at  Boar  in  Cath- 
nes,  wt.  consent  of  Mr.  Jon.  Ker,  minister  at  Preston,  and  Mr.  Jas. 
Knox,  ane  of  the  regents  of  the  College  of  Edn."  receives  from  Andro 
Lord  Stewart  of  Vchiltrie,  1300  merks.  (Gen.  Reg.  of  Decreets,  vol. 
cvii;  28  May,  1605.)  There  is  a  previous  deed  relating  to  the  same 
transaction,  which  is  signed  by  Mr.  Jon.  Ker,  sone  to  umqll.  Andro 
Ker  of  Fadounside,  witnes."  (Ibid.  vol.  civ;  13  Dec.  1664.) 

The  celebrated  Dr.  Witherspoon,  minister  of  Paisley,  and  after- 
wards president  of  the  college  of  New  Jersey,  in  America,  was  a  de- 
scendant of  our  Reformer:  and,  according  to  the  information  of  Dr. 
Samuel  Stanhope  Smith,  his  son-in-law,  and  successor  in  the  presi- 
dency, traced  his  line  of  descent  through  Mrs.  Welch. 

I  have  been  favoured  with  the  following  pedigree  from  Alexander 
Thomson,  Esq.  of  Banchory,  in  Aberdeenshire.  "John  Knox,  the 
celebrated  Reformer,  left  three  daughters,  one  of  whom  was  married 
to  a  Mr.  Baillie  of  the  Jerviswood  family,  and  by  him  had  a  daughter, 
who  was  married  to  a  Mr.  Kirkton  of  Edinburgh.  By  this  marriage  Mr. 
Kirkton  had  a  daughter,  Margaret,  who  was  married  to  Dr.  Andrew 
Skene  in  Aberdeen.  Dr.  Skene  left  several  children,  the  eldest  of  whom, 
Dr.  Andrew  Skene,  had  by  his  wife,  Miss  Lumsden  of  Cushnie,  several 
sons  and  daughters.  One  of  these,  Mary,  was  married  to  Andrew 
Thomson  of  Banchory,  who  had  issue  by  her,  Margaret,  Andrew,  and 
Alexander.  Andrew  married  Miss  Hamilton,  daughter  of  Dr.  Hamil- 
ton, of  Marischall  College,  Aberdeen,  and  by  her  had  issue,  Alexander, 
born  June  21,  1798,  and  present  proprietor  of  Banchory."  It  is  not 
uncommon  for  persons  who  happen  to  be  of  the  same  name  with  an 
individual  who  has  attained  celebrity,  to  claim  a  family  relation  to 
him  upon  very  slender  grounds.  But  in  the  present  instance,  not  to 
mention  the  particularity  of  detail  in  the  genealogical  table,  there  is 
no  ground  to  suspect  that  the  tradition  could  have  such  an  origin ;  as  the 
name  of  Knox  occurs  only  at  the  earliest  stage  of  the  supposed  con- 
nection. Perhaps  one  of  the  Reformer's  daugh  ters  was  twice  married ; 
or,  which  I  think  more  probable,  it  was  one  of  his  grand-daughters  who 
married  a  Mr.  Baillie  of  Jerviswood.  Among  the  pictures  at  Meller- 
stain  (now  the  seat  of  the  ancient  family  of  Jerviswood)  is  a  portrait 
of  Captain  Kirkton,  an  officer  of  the  Royal  Navy.  And  we  know  from 
other  authorities,  that  Robert  Baillie  of  Jerviswood,  who  was  executed 
at  Edinburgh,  in  1684,  was  brother-in-law  to  Mr.  James  Kirkton,  min- 
ister first  at  Merton,  and  afterwards  in  Edinburgh.  Burnet's  Hist,  of 
his  own  Times,  ii.  157.  Wodrow,  i.  422. 

Mr.  Thomson  of  Banchory  possesses  from  his  ancestors  an  antique 
watch ;  and  the  tradition  in  the  family  is,  that  this  watch  belonged  to 
the  Reformer,  and  was  presented  to  him  by  Queen  Mary,  at  a  time 
when  she  was  anxious  to  cajole  him  into  an  approbation  of  her  mea- 
sures. On  the  brass-plate  of  the  inner  case  are  the  words,  N.  Forfaict 
d  Paris.  Professor  Leslie,  whose  extensive  acquaintance  with  the 
history  of  inventions  is  well  known,  after  examining  an  accurate  de- 
scription of  this  time-piece  by  Dr.  Knight  of  Aberdeen,  says,  "that  the 
watch  in  question  might  have  been  the  property  of  John  Knox,  is  pos- 
sible, and  the  tradition  is  in  this  case  not  improbable.  At  the  same 
time  it  must  be  admitted,  that  pocket  watches  were  extremely  rare  at 
that  period,  and  probably  confined  for  the  most  part  to  princes  and 
the  more  opulent  nobility."  He  adds,  "  I  have  had  the  opportunity  of 


NOTES.  495 

inspecting  an  antique  watch,  through  the  politeness  of  Mr.  J.  Scot, 
late  chemist  in  Edinburgh,  the  lineal  descendant  of  a  Frenchman  of 
the  name  of  Massie,  who,  having  attended  Queen  Mary  into  Scot- 
land, had  received  the  relic  from  his  mistress.  It  is  a  small  round  old 
watch,  scarcely  exceeding  an  inch  in  diameter,  and  made  by  Hubert 
in  Rouen.  It  is  precisely  of  the  same  structure,  but  without  carving 
or  other  ornament,  as  the  one  with  which  that  artful  princess  is  said  to 
have  endeavoured  to  bribe  our  stern  Reformer." 

I  have  only  to  add,  that  no  notice  is  taken  of  this  relic  and  token  of 
royal  favour  in  the  testament  of  John  Knox,  or  in  the  inventory  of 
his  goods  presented  by  his  widow  after  his  decease. 

Note  TTT,  p.  365. 

Of  Knox's  History  of  the  Reformation. — When  they  first  formed 
themselves  into  an  association  to  advance  the  reformation  of  religion, 
the  Protestants  of  Scotland,  aware  that  their  conduct  would  be  mis- 
represented, appointed  some  of  their  number  to  commit  their  proceed- 
ings to  writing.  This  laudable  practice  was  continued  by  them,  and 
the  most  important  events  connected  with  the  progress  of  the  Refor- 
mation were  registered  along  with  the  resolutions  adopted  at  their 
meetings.  After  they  came  to  an  open  breach  with  the  queen  regent, 
and  she  had  accused  them  of  rebellious  intentions  both  to  their  coun- 
trymen and  to  foreign  nations,  they  resolved  that  a  narrative  of  their 
proceedings  should  be  drawn  up  from  these  records,  and  that  it  should 
be  published  to  the  world  for  their  vindication.  Preface  to  the  Gentill 
Reidare,  prefixed  to  Knox's  Historic,  and  Prsefatio  to  the  Secunde 
Booke  of  the  Historic,  p.  115,  edit.  1732.  The  confusions  produced  by 
the  civil  war  prevented  them  from  executing  this  resolution  at  the 
time  intended,  and  the  object  originally  in  view  was  in  part  answered 
by  occasional  proclamations  which  they  had  been  obliged  to  make, 
and  by  answers  which  they  had  published  to  proclamations  issued  by 
the  regent.  The  design  was  not,  however,  laid  aside;  and  the  person 
to  whom  the  compilation  was  committed  continued  the  narrative. 
The  book  which  is  placed  second  in  the  printed  history  was  first  com- 
posed. The  third  book  was  next  composed,  and  contains  a  circum- 
stantial account  of  the  steps  taken  by  the  Congregation  to  obtain 
assistance  from  England,  which  it  was  judged  imprudent  to  disclose 
when  the  former  book  was  drawn  up.  It  brings  down  the  history  to 
Queen  Mary's  arrival  in  Scotland.  The  book  which  occupies  the 
first  place  in  the  printed  history  was  composed  after  these,  and  intended 
as  an  introduction  to  them,  bringing  down  the  history  from  the  first 
dawn  of  the  Reformation  in  Scotland  to  1558.  See  Preface  to  the 
Gentill  Reidare,  ut  supra.  The  publication  being  still  delayed,  the 
fourth  book  was  added,  which  contains  the  history  of  ecclesiastical 
transactions  from  the  arrival  of  Mary  to  the  end  of  1564.  The  first 
and  fourth  books  were  composed  during  the  years  1566,  1567,  and 
1568.  Historic,  pp.  86,  108,  282.  Some  additions  were  made  to  the 
fourth  book  so  late  as  1571.  Ibid.  p.  338.  The  fifth  book  in  the  printed 
history  is  not  found  in  any  of  the  ancient  MSS.  It  was  added  by  Da- 
vid Buchanan,  but  whether  he  published  it  from  an  old  MS.  or  com- 
piled it  himself,  cannot  now  be  ascertained. 

The  history  was  composed  by  one  person,  (Preface,  ut  supra,}  and 
there  is  no  reason  for  doubting  that  Knox  was  the  author.  In  a  letter 
which  he  wrote  on  the  23d  of  October,  1559,  he  mentions  the  design 
of  publishing  it.  Keith,  Append,  p.  30.  The  English  ambassador,  Ran- 
dolph, says  in  a  letter  to  Cecil,  dated  Edinburgh,  23d  September,  1560, 


496  NOTES. 

"  I  have  tawlked  at  large  with  Mr.  Knox  concernynge  hys  historic. 
As  mykle  as  ys  wrytten  thereof  shall  be  sent  to  your  honour,  at  the 
comynge  of  the  Lord's  embassadors  by  Mr.  John  Woode :  He  hath 
wrytten  only  one  booke.  If  yow  lyke  that,  he  shall  contynue  the 
same,  or  addie  onie  more.  He  sayethe,  that  he  must  have  farther 
helpe  than  is  to  be  had  in  this  countrie,  for  more  assured  knouledge 
of  thyngs  passed,  than  he  hath  hymself,  or  can  com  bye  here :  yt  is  a 
worke  not  to  be  neglected,  and  greatly  to  be  wyshed  that  yt  sholde 
be  well  handled."  Life  of  the  Author,  p.  xliii.  prefixed  to  Knox's  His- 
toric, edit.  1732.  From  a  letter  written  by  Knox  to  Mr.  John  Wood, 
and  dated  Feb.  14,  1568,  it  appears  that  he  had  come  to  the  resolution 
of  withholding  the  history  from  the  public  during  his  life.  See  Appen- 
dix. The  important  light  in  which  he  considered  the  work,  appears 
from  the  way  in  which  he  expressed  himself  in  April,  1*571,  when  he 
found  that  the  state  of  his  health  would  not  permit  him  to  finish  it. 
"  Lord,  provyde  for  thy  flocks  trew  pastouris ;  rease  thou  up  the 
spretis  of  some  to  observe  thy  notable  worlds,  faythfullie  to  commit 
the  same  to  writ,  that  the  prosperities  [posterities]  to  come  may  praise 
thy  holie  name,  for  the  great  graces  plentyfullie  powred  foorth  upon 
this  vnthankful  generatione.  Jhone  Knox  trusting  end  of  trawell." 
Bannatyne's  Journal,  p.  129.  He  did  not,  however,  desist  altogether 
from  the  prosecution  of  the  work.  It  appears  from  two  letters  of 
Alexander  Hay,  clerk  to  the  privy  council,  written  in  December,  1571, 
that  the  Reformer  had  applied  to  him  for  papers  to  assist  him  in  the 
continuation  of  his  history.  The  papers  which  Hay  proposed  to  send 
him  related  to  the  years  1567 — 1571,  a  period  which  the  printed  history 
does  not  reach.  Bannatyne,  pp.  294 — 302. 

The  following  petition,  presented  by  Bannatyne  to  the  first  General 
Assembly  which  met  after  our  Reformer's  death,  with  the  act  of  As- 
sembly relating  to  it,  gives  the  most  satisfactory  information  respect- 
ing the  history.  "  Unto  your  Wisdoms  humbly  means  and  shows,  I, 
your  servitor  Richard  Bannatyne,  servant  to  your  umquhill  most  dear- 
est brother  John  Knox  of  worthy  memory :  That  where  it  is  not  un- 
known to  your  wisdoms,  that  he  left  to  the  kirk  and  town  of  Edin- 
burgh his  history,  containing  in  effect  the  beginning  and  progress  of 
Christ's  true  religion,  now  of  God's  great  mercy  established  in  this 
realm ;  wherein  he  hath  continued  and  perfectly  ended  at  the  year  of 
God  1564.  So  that  of  things  done  sinsyne,  nothing  be  him  is  put  in 
that  form  and  order  that  he  has  put  the  former.  Yet  not  the  less 
there  are  certain  scrolls  and  papers,  and  minuts  of  things  left  to  me 
by  him,  to  use  at  my  pleasure,  whereof  a  part  were  written  and  sub- 
scribed by  his  own  hand,  and  another  be  mine  at  his  command,  which 
if  they  were  collected  and  gathered  together,  would  make  a  sufficient 
declaration  of  the  principal  things  that  have  occurred  since  the  end- 
ing of  his  former  history,  at  the  year  foresaid ;  and  so  should  serve 
for  stuff  and  matter,  to  any  of  understanding  and  ability  in  that  kinde 
of  exercise,  that  would  apply  themselves  to  make  a  history,  even  unto 
the  day  of  his  death.  But  for  so  meikle  as  the  said  scrolls  are  so 
intacked  and  mixed  together,  that  if  they  should  corne  in  any  hands 
not  used  nor  accustomed  with  the  same,  as  I  have  been,  they  should 
altogether  lose  and  perish :  And  seeing  also  I  am  not  able,  on  my 
own  costs  and  expenses,  to  apply  myself  and  spend  my  time  to  put 
them  in  order,  which  would  consume  a  very  long  time ;  much  less  am 
I  able  to  write  them,  and  put  them  in  register,  as  they  require  to  be, 
without  your  wisdoms  make  some  provision  for  the  same :  Wherefore 
I  most  humbly  request  your  wisdoms,  That  I  may  have  some  reason- 
able pension  appointed  to  me  by  your  wisdoms  discretion,  that  thereby 
I  may  be  more  able  to  await  and  attend  upon  the  samine :  lest  these 


NOTES.  497 

things,  done  by  that  servant  of  God  dear  to  you  all,  should  perish  and 
decay,  which  they  shall  do  indeed,  if  they  be  not  put  in  register,  which 
I  will  do  willinglie,  if  your  wisdoms  would  provide,  as  said  is.  And 
your  wisdoms  answer,"  &c.  To  this  supplication  the  Assembly  gave 
the  following  answer : — "  The  Assembly  accepted  the  said  Richard's 
offer,  and  request  the  kirk  of  Edinburgh,  to  provide  and  appoint  some 
learned  men,  to  support  Richard  Bannatyne,  to  put  the  said  history, 
that  is  now  in  scrolls  and  papers,  in  good  form,  with  aid  of  the  said 
Richard.  And  because  he  is  not  able  to  await  thereon,  upon  his  own 
expences,  appoints  to  him  the  sum  of  forty  pounds,  to  be  payed  of 
the  1572  years  crope,  be  the  collectors  under- written,  viz.  the  collector 
of  Lothian,  Fife,  Angus,  and  the  West,  Galloway,  and  Murray,  every 
one  of  them  to  pay  six  pound  thirteen  shillings  four  pennies  of  the 
said  crope ;  and  it  shall  be  allowed  to  them  in  count,  they  bringing 
the  said  Richard's  acquittance  thereupon."  Life  of  the  Author,  pp. 
xliv.  xlv.  prefixed  to  Historie,  edit.  1732.  Book  of  Univ.  Kirk,  p.  56. 

It  is  probable  that  the  deficiency  of  the  funds  of  the  church  pre- 
vented the  publication  of  the  history  during  Morton's  regency ;  and 
the  change  of  politics  after  James  assumed  the  reins  of  government 
into  his  own  hands,  precluded  all  hope  of  its  being  allowed  to  be 
printed  in  Scotland.  An  attempt  was  made  to  have  it  printed  in  Eng- 
land ;  but  after  the  work  had  proceeded  so  far,  the  press  was  stopped. 
This  appears  from  the  following  extract  from  Calderwood's  MSS. 
"  February,  1 586,  Vaultrollier  the  printer  took  with  him  a  copy  of  Mr. 
Knox's  History  to  England,  and  printed  twelve  hundred  of  them ;  the 
stationers,  at  the  archbishop's  command,  seized  them  the  18  of  Feb- 
ruary; it  was  thought  that  he  would  get  leave  to  proceed  again,  be- 
cause the  council  perceived  that  it  would  bring  the  Queen  of  Scots  in 
detestation."  Calderwood's  MS.  apud  Life  of  Knox,  p.  45,  prefixed 
to  edition  of  Historie,  Edinburgh,  1732.  Bishop  Bancroft  also  men- 
tions it  in  the  following  terms,  "  If  you  ever  meet  with  the  History  of 
the  Church  of  Scotland  penned  by  Mr.  Knox,  and  printed  by  Vaul- 
trollier, read  the  pages  quoted  here  in  the  margent."  Bancroft's  Sur- 
vey, (originally  printed  in  1593,)  republished  in  1663,  p.  37.  Copies  of 
this  imperfect  edition  were  allowed  to  go  abroad,  and  are  still  to  be 
met  with.  In  1644,  David  Buchanan  published  his  edition  of  Knox's 
History  at  London  in  folio,  which  was  reprinted  the  same  year  at 
Edinburgh  in  quarto.  The  editor  prefixed  a  preface  concerning  the 
antiquity  of  the  Scots,  and  a  Life  of  Knox,  both  of  which  were  writ- 
ten by  himself.  He  modernized  the  language  of  the  history ;  but  not 
satisfied  with  this,  he  also  altered  the  narrative,  by  excluding  some 
parts  of  it,  and  by  making  numerous  interpolations.  It  appears  from 
the  passage  formerly  quoted  from  Milton,  (see  p.  446,)  that  attempts 
were  made  to  suppress,  or  at  least  to  mutilate,  this  edition ;  but  the 
passage  is  so  obscure,  that  we  cannot  learn  from  what  quarter  these 
attempts  were  made.  At  last,  a  genuine  and  complete  edition  of  the 
history  was  printed  in  1732,  from  a  manuscript  belonging  to  the  uni- 
versity of  Glasgow,  compared  with  several  other  manuscripts  of 
undoubted  antiquity.  Those  who  wish  to  know  the  great  difference 
between  this  edition  and  that  of  David  Buchanan,  may  consult  Mr. 
Wodrow's  letter,  inserted  at  large  in  the  Life  of  the  Author,  pp.  xlvi— 
li.  prefixed  to  the  Historie,  edit.  1732,  and  partially  inserted  in  Nicol- 
son's  Scottish  Historical  Library,  pp.  132—141.  Lond.  1736.  All  the 
editions  of  the  history  lately  published  are  mere  copies  of  Buchanan's 
spurious  and  interpolated  one. 

This  deduction  of  facts  may  serve  to  clear  the  subject  of  the  Histo- 
ry from  the  difficulties  in  which  it  has  been  involved.  That  Knox 
42*  N3 


498  NOTES. 

was  the  author  of  the  first  four  books,  as  they  are  printed  in  the  edi- 
tion 1732,  is  beyond  all  reasonable  doubt.  After  the  publication  of 
that  edition,  it  is  mere  perverseness  to  endeavour  to  discredit  the  au- 
thenticity or  genuineness  of  the  History,  by  insisting  on  the  altera- 
tions and  interpolations  of  David  Buchanan.  To  infer  that  he  was 
not  the  author  of  the  History  from  the  difference  between  its  style 
and  that  of  his  undoubted  works,  is  quite  conjectural.  The  historical 
and  the  didactic  styles  are  different  in  themselves ;  and  when  we  con- 
sider the  intervals  at  which  the  History  was  composed,  the  numerous 
avocations  which  distracted  the  author's  attention,  and  the  multipli- 
city of  facts  which  it  was  requisite  for  him  to  collect  and  investigate, 
we  will  not  be  surprised  to  find  this  work  inferior,  in  point  of  lan- 
guage and  arrangement,  to  those  tracts  which  he  composed  on  single 
topics,  and  which,  having  the  sentiments  at  his  command,  he  was  left 
at  liberty  to  arrange  and  to  adorn.  The  facts  which  I  have  produced 
tend  also  to  corroborate  the  credibility  of  the  History,  as  they  evince 
that,  however  negligent  as  to  points  of  inferior  consideration,  the 
author  was  most  active  and  laborious  in  searching  for  materials,  and 
in  procuring,  when  it  was  at  all  possible,  original  and  authentic  docu- 
ments. And  such  was  his  character  for  integrity,  that  I  am  persuaded 
there  are  few,  if  any,  who  believe  that  he  would  insert,  as  a  fact,  any 
thing  of  whose  truth  he  was  not  fully  convinced. 


Note  UUU,  p.  365. 

Catalogue  of  Knox's  writings. — The  following  catalogue  of  the  Re- 
former's works  will,  I  trust,  be  found  more  correct  and  complete  than 
any  one  which  has  hitherto  appeared.  The  titles  have  been  accu- 
rately copied  from  the  books  themselves,  when  I  could  possibly  pro- 
cure them,  and  at  the  end  of  each  I  have  mentioned  where  a  copy 
may  be  seen.  For  the  titles  of  such  as  I  have  not  seen,  I  have  had 
recourse  to  the  best  authorities,  as  marked  after  each  article.  I  have 
also  noticed  those  of  which  there  are  copies  in  the  MS.  volume  in  my 
possession. 

1.  "An  admonition,  or  warning,  that  the  faithfull  Christians  in  Lon- 
don, Newcastel,  Berwycke,  and  others,  may  avoide  God's  vengeance 
both  in  thys  life  and  in  the  life  to  come.    Compyled  by  the  servaunt 
of  God,  John  Knokes."    A  cut  of  truth,  poor  woman,  handcuffed  and 
fastened  in  the  stocks,  with  a  halter  about  her  neck,  held  by  Tyrannye 
on  the  one  hand,  while  Crueltye,  with  a  cornered  cap,  is  threatening 
her  with  a  rod  on  the  other.     Beneath  the  cut,  "The  persecuted 
speaketh, 

I  fear  not  death,  nor  passe  not  for  bands : 

Only  in  God  put  I  my  whole  trust, 

For  God  will  requyre  my  blod  at  your  hands, 

And  this  I  know,  that  once  dye  I  must, 

Only  for  Chryst,  my  lyfe  if  I  give : 

Death  is  no  death,  but  a  meane  for  to  leyve." 

Under  these  verses,  in  ancient  writing,  "  John  Frythe  boke  Red  and 
send  yt  agayne."  E,  in  eights.  "From  Wittonburge  by  Nicholas 
Dorcastor.  Anno  M.D.LIIII.  the  viii  of  May.  Cum  privilegio  ad  impri- 
mendum  solum."  W.  H.  (Ames  by  Herbert,  p.  1576,)  sixteens.  Comp. 
Tanneri  Bibliotheca  Britannico-Hibernica,  p.  460.  See  above,  p.  95,  note. 

2.  "  A  faythful  admonition  made  by  John  Knox,  unto  the  professours 
of  God's  truthe  in  England,  whereby  thou  mayest  learne  howe  Gode 
wyll  have  his  churche  exercised  with  troubles,  and  how  he  defendeth 


NOTES.  499 

it  in  the  same.  Esaie  ix.  After  all  this  shall  not  the  Lordes  wrath 
ceasse,  but  yet  shall  hys  hande  be  stretched  out  styll.  Ibidem.  Take 
hede  that  the  Lorde  roote  thee  not  out  both  heade  and  tayle  in  one 
daye." 

On  the  back  of  title :  "  The  epistle  of  a  banyshed  manne  out  of 
Leycestershire,  sometime  one  of  the  preachers  of  Goddes  worde 
there,  to  the  Christen  reader  wysheth  health,  cleliveraunce,  and  feli- 
citie." 

"Imprynted  at  Kalykow  the  20  daye  of  Julii,  1554.  Cum  gratia  et 
privilegio  ad  Imprimendum  solum."  French  black  letter,  extends  to 
I,  and  makes  63  leaves.  Advocates'  Library.  A  copy  of  this  in  MS. 
Vol. 

3.  "  A  godly  letter  sent  to  the  faythefull  in  London,  Newcastell,  Bar- 
wyke,  and  to  all  other  within  the  realme  of  Englande,  that  love  the 
coming  of  our  Lord  Jesus,  by  Jhon  knox.     Matth.  x.    He  that  con- 
tinueth  unto  the  ende  shall  be  saved.    Imprinted  in  Rome,  before  the 
Castel  of  S.  Aungel,  at  the  signe  of  Sainct  Peter.     In  the  moneth  of 
July,  in  the  yeare  of  our  Lord  1554."    D,  28  leaves,  Fr.  black  letter. 
Advocates'  Library.    A  copy  in  MS.  Vol. 

4.  "A  confession  and  declaratio  of  praiers  added  thereunto,  by 
Jhon  Knox,  minister  of  christes  most  sacred  Evangely,  upon  the  death 
of  that  moste  famous  king  Edward  the  VI.   kynge  of  Englande, 
Fraunce,  and  Ireland,  in  which  confession,  the  sayde  Jhon  doth  accuse 
no  less  hys  owne  offences,  than  the  offences  of  others,  to  be  the  cause 
of  the  awaye  takinge  of  that  most  godly  prince,  now  raininge  with 
Chryst  whyle  we  abyde  plagues  for  our  unthafulnesse.    Imprinted  in 
Rome,  before  the  Castel  of  S.  Aungel,  at  the  signe  of  Sainct  Peter.    In 
the  moneth  of  July,  in  the  yeare  of  our  Lorde,  1554."    C,  19  leaves. 
Fr.  black  letter.    Advocates'  Library. 

The  "  Confession"  inserted  in  Note  U.  The  "  Declaration  of  Praiers" 
is  in  MS.  Vol.  See  Note  N.  Another  edition  was  licensed  in  1580. 
See  Ames,  p.  1146. 

5.  "  The  copie  of  a  letter  sent  to  the  ladye  Mary  dowagire,  regent 
of  Scotland,  by  John  Knox,  in  the  yeare  1556.    Here  is  also  a  notable 
sermon,  mayde  by  the  sayde  John  Knox,  wherein  is  evydentlye 
proved  that  the  masse  is  and  alwayes  hath  been  abhominable  before 
God,  and  Idolatrye.  Scrutamini  Scripturas"  H,  extends  to  64  leaves, 
16mo.     Black  letter.     No  year  or  place  of  printing.     A  copy  of  this 
rare  book,  which  belonged  to  the  late  Duke  of  Roxburghe,  is  now  in 
the  Advocates'  Library. 

Ames  (p.  1587;  introduces  this  book  as  printed  in  1556,  but  without 
alleging  any  authority;  and  (p.  1834)  he  speaks  of  the  Sermon  against 
the  Mass  as  printed  in  1550,  for  which  he  quotes  T.  Baker's  Maunsell, 
p.  101.  Both  the  tracts  contained  in  this  book  are  in  MS.  Vol. 

6.  "Ane  exposition  upon  the  syxth  Psalme  of  Dauid,  wherein  is 
declared  hys  crosse,  complayntes,  and  prayers,  moste  necessarie  too 
be  red  of  all  them,  for  their  singular  comforte,  that  vnder  the  banner 
of  Christe  are  by  Satan  assaulted,  and  feel  the  heauye  burthen  of 
synne,  with  which  they  are  oppressed.    {£/=  The  paciente  abydinge 
of  the  sore  afflicted  was  neuer  yet  confounded."   Ends  on  the  reverse 
of  the  last  leaf  of  F.     On  G  begins,  "  A  comfortable  Epistell  sente  to 
the  afflicted  church  of  Chryst,  exhortynge  the  to  beare  hys  crosse 
with  paciece,  lokyng  eury  houre  for  hys  commynge  agayne  to  the 
greate  comfort  and  consolacion  of  hys  chosen,  with  a  prophecy  of  ye 
destruction  of  the  wycked.     Whereunto  is  joyned  a  most  wholesome 
counsel!,  howe  to  behaue  ourselues  in  the  myddes  of  thys  wycked 
generacion  touching  the  daily  exercise  of  God's  most  holy  and  sacred 
worde.    Wrytten  by  the  man  of  God,  J.  K." 


500  NOTES. 

A  copy  of  this  very  rare  collection  of  tracts,  which  also  belonged 
to  the  late  Duke  of  Roxburghe,  is  now  in  the  Advocates'  Librar)r. 
It  wants  two  or  three  leaves  at  the  close, — ending  with  I,  5.  Black 
letter,  16mo.  '(All  of  these  are  in  MS.  Volume.  The  "wholesome 
counseJl"  is  inserted  in  Note  Z.)  In  the  same  volume,  and  print- 
ed with  the  same  type,  are  two  tracts  by  "  Gracious  Menewe,"  the 
first  on  "Auricular  Confession,"  and  the  second,  "Of  the  Com- 
munion in  both  -kyndes."  It  has  been  conjectured  that  Knox  wrote 
these  under  a  fictitious  name. 

7.  "  The  copie  of  a  lettre  delivered  to  the  laidie  Marie,  regent  of 
Scotland,  from  Johne  Knox  minister  of  Goddes  worde,  in  the  yeare 
of  our  Lord  1556,  and  no  we  augmented  and  explained  by  the  author 
in  the  yeare  of  our  Lord  1 558."   Device :  two  arches,  one  narrow,  the 
other  broad ;  over  the  narrow  one  is  a  crown  of  laurel,  over  the  broad 
one  flames  of  fire,  with  this  motto  about  them,  "  Enter  in  at  the  streit 
gate :  for  wide  is  the  gate,  and  brode  is  the  waye,  that  leadeth  to  de- 
struction, Matth.  vii."    Printed  at  Geneva,  by  James  Pollain,  and 
Antonie  Rebul.  M.D.LVIH.    D,  extends  to  28  leaves.  Rom.  letter,  16mo. 
Advocates'  Library. 

8.  "  The  First  Blast  of  the  Trumpet  against  the  Monstruous  Rege- 
ment  of  Wemen.    Veritas  temporis  filia.  M.D.LVIIII."    56  leaves,  Rom. 
letter.    Advocates'  Library. 

9.  "  The  Appellation  of  Johne  Knoxe  from  the  cruel!  and  most  un- 
just sentence  pronounced  against  him  by  the  false  bishoppes  and 
clergie  of  Scotland,  with  his  supplication  and  exhortation  to  the  nobil- 
itie,  estates,  and  comunalitie  of  the  same  realme.    Printed  at  Geneva 
M.D.LVIH."  The  Appellation  is  addressed  "  To  the  nobilitie,  and  estates 
of  Scotlad"  only ;  the  epistle,  "  To  his  beloved  brethren  the  cumunal- 
itie  of  Scotlad,"  annexed,  begins  at  folio  47,  and  concludes  at  folio  59, 
"  Be  witnesse  to  my  appellation. — From  Geneva  the  14  of  July,  1558. 
Your  brother  to  commaunde  in  godliness,  John  Knoxe."  On  the  back 
of  which  leaf  begins :  "  An  admonition  to  England  and  Scotland  to 
call  them  to  repentance,  written  by  Antoni  Gilby."    On  the  back  of 
leaf  78,  "Psalme  of  David  xciii  turned  into  metre  by  W.  Kethe,"  ends 
on  the  first  page  of  folio  80 — Rom.  letter,  16mo.    Advocates'  Library. 

It  is  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  "  Antoni  Gilby"  was  a  fictitious  name 
assumed  by  Knox.  Gilby  was  a  member  of  the  English  Church  at 
Geneva.  (See  p.  124.)  Ames  mentions  several  publications  by  him. 
See  also  Tanneri  Bibliotheca,  p.  318. 

10.  "  The  copie  of  his  [John  Knox's]  epistle,  sent  unto  Newcastle, 
and  Barwick.    [This  was,  perhaps,  another  edition  of  No.  3.]    Also  a 
brief  exhortatione  to  Englande  for  the  speedy  embracing  of  Christes 
gospell,  heretofore,  by  the  tyranny  of  Mary,  suppressed.    Print,  at 
Geneva,  1559."    Maunsell,  p.  65.    With  a  catalogue  of  Martyrs,  16mo. 
Ames,  p.  1600.    Comp.  Tanner,  p.  460. 

11.  "An  Answer  to  a  great  number  of  blasphemous  cauillations 
written  by  an  Anabaptist,  and  Adversarie  to  Gods  eternal  Predestina- 
tion ;  and  confuted  by  lohn  Knox,  minister  of  Gods  worde  in  Scotland  : 
Wherein  the  Author  so  discouereth  the  craft  and  falshode  of  that  sect, 
that  the  godly  knowing  that  error,  may  be  confirmed  in  the  trueth  by 
the  euident  worde  of  God.    Prov.  xxx.    There  is  a  generatio  that  are 
pure  in  their  own  coceit,  and  yet  are  not  washed  from  their  filthiness. 
Printed  by  John  Crespin,  M.D.LX."  Rom.  letter,  454  pages.   Advocates' 
Library.    Another  edition  was  licensed  1580 ;  and  it  was  again  printed 
in  1591.     See  Ames,  pp.  1196,  1254,  1263. 

12.  "  Heir  followeth  the  coppie  of  the  reasoning  which  was  betuix 
the  Abbote  of  Crossraguell  and  John  Knox  in  Mayboil  concerning  the 
Masse,  in  the  yeare  of  God,  a  thousand  five  hundreth  thre  scoir  and 


NOTES.  501 

two  yeares.  Apocalips  xxii.  For  I  protest,  &c.  Imprinted  at  Edin- 
burgh by  Robert  Lekpreuik,  and  are  to  be  solde  at  his  hous,  at  the 
nether  bow.  Cum  privilegio,  1563."  The  running  title  is  "The  rea- 
soning betwix  Jo.  Knox  and  the  abbotte  of  Crossraguell."  In  the 
library  of  Alexander  Boswell,  Esq.  of  Auchinleck.  See  above,  p.  248. 

13.  "A  sermon  preached  by  John  Knox,  minister  of  Christ  Jesus, 
in  the  publique  audience  of  the  church  of  Efienbrough,  within  the 
realme  of  Scotland,  upon  Sunday  the  19  of  August,  1565.     For  the 
which  the  said  John  Knoxe  was  inhibite  preaching  for  a  season, 
1  Tim.  iv.     The  time  is  come  that  rnen  cannot  abyde  the  sermon  of 
veritie  nor  holsome  doctrine.     To  this  is  adjoyned  an  exortation  unto 
all  the  faithfull  within  the  sayde  realme,  for  the  releife  of  such  as  fayth- 
fully  trauayle  in  the  preaching  of  Gods  word.     Written  by  the  same 
John  Knoxe,  at  the  commandment  of  the  ministrie  aforesaid."    Con- 
sists of  49  leaves;  and  11  more,  "  Of  the  superintendents  to  the  faith- 
ful."   No  name  of  place,  nor  printer.    Sixteens.    Ames,  pp.  1488—89. 
Tanner,  p.  460. 

14.  "  To  his  loving  brethren  whome  God  ones  gloriously  gathered 
in  the  church  of  Edinburgh,  and  now  are  dispersed  for  tryall  of  our 
faith,  &c.  Johne  Knox.    Imprented  at  Striviling  be  Robert  Lekpreuik. 
Anno  Do.  M.D.LXXI."     Rom.  letter,  4  leaves,   16mo.  Advocates'  Li- 
brary. 

15."  An  Answer  to  a  letter  of  a  Jesuit  named  Tyrie,  be  Johne  Knoxe. 
Proverbs  xxvi.  Answer  not  a  foole  according  to  his  foolishness  least 
thoii  be  lyke  him :  answer  a  foole  according  to  his  foolishness  least 
he  be  wise  in  his  owe  coseat. 

"  The  contrarietie  appearing  at  the  first  sight  betwix  thir  twa  sen- 
tecis,  stayit  for  a  tyme  baith  heart  to  meditate  and  hand  to  wryte  any 
thing,  cutrair  that  blasphemous  letter.  But  when  with  better  mynd, 
God  gave  me  to  considder,  that  whosoever  opponis  not  him  self 
bouldly  to  blasphemy  and  manifest  leis,  differis  lytill  fra  tratouris: 
cloking  and  fostering,  so  far  as  in  them  ly,  the  treasoun  of  traitouris, 
and  dampnable  impietie  of  those,  against  whome  Gods  just  vengeance 
mon  burne  without  end,  enless  spedie  repentace  follow :  To  quyet 
therefore  my  owne  conscience,  I  put  hand  to  the  pen  as  followeth : — 
Imprentit  at  Sanctandrois  be  Robert  Lekpruik,  Anno  Do.  1572." 

"Jhone  Knox,  the  servand  of  Jesus  Christ,  now  wearieof  the  world, 
and  daylie  luiking  for  the  resolution  of  this  my  earthly  tabernakle,  to 
the  faithful,"  &c.  3  pages.  Then  a  prayer  in  3  pages,  which  con- 
cludes, "Now,  Lord,  put  an  end  to  my  miserie.  At  Edinburgh  the 
12  day  of  March,  1565."  On  next  page  begins  "  An  Answer,  &c.  At 
the  end,  "  Of  Edinburgh  the  10  day  of  August,  anno  do.  1568."  Next, 
"  to  the  Faithfull  Reader"— ends  "  For  as  the  worlde  is  wearie  of  me : 
so  am  I  of  it.  Of  Sanctandrois  the  12  of  Julii  1572.  Johne  Knox". — 
"Followeth  the  letter  as  it  past  from  my  hand  at  Diep  the  20  Julii 
1554,  To  his  loving  mother,"  &c.  (This  letter  is  in  MS.  Vol.)  In  all 
45  leaves.  Rom.  letter.  Advocates'  Library. 

16.  "  A  Fort  for  the  Afflicted.  Wherein  are  ministered  many  nota- 
ble and  excellent  remedies  against  the  stormes  of  tribulation:  Written 
chiefly  for  the  comforte  of  Christes  little  flocke,  which  is  the  small 
number  of  the  faithfull,  by  John  Knoxe.  John  xvi.  23."  This  is  an 
exposition  upon  the  6th  Psalm.  It  has  prefixed,  an  epistle  "  To  the 
Religious  Reader,  by  Abr.  Flemming." — "  To  his  beloved  mother,  J. 
K.  sendeth  greeting  in  the  Lorde."  At  the  end  is  "  A  comfortable 
epistle  sent  to  the  afflicted  churche  of  Christ,  exhorting  them  to  bear 
his  crosse  with  patience,  &c.  Written  at  Deepe  31  May,  1554."  F.  4, 
in  eights.  W.  H.  (Ames,  p.  1 1 18.)  Tanner  (p.  460)  says  it  was  printed 


502  NOTES. 

"  Lond.  1 580."    This  is  another  edition  of  the  first  two  tracts  described 
in  No.  6. 

17.  Sermon  on  Ezekiel  ix.  4,  printed  anno  1580.    See  a  Catalogue 
of  Writers  on  O.  and  N.  Testament,  p.  107.    Lond.  1663. 

18.  "A  Notable  and  Comfortable  exposition  of  M.  John  Knoxes  upon 
the  fourth  of  Matthew,  concerning  the  tentations  of  Christ.    First  had 
in  the  public  church,  and  afterwards  written  for  the  comfort  of  cer- 
taine  private  friends,  and  now  published  in  print  for  the  benefit  of  all 
that  fear  God.    At  London  printed  by  Robert  Waldegrave  for  Thomas 
Man,  dwelling  in  Paternoster  Row,  at  the  signe  of  the  Talbot."    Ad- 
vocates' Library.    In  MS.  Vol. 

The  words  in  Italics  are  supplied,  the  copy  being  torn  in  these 
places.  The  book  is  dedicated  by  "Johne  Fielde,"  the  publisher,  to 
the  «*  vertuous  and  my  very  godly  friend  Mres.  Anne  Provze  of  Exe- 
ter," who  was  the  widow  of"  M.  Edward  Derring,"  a  celebrated  non- 
conformist. Field  was  also  a  noted  puritan.  See  Bancroft's  Dan- 
gerous Positions,  b.  iii.  chap.  1 — 5.  Field  had  received  the  MS.  from 
Mrs.  Prouze.  At  the  end  of  the  dedication  is,  "  London  the  first  day 
of  the  first  moneth  in  the  year  1583."  The  book  consists  of  24  leaves. 

19.  "  The  Historic  of  the  Church  of  Scotland."    Imperfect,  beginning 
with  page  17.     "By  THESE  ARTICLES  which  God  of  his  merciful  provi- 
dence causeth  the  enemies  of  his  truth  to  keep  in  their  registers,  &c." 
and  ending  with  M  m,  p.  560.    "  For  we  judge  it  a  thing  most  con- 
trarious  to  reason,  godlynes,  and  equitie,  that  the  widow  and  the  chil- 
dren of  him  who  in ;"  being  part  of  "the  fift  head"  of  the  First  Book 
of  Discipline.    8vo.  Advocates'  Library.    This  edition  is  very  rare,  and 
none  of  the  copies  which  have  been  seen  are  more  complete  than  that 
which  has  been  just  described.    See  above,  p.  495. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  give  the  title  of  David  Buchanan's  edition, 
printed  in  1644  at  London,  in  folio,  and  reprinted  the  same  year  at 
Edinburgh  in  quarto. — The  genuine  and  complete  edition  of  the  His- 
tory was  published  in  folio,  under  the  following  title : — 

"  The  Historic  of  the  Reformatioun  of  Religioun  within  the  Realm 
of  Scotland,  conteining  the  manner  and  be  quhat  persons  the  lycht  of 
Christis  Evangell  has  been  manifested  unto  this  realme,  after  that 
horribill  and  universal  defection  from  the  treuth,  whiche  has  come  by 
the  means  of  that  Romane  Antichryst.  Together  with  the  Life  of 
Johne  Knoxe,  the  author,  and  several  curious  pieces  wrote  by  him ; 
particularly  that  most  rare  and  scarce  one  entitled,  The  First  Blast 
of  the  Trumpet  against  the  Monstrous  Regiment  of  Women,  and  a  large 
Index  and  Glossary.  Taken  from  the  original  manuscript  in  the  Uni- 
versity Library  of  Glasgow,  and  compared  with  other  ancient  copies. 
Edinburgh :  Printed  by  ^Robert  Fleming  and  Company,  1732."  The 
life  was  written  by  Mr.  Matthew  Crawfurd.  See  last  Note. 

Besides  the  above  publications,  which  were  all  undoubtedly  com- 
posed by  our  Reformer,  there  are  others  ascribed  to  him  upon  more 
dubious  grounds.  Bale,  in  his  Scrip.  Mag.  Brit.  post.  pars.  art.  Knoxus, 
and  Verheiden  and  Melchior  Adam,  upon  his  authority,  appear,  in 
several  instances,  to  have  given  different  names  to  the  same  tract. 
They  mention  among  his  printed  works,  "  In  Genesin  Condones." 
We  know  that  he  preached  sermons  on  Genesis  at  Franckfort,  (see  p. 
102,)  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  he  continued  to  do  so  at  Geneva.  Per- 
haps Bale,  hearing  of  these,  might  think  that  they  were  published. 
Bishop  Tanner  has  enumerated  among  his  works,  "  Exposition  on 
Daniel,  Malburg.  M.D.XXIX.  8vo."  Bibliotheca,  p.  460.  As  he  mentions 
the  place  and  year  of  printing,  more  credit  is  due  to  his  account :  but 
there  is  evidently  a  mistake  in  the  year,  for  Knox  had  not  at  that  time 
begun  to  write.  It  may,  however,  be  an  error  of  the  press  for  a  later 


NOTES.  503 

year.  We  have  seen  (p.  317)  that  he  preached  on  Daniel  at  St.  An- 
drews. 

During  the  reign  of  Queen  Mary  of  England,  a  book  was  published, 
with  this  title,  "  The  Huntyng  of  the  Romysh  Voulfe,"  &c.  Of  this 
tract  a  new  edition  was  printed  in  the  beginning  of  Elizabeth's  reign, 
under  the  title  of  "  The  Hunting  of  the  Fox  and  the  Wolfe,  because 
they  make  hauocke  of  the  sheepe  of  Christ  Jesus."  This  edition  is 
introduced  with  a  preface  by  an  anonymous  author,  "  To  al  my  faith- 
ful Brethren  in  Christ  Jesu,  and  to  all  other  that  labour  to  weede  out 
the  weedes  of  poperie,"  &c.  The  writer  of  the  preface  is  very  severe 
against  the  relics  of  Popery  retained  in  the  worship  of  the  Church  of 
England  by  the  Act  of  Uniformity.  "  My  good  fathers  and  deare 
Brethren,  who  are  first  called  to  ye  battel  to  strive  for  God's  glory  and 
the  edificatiu  of  his  people,  againste  the  Romish  reliques,  and  rags  of 
Antichriste,  I  doubt  not  but  that  you  will  courageouslye  and  constatly 
in  Christ,  rap  at  these  rages  of  God's  enemies,  and  that  you  will  by 
this  occasio  race  vp  many  as  great  enormities,  that  we  al  know  and 
labour  to  race  put  al  the  dregs  and  remnats  of  transformed  poperie, 
that  are  crept  into  England,  by  too  much  lenitie  of  the  that  will  be 
named  the  Lords  of  the  clergie,"  &c.  This  preface  has  been  ascribed 
to  our  Reformer.  "  So  far,"  says  Herbert,  "  as  one  may  be  allowed  to 
guess  at  the  author  by  the  style,  &c.  I  am  inclined  to  believe  this  ad- 
dress was  written  by  John  Knox,  who  for  magnanimity,  courage,  and 
zeal  for  God's  glory,  was  at  least  equal  to  any  of  our  reformers."  This 
surmise  is  in  some  measure  supported  by  the  cut  of  Truth,  &c.  at  the 
end  of  this  tract;  the  same  as  prefixed  to  that  author's  Admonition  or 
warning,  &c.  at  p.  1576,  except  only  the  name  of  Sutleti  being  here 
given  to  the  figure  there  inscribed  Crueltye.  Herbert's  edition  of 
Ames,  pp.  J605,  1606. 

I  have  not  introduced  into  this  catalogue  the  Form  of  Excommuni- 
cation, which  was  wholly,  nor  the  Treatise  of  Fasting,  which  was 
chiefly,  composed  by  Knox,  nor  any  other  of  the  public  papers  in 
which  he  had  a  hand,  but  which  were  published  in  the  name  of  the 
General  Assembly. 

In  an  epistle  to  the  reader,  contained  in  his  answer  to  Tyrie,  Knox 
mentions  that  he  had  beside  him  a  collection  of  letters  which  he  had 
written  to  Mrs.  Bowes,  and  which  the  state  of  his  health  alone  pre- 
vented him  from  publishing.  It  also  appears  from  Field's  dedication 
prefixed  to  Knox's  Exposition  of  the  fourth  of  Matthew,  (see  p.  344,) 
that  a  number  of  our  Reformer's  manuscripts  were  in  circulation  in 
England  as  well  as  Scotland.  I  have  in  my  possession  a  manuscript 
volume,  containing  tracts  and  letters  written  by  him  between  1550 
and  1558.  This  is  unquestionably  the  identical  volume  which  for- 
merly belonged  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Wodrow,  (author  of  the  History  of 
the  Sufferings  of  the  Church  of  Scotland,)  and  described  under  the 
name  of  the  Quarto  volume  of  MSS.  in  Crawfurd's  Life  of  Knox,  pp. 
53,  54,  prefixed  to  the  edition  of  his  Historic  published  in  1732.  It 
consists  of  518  pages,  including  the  contents.  On  the  leaf  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  volume  is  this  title ;  "  The  epistles  of  Mr.  John  Knox, 
worthy  to  be  read  because  of  the  authority  of  the  wryter,  the  solidity 
of  the  matter,  and  the  comfortable  Christian  experience  to  be  found 
therein.  Edr.  22  feb.  1683.  H.  T.  m.  p."  Below,  in  a  hand  consider- 
ably older,  are  these  words :  "  This  booke  belong'd  somtyme  to  Mar- 
garet Stewart,  widow  to  Mr.  Knox,  afterwards  married  to  the  knight 
of  fawdonesyde.  Sister  shee  was  to  James  Earl  of  Arran."  Then 
follow  the  six  tracts  desribed  by  Mr.  Crawford,  in  the  place  above 
referred  to.  At  the  beginning  of  the  Letters,  in  a  hand  older  than  the 
former,  and  the  same  with  that  in  which  the  Letters  themselves  are 


504  NOTES. 

written,  is  this  title :  "  Certane  epistillis  and  letters  of  ye  servand  of 
God,  Johne  Knox,  send  from  dyvers  places  to  his  friendis  and  familia- 
ris  in  Jesus  Chryst."  On  the  margin  of  the  tracts  are  several  short 
notes  by  the  transcriber,  referring  to  his  own  times,  such  as  this, 
"  our  case  at  this  day  in  Scotland,  1603."  This  ascertains  the  date  of 
their  transcription;  and  I  think  it  highly  probable  that  they  were 
copied  by  Mr.  John  Welch,  a  son-in-law  of  the  Reformer,  one  of 
whose  letters  is  inserted  on  some  blank  leaves  in  the  middle  of  the 
volume.  The  letters  have  evidently  been  written  by  the  same  person, 
(although  the  hand  appears  older ;)  and,  on  the  margin  of  a  treatise 
at  the  end  of  them,  "  1603"  occurs.  Margaret  Stewart,  the  Reformer's 
relict,  was  alive  about  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century ;  but  whether 
the  manuscript  in  my  possession  belonged  to  her,  or  be  considered  as 
a  transcript  from  hers,  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  its  antiquity  and 
genuineness.  I  have  found,  upon  examination,  that  all  the  six  tracts 
in  the  beginning  of  the  volume  have  been  published ;  but  as  the  manu- 
script is  more  correct  than  any  of  the  printed  editions  which  I  have 
seen,  I  have  generally  followed  it  in  the  extracts  which  I  have  given 
from  these  tracts.  The  letters  are  forty-three  in  number,  besides  the 
letter  to  the  queen  regent,  the  Discourse  on  the  temptation  of  Christ,  and 
the  Additions  to  the  Apology  of  the  Parisian  Protestants,  which  are  in- 
serted among  them.  Three  of  the  letters  also  have  been  published, 
and  are  noticed  in  Nos.  6  and  15  of  this  Catalogue;  the  remainder,  as 
far  as  I  can  learn,  never  appeared  in  print.  They  consist  chiefly  of 
religious  advices  to  the  friends  with  whom  he  corresponded ;  but  a 
number  of  facts  and  allusions  to  his  external  circumstances  are  inter- 
spersed. Mr.  Wodrow  possessed  another  volume  of  Knox's  MSS.  in 
folio,  which  is  described  by  Crawfurd,  Life,  p.  53,  ut  supra.  It  con- 
tains nothing  additional  to  what  I  have  mentioned  in  this  Note.  In  a 
letter,  addressed  to  Mr.  Robert  Durie,  from  Sedan,  24th  May,  1616, 
Andrew  Melville  says :  "  I  left  with  my  lufing  and  faithful  gossep,  your 
father-in-law,  Mr.  Knox's  letters.  I  wish  them  to  be  furthcuming." 


APPENDIX 


CONSISTING   OP 

LETTERS  WRITTEN  BY  KNOX,  AND  OTHER  PAPERS, 
HITHERTO  UNPUBLISHED. 


No.  1.*  [From  MS.  Letters,  p.  243.] 
The  firste  letter  to  his  mothir  in  law,  mestres  Bowis. 

RYCHT  deirlibelovit  mother  in  oure  Saviour  Jesus  Chryst,  when  I  call 
to  mind  and  revolve  with  myself  the  trubillis  and  afflictionis  of  Godis 
elect  frome  the  begyning  (in  whiche  I  do  not  forget  yow)  thair  is  with- 
in my  hart  tuo  extreme  contraries ;  a  dolour  almaist  unspeakabill,  and 
a  joy  and  comfort  whilk,  be  rrfannis  sences,  can  not  be  comprehendit 
nor  understand.  The  cheif  caussis  of  dolour  be  two ;  the  ane  is  the 
remembrance  of  syn,  whilk  I  daylie  feill  remanyng  in  this  corrupt  na- 
ture, whilk  was  and  is  sa  odious  and  detestabill  in  the  presence  of  oure 
hevinlie  father,  that  by  na  uther  sacrifice  culd  or  myght  the  same  be 
purgeit,  except  by  the  blude  and  deth  of  the  onlie  innocent  sone  of 
God.  When  I  deiplie  do  considder  the  caus  of  Chrystis  deth  to  half 
bene  syn,  and  syn  yit  to  dwell  in  all  flesche,  with  paule  I  am  compellit 
to  sob  and  grone  as  ane  man  under  ane  heavie  burdene,  ye,  and  sum- 
tymes  to  cry,  O  wreachit  and  miserabill  man  that  I  am,  wha  sail  dely- 
ver  me  fra  this  bodie  of  syn !  The  uther  caus  of  my  dolour  is  that  sic 
as  maist  gladlie  wald  remane  togidder,  for  mutual  comfort  ane  of  an- 
other, can  not  be  sufferit  sa  to  do.  Since  the  first  day  that  it  pleasit 
the  providence  of  God  to  bring  yow  and  me  in  familiaritie,  I  have  al- 
wayis  delytit  in  your  company ;  and  when  labours  wald  permit,  ye 
knaw  I  have  not  spairit  houris  to  talk  and  commoun  with  yow,  the 
frute  whairof  I  did  not  than  fullie  understand  nor  perceave.  But  now 
absent,  and  so  absent  that  by  corporal  presence  nather  of  ws  can  re- 
save  comfort  of  uther,  I  call  to  mynd  how  that  oflymes  when,  with  dolo- 
rous hartis,  we  haif  begun  our  talking,  God  hath  send  greit  comfort 
unto  baithe,  whilk  now  for  my  awn  part  I  commounlie  want.  The 
exposicion  of  your  trubillis,  and  acknawledging  of  your  infirmitie, 

*  The  first  five  Nos.  are  religious  letters ;  the  rest  contain  historical  matter. 
505  43  03 


506  APPENDIX. 

war  first  unto  me  a  verie  mirrour  and  glass  whairin  I  beheld  my  self  sa 
rychtlie  payntit  furth,  that  nathing  culd  be  mair  evident  to  my  awn 
eis.  And  than  the  searching  of  the  Scriptures  for  Godis  sueit  promis- 
sis,  and  for  his  mercies  frelie  givin  unto  miserable  offenderis,  (for  his 
nature  delyteth  to  schew  mercie  whair  maist  miserie  ringeth,)  the  col- 
lectioun  and  applying  of  Godis  mercies,  I  say,  wer  unto  me  as  the 
breaking  and  handilling  with  my  awn  handis  of  the  maist  sweit  and 
delectabill  ungumentis,  whairof  I  culd  not  but  receave  sum  comfort  be 
thair  naturall  sweit  odouris.  But  now,  albeit  I  never  lack  the  pre- 
sence and  plane  image  of  my  awn  wreachit  infirmitie ;  yet  seing  syn 
sa  manifestlie  abound  in  al  estatis,  I  am  compellit  to  thounder  out  the 
threattnyngis  of  God  aganis  the  obstinat  rebellaris,  in  doing  whairof 
(albeit  as  God  knaweth  I  am  no  malicious  nor  obstinat  synner)  I  sum- 
tymes  am  woundit,  knawing  myself  criminal!  and  giltie  in  many,  ye 
in  all  (malicious  obstinacie  laid  asyd)  thingis  that  in  utheris  I  repre- 
hend. Judge  not,  mother,  that  I  wrait  theis  thingis  debassing  my  self 
otheris  way  is  than  I  am ;  na ;  I  am  wors  than  my  pen  can  expres.  In 
bodie  ye  think  I  am  no  adulterer :  lat  sa  be ;  but  the  hart  is  infectit 
with  foull  lustis,  and  will  lust  albeit  I  lament  never  sa  mekill.  Exter- 
nallie  I  commit  na  idolatrie ;  but  my  wicked  hart  luffeth  the  self,  and 
cannot  be  refranit  fra  vane  imagination  is,  ye,  not  fra  sic  as  were 
the  fountane  of  all  idolatrie.  I  am  na  mankiller  with  my  handis ;  but 
I  help  not  my  nedie  brother  sa  liberallie  as  I  may  and  aucht.  I  steill 
not  hors,  money,  nor  claithis  fra  my  nychbour ;  but  that  small  por- 
tioun  of  warldlie  substance  I  bestow  not  sa  rychtlie  as  his  halie  law 
requyreth.  I  bear  na  fals  witnes  agains  my  nychbour  in  judgement 
or  utherwayis  befor  men;  but  I  speik  not  the  treuth  of  God  sa  boldlie 
as  it  becumeth  his  true  messinger  to  do.  And  thus  in  conclusioun 
thair  is  na  vyce  repugnyng  to  Godis  halie  will,  expressit  in  his  law, 
whairwith  my  hart  is  not  infectit. 

This  mekill  writtin  and  dytit  befoir  the  resait  of  your  letteris,  whilk 
I  ressavit  the  21st  of  June.  They  war  unto  my  hart  sum  comfort  for 
dyvers  caussis  not  necessarto  be  rehersit,  but  maist  (as  knaweth  God) 
for  that  I  find  ane  congruence  betwixt  ws  in  spreit,  being  sa  fer  dis- 
tant in  bodie.  ffor  when  that  digestlie  I  did  avys  with  your  letter,  I 
did  considder  that  I  myself  was  complenyng  evin  the  self  sam  thingis 
at  that  verie  instant  moment  that  I  resavitf  your  letter.  Be  my  pen 
ffrom  a  sorrowful  hart  I  culd  not  but  brust  forth  and  say,  "  O  Lord, 
how  wonderfull  ar  thi  workis !  how  dois  thou  try  and  prufe  thi  chosen 
children  as  gold  by  the  fyre !  how  canest  thou  in  maner  hyd  thi  face 
fra  thy  awn  spous,  that  thi  presence  efter  may  be  mair  delectabill ! 
how  canest  thou  bring  thi  sainctis  lowe,  that  thou  may  carie  thame  to 
glorie  everlasting !  how  canest  thou  suffer  thi  strang  faithful  messin- 
geris  in  many  thingis  yit  to  wressill  with  wreachit  infirmitie  and  fe- 
bill  weakness,  ye  and  sumtymes  permittis  thou  thame  horribillie  to 
fall,  partlie  that  na  flesche  sail  have  whairof  it  may  glorie  befoir  the, 
and  partlie  that  utheris  of  smaller  estait  and  meaner  giftis  in  thi  kyrk 
myght  resave  sum  consolatioun,  albeit  thay  find  in  thame  selves 
wickit  motions  whilk  they  are  not  abill  to  expell !"  My  purpois  was, 
befoir  I  ressavit  your  letter,  to  have  exhortit  you  to  pacience  and  to 
fast  adhering  to  Godis  promisis,  albeit  that  your  flesche,  the  divill, 
and  uther  your  enemyis,  wald  persuad  you  to  the  contrare ;  for,  by 
the  artis  and  subteliteis  that  the  adversarie  useth  aganis  me,  I  not 
only  do  conjecture,  but  also  planelie  dois  sie  yeour  assaltis  and  trubill. 
And  sa  lykwys,  in  the  bowellis  of  Chrystis  mercie,  maist  ernistlie  I 
beseik  you,  by  that  infirmitie  that  ye  knaw  remaineth  in  me,  (wars  I 
am  than  I  can  wryt,)  pacientlie  to  beir,  albeit  that  ye  haif  not  sic  per- 
fection as  ye  wald,  and  albeit  also  your  motionis  be  sic  as  be  maist 


APPENDIX.  507 

vyle  and  abominabill,  yet  not  to  sorrow  abuf  measure.  Gif  I  to  whom 
God  hes  gevin  greatter  giftis  (I  wryt  to  his  prais)  be  yit  sa  wrappit 
into  miserie,  that  what  I  wald  I  can  not  do,  and  what  I  wald  not,  that 
with  sainct  paule,  I  say,  I  daylie  ye  everie  hour  and  moment  I  devys 
to  do,  and  in  my  hart,  ficht  I  never  sa  fast  in  the  contrarie,  I  perform 
and  do, — gif  sic  wreachit  wickitnes  remane  in  Godis  chief  ministeris, 
what  wonder  albeit  the  same  remane  in  yow  1  Gif  Godis  strangest 
men  of  war  be  beattin  bak  in  their  face,  that  what  thay  wald  they  can 
not  destroy  nor  kill,  is  it  any  sic  offence  to  yow  to  be  tossit  as  ye 
compleane,  that  thairfoir  ye  suld  distrust  Goddis  frie  promissis  1  God 
forbid,  deir  mother!  the  power  of  God  is  knawin  be  oure  weaknes, 
and  theis  dolouris  and  infirmiteis  be  maist  profitabill  to  ws ;  for  by 
the  same  is  our  pryde  beattin  doun,  whilk  is  not  easie  uther- 
wayis  to  be  done.  By  thame  ar  oure  misereis  knawn,  sa  that  we, 
acknawledging  oure  selves  misterfull,  seikis  the  phesitioun.  By  thame 
cum  we,  be  the  operatioun  of  the  halie  spreit,  to  the  hatred  of  syn, 
and  be  thame  cum  we  to  the  hunger  and  thrist  of  justice,  and  to  de- 
syre  to  be  desolued,  and  sa  to  rign  with  oure  Chryst  Jesus,  whilk 
without  this  battell  and  sorrow  this  flesche  culd  never  do.  And  sa 
fra  the  doloris  I  proceed  to  the  comfort. 

As  the  caussis  of  dolour  be  tuo,  whilk  ar  present  syn,  and  the  lack 
of  sic  company  as  in  whome  we  maist  culd  delyt,  sa  is  the  caussis  of 
my  comfort  not  ymaginit  of  my  brane,  but  pronuncit  first  be  God, 
and  efter  graftit  in  the  hartis  of  Godis  children  by  his  halie  spreit. 
Thay  ar  lykwys  tuo ;  whilk  is  a  justice  inviolable  offerit  be  our  flesche 
befoir  the  trone  of  our  heavinlie  father,  and  ane  assureit  hoip  of  that 
generall  assemblie  and  gathering  togither  of  Godis  dispersit  flok,  in 
tti at  day  when  all  teairs  salbe  wipit  fra  oure  eis,  when  deth  salbe  vin- 
cuisit,  and  may  na  mair  dissever  sic  as  feiring  God  this  day  in  the 
flesche  murnis  under  the  burdene  of  syn.  Off  oure  present  justice, 
notwithstanding  syn  remane  in  our  mortall  bodeis,  ar  we  assureit  by 
the  faithfull  witnes  of  Jesus  Chryst,  Johne  the  apostill,  saying,  "gif  we 
confes  oure  synnis,  faithfull  and  just  is  God  to  remit  and  forgive  our 
synnis."  Mark  the  wordis  of  the  apostill,  gif  we  confes  oure  synnis 
God  man  forgive  thame,  becaus  hie  is  faithfull  and  just.  To  confes- 
sioun  of  synnis  ar  theis  thingis  requisit ;  ffirst  we  man  acknawledge 
the  syn,  and  it  is  to  be  notit  that  sumtymes  Godis  verie  elect,  albeit 
they  have  synnit  maist  haynouslie,  does  not  acknawledge  syn  and 
thairfoir  can  not  at  all  tymes  confes  the  same;  for  syn  is  not  knawin 
unto  sictyme  as  the  vale  be  takin  fra  the  conscience  of  the  offender, 
that  he  may  sie  and  behald  the  filthines  of  syn,  what  punishment  be 
Godis  just  jugenentis  is  dew  for  the  sam,  and  then  (whilk  is  the  2  thing 
requisit  to  confessioun)  begynnis  the  haitred  of  syn  and  of  oure  selves 
for  contempnying  of  God  and  of  his  halie  law ;  whairof  last  springis 
that  whilk  we  call  hoip  of  mercie,  whilk  is  nathing  els  but  a  sob  fra  a 
trubillit  hart,  confoundit  and  aschamit  for  syn,  thristing  remissioun 
and  Gods  frie  mercie,  whairupon  of  necessity  man  follow  this  conclu- 
sioun,  God  hes  remittit  and  frelie  forgevin  the  syn ;  and  why  1  for 
"hie  is  faithfull  and  just"  sayeth  the  apostill.  Comfortabill  and  mer- 
velous  caussis !  first,  God  is  faithfull,  ergo,  hie  man  forgive  syn.  A 
comfortable  consequent  upon  a  maist  sure  ground  !  for  Godis  fidelitie 
can  na  mair  faill  nor  can  him  self.  Then  lat  this  argument  be  gathe- 
rit  for  oure  comfort;  the  office  of  the  faithfull  is  to  keip  promeis;  but 
God  is  faithfull,  ergo,  he  man  keip  promeis.  That  God  hes  promissit 
remissoun  of  synis  to  sic  as  be  repentant,  I  neid  not  now  to  recit  the 
places.  But  let  this  collectioun  of  the  promissis  be  maid,  God  promis- 
sis remissioun  of  synis  to  all  that  confessis  the  same  ;  but  I  confes  my 
synnis,  for  I  sie  the  filthines  thairof,  and  how  justlie  God  may  con- 


508  APPENDIX. 


demp  me  for  my  iniquities.  I  sob  and  I  lament  for  that  I  can  not  be 
quy  t  and  red  of  syn,  I  desyre  to  leif  a  mair  perfyt  lyfe.  Thir  ar  infal- 
lible  signis,  seillis,  and  tokinis,  that  God  hes  remittit  the  syn  ;  for  God 
is  faithfull  that  sa  hes  promissit,  and  can  na  mair  deceave  nor  hie  can 
ceis  to  be  God.  But  what  reasone  is  this,  God  is  just,  thairfoir  hie 
man  forgive  syn?  A  wonderous  caus  and  reasone  in  deid!  ifor  the 
flesche  and  naturall  man  can  understand  nathing  but  the  contrar,  for 
thus  man  it  reasone  :  the  justice  of  God  is  offendit  be  my  synnis,  sa 
God  man  neidis  have  a  satisfactioun,  and  requyre  ane  punissment. 
Gif  we  understand  of  whome  God  requyris  satisfactioun,  whether  of 
ws,  or  of  the  handis  of  his  onlie  sone,  and  whais  punisment  is  abill  to 
recompens  oure  synnis,  than  sail  we  naif  greit  cause  to  rejoise,  remem- 
bering that  God  is  a  just  God  ;  for  the  office  of  the  just  man  is  to  stand 
content  when  hie  hes  ressavit  his  dewtie.  But  God  hes  ressavit  al- 
redie  at  the  handis  of  his  onlie  sone  all  that  is  dew  for  our  synnis,  and 
sa  can  not  his  justice  requyre  nor  craif  any  mair  of  ws  ather  satisfac- 
tioun or  recompensatioun  for  our  synnis.  Advert,  mother,  the  sure 
pilleris  and  fundation  of  oure  salvation  to  beGodis  faithfulnes  and  jus- 
tice. Hie  that  is  faithful  has  promissit  frie  remissioun  to  all  penitent 
synneris,  and  hie  that  is  just,  hes  ressavit  alredie  a  full  satisfaction  for 
the  synis  of  all  thais  that  imbrace  Chryst  Jesus  to  be  the  only  saviour 
of  the  world.  What  restis  than  to  us  to  be  done  1  nathing  but  to  ac- 
knawledge  oure  miserie  and  wrechednes,  whilk  na  flesche  can  do  sa 
unfenidlie  as  they  that  daylie  feillis  the  wecht  of  syn.  And  uther, 
mother,  caus  naif  we  nane  of  desperatioun,  albeit  the  divill  rage  never 
sa  cruellie,  and  albeit  the  flesche  be  never  sa  fraill,  daylie  and  hourlie 
lusting  aganis  Godis  halie  commandementis,  ye,  stryving  aganis  the 
same.  This  is  not  the  tyme  of  justice  befoir  oure  awin  eis  ;  we  luke 
for  that  whilk  is  promissit,  the  kingdome  everlasting,  preparit  to  ws 
fra  the  begynning,  whairof  we  ar  maid  airis  be  Godis  apoyntment, 
reabillit  [i.  e.  legitimated  or  restored]  thairto  be  Chrystis  death,  to 
whom  we.  sail  be  gatherit,  when  efter  we  sail  never  depart,  whilk  to 
remember  is  my  singular  comfort,  but  thairof  now  I  can  not  wryte, 
My  commendationis  to  all  whom  effeiris.  I  commit  you  to  the  pro- 
tectioun  of  the  omnipotent. 

At  Londoun  the  23d  of  June,  1553,  your  sone  unfeaned, 

Johne  Knox. 


No.  II.    [MS.  Letters,  p.  333.] 
To  mariorie  bowis  wha  was  his  first  wyfe. 

Deirlibelovit  sister  in  the  commoun  faith  of  Jesus  our  saviour,  the 
place  of  Johne  forbidding  ws  to  salut  sic  as  bringeth  not  the  hailsome 
doctrine,  admonisseth  ws  what  danger  cumeth  be  fals  teacheris,  evin 
the  destructioun  of  bodie  and  saule ;  whairfoir  the  spreit  of  God  will- 
eth  ws  to  be  sa  cairfull  to  avoyd  the  company  of  all  that  teachis  doc- 
trine contrarie  to  the  treuth  of  Chryst,  that  we  communicat  with 
thame  in  nathing  that  may  appeir  to  manteane  or  defend  thame  in 
thair  corrupt  opinioun,  for  hie  that  bidis  thame  godspeid,  communica- 
tis  with  thair  syn,  that  is,  hie  that  apeiris,  be  keiping  thame  company, 
or  assisting  unto  thame  in  thair  proceidingis,  to  favour  thair  doctrine, 
is  giltie  befoir  God  of  thair  iniquitie,  baith  becaus  hie  doith  confirme 
thame  in  thair  error  be  his  silence,  and  also  confirmes  utheris  to  credit 
thair  doctrine,  becaus  hie  opponis  not  himself  thairto :  and  sa  to  bid 
thame  godspeid  is  not  to  speik  unto  thame  commounlie  as  we  for 
civill  honestie  to  men  unknawn,  but  it  is  efter  we  have  hard  of  their 


APPENDIX.  509 

fals  doctrine  to  be  conversant  with  thame,  and  sa  intreat  thame  as 
they  had  not  offendit  in  thair  doctrine.  The  place  of  Jamis  teachis 
ws,  belovit  sister,  that  in  Jesus  Chryst  all  that  unfeandlie  profes  him 
are  equall  befoir  him,  and  that  ryches  nor  warldlie  honouris  ar  na- 
thing  regairdit  in  his  syght;  and  thai rfoir  wald  the  spreit  of  God, 
speiking  in  the  apostill,  that  sic  as  ar  trew  christianis  suld  have  mair 
respect  to  the  spirituall  giftis  whairwith  God  had  doteth  his  messinge- 
ris,  nor  to  externall  ryches,  whilk  oftymes  the  wicket  possessis,  the 
having  whairof  makis  man  nether  nobill  nor  godlie,  albeit  sa  judge 
the  blind  affectionis  of  men.  The  apostill  dampneth  sic  as  preferis  a 
man  with  a  golden  chayne  to  the  pure ;  but  heirof  will  I  speik  no  more. 
The  spreit  of  God  sail  instruct  your  hart  what  is  maist  comfortable  to 
the  trubillit  conscience  of  your  mother,  and  pray  earnestlie  that  sa 
may  be.  Whair  the  adversarie  objectis,  sche  aucht  not  think  wicket 
thoughts,  answer  thairto,  that  is  trew,  but  seing  this  oure  nature  is 
corruptit  with  syn  whilk  entirrit  be  his  suggestioun,  it  must  think  and 
wirk  wickitlie  be  his  assaltis,  but  hie  sal  beir  the  condigne  punisment 
thairof,  because  be  him  syn  first  entirit,  and  also  be  him  it  doith  con- 
tinew  whillis  this  karkais  be  resolved.  And  whair  hie  inquyris  what 
Chryst  is,  answer  hie  is  the  seid  of  the  woman  promissit  be  God  to 
break  down  the  serpentis  heid,  whilk  hie  hath  done  alreadie  in  him- 
self appeiring  in  this  oure  flesche,  subject  to  all  passionis  that  may  fall 
in  this  oure  nature,  onlie  syn  exceptit ;  and  efter  the  death  sufferit, 
hie  heth,  be  power  of  his  godheid,  rissin  agane  triumphant  victour 
over  deth,  hell  and  syn,  not  to  him  self,  for  thairto  was  hie  na  dettour, 
but  for  sic  as  thristis  salvatioun  be  him  onlie,  whom  he  may  na  mair 
los,  nor  he  may  ceas  to  be  the  sone  of  God  and  the  saviour  of  the 
warld.  And  whair  hie  wald  perswade  that  sche  is  contrarie  the  word 
thairinto,  hie  leis  according  to  his  nature,  whairin  thair  is  na  treuth; 
for  gif  sche  wer  contrarie  the  word,  or  denyit  it,  to  what  effect  sa 
ernistlie  suld  sche  desyre  the  company  of  sic  as  teacheth  and  profes- 
seth  it  1  Thair  is  na  dout  but  hie,  as  he  is  the  accusatour  of  all 
God  is  elect,  studieth  to  trubill  her  conscience,  that  according  to  hir 
desyre,  sche  may  not  rest  in  Jesus  oure  Lord.  Be  vigilant  in  prayer 
I  think  this  be  the  first  letter  that  ever  I  wrait  to  you. 
In  great  haist  your  brother, 

Johne  Knox. 


No.  III.    [MS.  Letters,  p.  283.] 
To  his  Mother-in-law,  and  his  Wife. 

ffrome  the  eis  of  his  sanctis  sal  the  Lord  wype  away  all  teiris  ana 

murnyng. 

Deir  mother  and  spous  unfeanidlie  belovit  in  the  bowells  of  oure  Sa- 
viour Chryst  Jesus,  with  my  verie  hartlie  commendationis.  I  perusit 
baith  your  letteris,  not  only  directit  to  me,  but.  also  it  that  sorrowfullie 
compleanis  upon  the  unthankfulnes  of  your  brother  as  also  of  myne, 
that  ye  suld  not  have  been  equallie  maid  privie  to  my  coming  in  the 
countrie  with  utheris,  whairof  the  enemy  wald  persuad  yow  (ane 
argument  maist  fals  and  untrew)  that  we  judge  you  not  to  be  of  our 
noumber.  Deir  mother,  be  not  sa  suddanlie  moveit,  hie  is  your  enemy 
that  sa  wald  persuad  you.  God  I  tak  to  recorde  in  my  conscience 
that  nane  is  this  day  within  the  realme  of  Ingland,  with  whome  I  wald 
mair  gladlie  speik  (onlie  sche  whome  God  hath  offirit  unto  me,  and 
commandit  me  to  lufe  as  my  awn  flesche,  exceptit)  than  with  you. 
43* 


510  APPENDIX. 

For  your  causis  principallie  enterprysit  I  this  jurney ;  for  hering  my 
servand  to  be  stayit,  and  his  letteris  to  be  takin,  1  culd  na  wys  be 
pacifeit  (for  the  maist  part  of  my  letteris  was  for  your  instruction  and 
comfort)  till  farther  knawledge  of  your  estait,  and  that  ye  wer  na 
soner  advertisit,  only  want  of  a  faitnfull  messinger  was  the  cans ;  for 
my  coming  to  the  countrey  was  sa  sone  noysit  abrod,  that  with  greit 
difficultie  culd  I  be  convoyit  fra  a  place  to  another.    I  knew  ria  sic 
danger  as  was  suspectit  be  my  brethrene ;  ffor  as  for  my  letteris  in 
them  is  nathing  conteanid,  except  exhortation  to  constancie  in  that 
treuth  whilk  God  hes  opinlie  laid  befoir  our  eis,  whilk  I  am  not  myndit 
to  deny  whenever  sic  questions  sal  be  demandit  of  me.   But  the  cause 
moveing  me  that  ffor  a  tyme  I  wald  have  bene  clos,  was,  that  I  pur- 
posit  (gif  sa  had  bene  possible)  to  have  spokin  with  my  wyfe,  whilk 
now  I  persave  is  nathing  apeirand,  whill  God  offer  sum  better  occa- 
sioun.    My  brethren,  partlie  be  admonitioun,  and  partlie  by  teiris, 
compellis  me  to  obey  sumwhat  contrair  to  my  awn  mynd ;  for  never 
can  I  die  in  a  mair  honest  quarrell  nor  to  suffer  as  a  witnes  of  that 
treuth  whairof  God  hes  maid  me  a  messinger,  whilk  with  hart  I  be- 
lieve maist  assuredlie,  (the  halie  Gaist  beiring  witnes  to  my  consci- 
ence,) and  with  mouth  I  trust  to  God  to  confes,  in  presence  of  the 
warld,  the  onlie  doctrine  of  lyfe.    Notwithstanding  this  my  mynd,  gif 
God  sail  prepair  the  way,  I  will  obey  the  voces  of  my  hrethrene,  and 
will  gif  place  to  the  furie  and  rage  of  Sathan  for  a  tyme.    And  sa  can 
I  not  espy  how  that  ether  of  yow  baith  I  can  speik  at  this  tyme.    But, 
gif  God  pleis  preserve  me  at  this  tyme,  whairof  I  am  not  yit  resolved, 
then  sal  thair  lak  in  me  na  gud  will,  that  ye  may  knaw  the  place  of 
my  residence,  and  farthir  of  my  mynd.    But  now,  deir  mother,  haif 
we  cause  to  rejois,  for  our  heavinlie  Father,  wha  callit  us  be  grace  to 
wryt  in  our  hartis  the  signis  and  seallis  of  our  election  in  Chryst  Jesus 
his  sone,  begynnis  now  to  correct  our  crukedness,  and  to  mak  us  lyke 
in  suffering  afflictionis,  schame  and  rebuke  of  the  warld,  to  the  greit 
bischope  of  our  saullis,  wha  by  mekill  tribulation  did  enter  in  his 
glorie,  as  of  necessitie  man  everie  ane  to  whome  that  kingdome  is 
apoyntit.    And  thairfor,  mother,  be  nathing  abasched  of  theis  maist 
dolorous  dayis,  whilk  schortlie  sal  have  end  to  oure  everlasting  com- 
fort.   Thay  ar  not  cropin  upon  ws  without  knawledge  and  foirsight ; 
how  oft  have  ye  heard  theis  dayis  foirspokin?  thairfoir  now  grudge 
not,  but  pacientlie  abyd  the  Lords  delyverance.     Hie  that  foirspak 
the  trubill,  premisses  everlasting  pleasure  by  the  same  word ;  albeit 
the  flesche  complene,  dispair  nathing,  for  it  must  follow  the  awn 
nature,  and  it  is  not  dampnabill  in  the  syght  of  oure  Father ;  albeit 
the  corrupt  fraill  flesche  draw  bak  and  refuse  the  croce,  ffor  that  is  as 
naturall  to  the  flesche,  as  in  hunger  and  thirst  to  covet  reasonable 
sustenance.    Onlie  follow  not  the  affectionis  of  the  flesche  to  comit 
iniquytie ;  neither  for  feir  of  deth,  nor  for  love  of  lyf,  comit  ye  idola- 
trie ;  neither  yit  gif  your  presence  whair  the  same  is  committit,  but 
hait  it,  avoid  it,  and  flee  frome  it.    But  your  leter  makis  mention  that 
ye  haif  pleasure  and  delyt  in  it:  na,  mother,  I  espy  the  contrarie,  for 
ye  compleane  and  lament  that  sic  motionis  ar  within  you ;  this  is  na 
sign  that  ye  delyt  in  thame,  for  na  man  compleanis  of  that  whairin 
hie  delytis.     Ye  ar  in  na  wors  cas,  tuiching  that  poynt,  nor  yet  tuich- 
ing  any  uther  whairof  ye  desyre  to  be  red,  than  was  the  apostil,  when 
with  gronyng  and  angusche  of  hart  he  did  cry,  "  O  unhappie  man 
that  I  am,  wha  sal  defyver  me  fra  this  bodie  of  syn:"  reid  the  haill 
chapter,  and  gif  glorie  to  God  that  lattis  you  knaw  your  awn  infirmi- 
tie,  that  from  Chryst  allone  ye  may  be  content  to  resave  that  whilk 
never  remanit  in  corruptibill  flesche,  that  is,  the  justice  whilk  is  ac- 
ceptabill  befoir  God,  the  justice  by  faith  and  not  by  worlds,  that  ye 


APPENDIX.  511 

may  glorie  in  him  wha  frelie  gives  that  whilk  we  deserve  not.  And 
thus  neither  feir  that,  nor  uther  assaltis  of  the  divill,  sa  lang  as  in 
bodie  ye  obey  not  his  persuasionis.  Schortnes  of  tyme,  and  multi- 
tude of  cairis,  will  not  lat  me  wryt  at  this  present  sa  plentifullie  as  I 
wald.  Ye  will  me  to  charge  you  in  suche  thingis  as  I  mister,  God 
grant  that  ye  may  be  abill  to  relief  the  nedie.  Ye  may  be  sure  that  I 
wald  be  bold  upon  you,  for  of  your  gude  hart  I  am  persuadit,  but  of 
your  power  and  abilitie  I  greitlie  dout.  I  will  not  mak  you  privie 
how  ryche  I  am,  but  off  Loundoun  I  departit  with  les  money  than  ten 
grottis,  but  God  hes  sence  provydit,  and  will  provyd  I  dout  not,  heir- 
efter  abundantlie  for  this  lyfe.  Ather  the  quenis  majestic,  or  sum 
thesaurer  will  be  xl  pounds  rycher  by  me  for  samekill  lack  I  of  dewtie 
of  my  patentis.  But  that  litill  trubillis  me.  Rest  in  Chryst  Jesus : 
your  sone, 

1553.  Johne  Knox. 


No.  IV.    [MS.  Letters,  p.  303.] 

To  his  mother-in-law,  Mrs.  Bowis. 

Blissit  be  thais  that  mourne  for  ryghteousnes  sake,  &c. 

Belovit  mother  with  my  hartlie  commendatioun  in  the  Lord.  Let 
not  your  present  dulnes  discorage  yow  above  measure :  the  wisdome 
of  our  God  knawis  what  is  maist  expedient  for  our  fraill  nature,  gif 
the  bodie  suld  alwayis  be  in  travell,  it  suld  faynt  and  be  unabill  to 
continew  in  labour,  the  spreit  hes  his  travell,  whilk  is  a  sobbing  and 
murnyng  for  syn,  fra  whilk  unles  it  sumtymes  suld  rest,  it  suddanlie 
suld  be  consumit.  It  doith  na  mair  offend  Godis  majestic  that  the 
spreit  sumtyme  lye  as  it  were  asleip,  nether  hauing  sence  of  greit 
dolour  nor  greit  comfort,  mair  than  it  doith  offend  him  that  the  bodie 
use  the  naturall  rest,  ceassing  fra  all  externall  exercis.  Ye  sail  con- 
sider, mother,  that  the  eis  of  God  dois  pers  mair  deiplie  than  we  be 
war  of;  we,  according  to  the  blind  ignorance  whilk  lurketh  within 
ws,  do  judge  but  as  we  do  feil  for  the  present,  but  hie,  according  to 
his  eternall  wisdome,  dois  judge  thingis  lang  before  they  cum  to  pas. 
We  judge  that  caldnes  and  angusche  of  spreit  ar  hurtfull,  becaus  we 
sie  not  the  end  whairfoir  God  dois  suffer  ws  to  be  trubillit  with  sic 
temptationis ;  but  his  maiestie,  wha  onlie  knawis  the  mass  whairof  man 
is  maid,  and  causeth  all  thingis  to  work  to  the  profit  of  his  elect,  knawis 
also  how  necessarie  sic  trubillis  ar  to  dantoun  the  pryd  of  oure  corrupt 
nature.  Thair  is  a  spirituall  pryd  whilk  is  not  haistelie  suppressit  in 
Godis  verie  elect  children,  as  witnesses  sanct.  paule.  God  hath  wroth 
greit  thingis  be  yow  in  the  syght  of  uthir  men,  with  whilk  (unless  the  mell 
of  inward  angusche  did  beat  them  doun)  ye  myght  be  steirit  up  to  sum 
vane  glorie,  whilk  is  a  vennoume  mair  subtil  than  ony  man  do  espy.  I 
can  wryt  to  you  be  my  awn  experience.  I  have  sumtymes  bene  in  that 
securitie  that  I  felt  not  dolour  for  syn,  nether  yit  displeasure  aganis  my- 
self for  any  iniquitie  in  whilk  I  did  offend;  but  rather  my  vane  hart  did 
this  flatter  myself,  (I  wryt  the  treuth  to  my  awn  confusioun,  and  to  the 
glorie  of  my  heavenlie  father  through  Jesus  Christ,) fc  Thou  hes  suffer- 
it  great  troubill  for  professing  of  Chrystis  treuth,  God  hes  done  great 
thingis  for  the,  delivering  the  fra  that  maist  cruell  bondage,  [galleis  : 
on  the  margin,]  hie  has  placeit  the  in  a  maist  honourabill  vocatioun, 
and  thy  labours  ar  not  without  frute;  thairfoir  thou  aucht  rejos  and 
gif  prais  unto  God.'  O  mother  this  was  a  suptill  serpent  wha  this  culd 
pour  in  vennoume,  I  not  perceaving  it ;  but  blissit  be  my  God  wha 


512  .      APPENDIX. 

permittit  me  not  to  sleip  lang  in  that  estait.  I  drank  schortlie  efter 
this  flatterie  of  myself  a  cupe  of  contra  poysone,  the  bitternes  whairof 
doith  yit  sa  remane  in  my  breist,  that  whatever  I  have  sufferit,  or  pre- 
sentlie  dois  I  reput  as  doung,  yea,  and  my  self  worthie  of  dampnation 
for  my  ingratitude  towardis  my  God.  The  lyke,  mother,  myt.  have 
cumin  to  yow,  gif  the  secreit  brydall  of  afflictioun  did  not  refrane  vane 
cogitationis ;  but  of  this  I  have  written  to  yow  mair  planelie  in  my 
other  letteris.  And  this  I  commit  you  to  the  protectioun  of  the  omni- 
potent for  ever.  Yours  at  his  power, 

Johne  Knox 


No.  V.    [MS.  Letters,  pp.  335-6.] 
To  his  Sister. 

The  spreit  of  God  the  father,  be  Jesus  Chryst,  comfort  and  assist  yow 
to  the  end.    Amen. 

Touching  the  sonis  of  Jacob,  who  cruellie,  contrar  to  thair  so- 
lempned  promeis  and  othe,  did  murther  and  slay  the  citisens  of  Sic- 
hem ;  whasa  ryghtlie  marketh  the  scriptures  of  God  sail  easelie  espy 
thame  maist  grevouslie  to  have  offend  it.  ffer  albeit  the  transgression 
of  the  young  man  was  haynous  befoir  God,  yit  wer  thay  na  civill 
maiestratis,  and  thairfoir  had  na  autoritie  to  punis.  And  farther,  thay 
committit  treasone,  and  in  sa  fer  as  in  thame  was  blasphemit  God  and 
his  halie  name,  making  it  odious  to  the  nationis  about,  seing  thay 
under  pretence  of  religioun,  and  of  ressaving  them  in  leage  with  God 
and  with  the  pepill,  did  disceatfullie  as  also  cruellie  destroy  the  haill 
citie  suspecting  na  danger.  Albeit  sum  laboureth  to  excus  thair  syn 
be  the  zeall  thay  had  that  thay  myght  not  suffer  thair  sister  to  be  abu- 
sit  lyke  ane  harlot,  yit  the  spreit  of  God  speiking  in  thair  awn  father, 
efter  lang  advysement,  in  the  extreamitie  of  his  deth,  utterlie  dampneth 
thair  wickit  act,  saying,  "  Semioun  and  Levi,  brethren,  &c.  lat  not  my 
saule  entir  in  thair  consall,  nor  yit  my  glorie  into  thair  company,  for 
in  thair  furie  thay  killit  a  man,  and  for  thair  lust  destroyit  the  citie, 
cursit  is  thair  heit  or  rage,  for  it  is  vehement,  and  thair  indignatioun, 
for  it  is  intractable,  I  sail  dispers  thame  in  Jacob,  and  scatter  thame 
abrod  in  Israeli."  Heir  may  ye  espy,  sister,  that  God  dampneth  thair 
het  displeasure  and  cruell  act,  as  maist  wickit  and  worthie  of  punis- 
ment.  But  perchance  it  may  be  inquyrit,  why  did  God  suffer  the  men 
that  had  professit  his  name  be  reseaving  the  sign  of  circumsitioun  sa 
unmercifullie  to  be  entreatit  1  1  myght  answer,  God  sufferis  his  awn 
in  all  ageis  be  the  ungodlie  to  be  cruellie  tormentit.  But  sic  was  not 
the  case  of  thir  men,  whom  na  doubt  the  justice  of  God  faund  crymi- 
nall  and  worthie  the  deth.  ffor  thay  did  abus  his  sacramentall  signe, 
receaving  it  nether  at  God's  commandement,  nor  having  any  respect 
to  his  honour,  nor  to  the  advancement  of  his  name,  nor  yit  trusting  in 
his  promissis,  nor  desyreing  the  incres  or  multiplicatioun  of  Goddis 
pepill,  but  onlie  for  a  warldlie  purpois,  thinking  thairby  to  have  attay- 
nit  riches  and  ease,  be  joynyng  thameselves  to  Godis  pepill.  And  sa 
the  justice  of  God  faund  thame  worthie  of  punisment,  and  sa  permittit 
thame  justlie  on  his  part  to  be  afflictit  and  destroyit  be  the  ungodlie, 
whilk  is  a  terribill  exempill  to  sic  as  in  caus  of  religioun  mair  seikis 
the  profit,  of  the  warld  nor  eternall  salvatioun.  But  hereof  na  mair. 
Thus  brieflie  and  rudlie  have  I  writtin  unto  yow,  becaus  I  remember 
myself  anis  to  have  maid  yow  a  promeis  sa  to  do,  and  everie  word  of 
the  mouth  of  the  faithfull  (yf  sa  impeid  not  God)  aught  to  be  keipit. 


APPENDIX.  513 

And  now  rest  in  Chryst.    After  this  I  think  ye  sail  rasave  na  mair  of 
my  handis.    In  haist  with  sair  trubillit  hart. 

Yours  as  ever  in  godlines, 
[Anno  1 553.]  Johne  Knox. 


No.  VI.    LETTER  OF  JOHN  KNOX  TO  JOHN  Fox. 

(See  p.  143.) 
(British  Museum.    Harl.  MSS.  416,  34.  $  70.) 

An  Original. 

Indorsed  "  To  his  louinge  brother  master  fox  be  these  delyuered  at 

Basill." 

The  mightie  comforth  of  the  holie  ghost  for  salutation. 

Dearlie  beloued  brother,  albeit  at  the  dePture  of  this  our  brother 
from  whom  I  receaved  yor.  loving  and  frendlie  Ire.  my  selue  could 
writ  nothing  be  reasoneof  the  euill  disposition  of  my  bodie,  yit  becaus 
I  could  not  suffer  him  to  depert  without  som  remembrance  of  my  deu- 
tie  to  you,  I  vsed  the  help  of  my  left  hand,  that  is  of  my  wief,  in  scribb- 
ling these  fewe  lynes  vnto  you,  as  touching  my  purpose  and  mynd  in 
the  publishing  the  first  blast  of  the  trompet. 

When  the  secreates  of  all  hartes  shalbe  disclosed,  that  shalbe  knowe 
wch.  now  by  manye  can  not  be  perswaded,  to  wit,  that  therin  I  nether 
haue  sought  my  selue,  nether  yit  the  vain  prase  of  men.  my  rude 
vehemencie  and  inconsidered  affirmations  wch.  may  appear  rather  to 
procead  from  coler  then  of  zeal  and  reason,  I  do  not  excuse,  but  to 
haue  vsed  anye  other  tytle  more  plausible,  therby  to  haue  allured 
the  world  by  any  art,  as  1  never  purposed  so  do  I  not  yit  purpose,  to 
me  it  is  ynewgh  to  say  that  black  is  not  whit,  and  mans  tyrannye  and 
foolishnes  is  not  goddes  perfite  ordinance,  wch.  thinge  I  do  not  so 
much  to  correct  comon  welthes  as  to  delyuer  my  own  conscience, 
and  to  instruct  the  consciences  of  som  semple  who  yit  I  fear  be  igno- 
rant in  that  matter,  but  ferther  of  this  I  delay  to  better  opportunytie. 
Salut  yor.  wief  and  dowghter  hartlie  in  my  nam.  the  grace  of  our 
lord  Jesus  Christ  rest  wt.  you  now  and  euer.  from  geneva  the  18  of 
May,  1558.  Your  brother  to  power, 

Johne  Knox. 

I  yor.  sister  the  writer  herof  saluteth  you  and  yor.  wief  most  hartlie 
thanking  hir  of  hir  loving  tokens  wch.  my  mother  and  I  receaued  from 
Mrs.  Kent. 


No.  VII.    [Cald.  MS.  Vol.  i.  p.  427.*] 
Extract  of  a  Letter  from  John  Knox  to  Mrs.  Anne  Locke.  (See  p.  171.) 

The  queen  and  her  counsell  made  promis  that  no  person  with- 
in Sanct  Johnston,  neither  yet  of  these  that  assisted  them,  should  be 
troubled  for  any  thing  done  either  in  religion,  either  yet  in  down  cast- 
ing of  places,  till  the  sentence  of  the  estates  in  Parliament  had  decided 

*  The  following  letters  from  Calderwood  have  been  corrected  by  comparing  different 
copies.  The  style  has  evidently  been  modernized. 

P3 


514  APPENDIX. 

the  controversie,  and  that  no  bands  of  French  souldiers  should  be  left 
behind  the  queen  and  counsell  in  the  town,  and  that  no  idolatrie 
should  be  erected,  nor  alteration  made  within  the  town.  But  after 
she  had  obtained  her  desire,  all  godlie  promises  were  forgotten ;  for 
the  Sunday  next  after  her  entering,  mess  was  said  upon  a  dyeing 
table,  (for  ye  shall  understand  all  the  alters  were  prophaned ;)  the 
poor  professors  were  oppressed ;  when  children  were  slain,  she  did 
but  smile,  excusing  the  fact  be  the  chance  of  fortune ;  and  at  her  de- 
parture, she  left  400  souldiers,  Scottismen,  but  paid  by  France,  to  dan- 
toun  the  town.  She  changed  the  provist,  and  exiled  all  godlie  men. 
This  crueltie  and  deceit  displeased  many  that  befoir  assisted  her  with 
their  presence  and  counsell ;  and  among  others,  the  earl  of  Argyle 
and  the  prior  of  Sanct  Andrews  left  [her,]  and  joined  themselves  to 
the  congregation  openly,  whilk  as  it  was  displeasing  to  her  and  to  the 
shavellings,  so  it  was  most  comfortable  and  joyfull  to  us,  for  by  their 
presence  were  the  hearts  of  many  erected  from  desperation.  At  their 
commandment  I  repaired  to  them  at  St.  Andrewis,  wher  consultation 
being  had,  it  was  concluded  that  Christ  Jesus  should  there  be  openlie 
preached,  that  the  places  and  monuments  of  idolatrie  should  be  re- 
moved, and  superstitious  habits  changed.  This  reformation  was  be- 
gun the  14th  of  June.  In  the  meantime  came  the  bishop  of  St.  An- 
drewis to  the  towne,  accompanied  with  a  great  band  of  warriours, 
and  gave  a  strate  commandement,  that  no  preaching  should  be  made 
by  me,  who  was  both  brunt  in  figure  and  horned,  assuring  the  lords 
that  if  they  suffered  me  to  preach  that  twelve  haquebuts  should  lyght 
upon  my  nose  at  once.  O  burning  charitie  of  a  bloodie  bishop !  But 
as  that  boast  did  little  affray  me,  so  did  it  more  incense  and  inflamme 
with  courage  the  harts  of  the  godlie,  who  with  one  voyce  proclaimed 
that  Christ  Jesus  should  be  preached  in  despite  of  Sathan,  and  so  that 
Sabbath  and  three  dayes  after  I  did  occupy  the  publike  place  in  the 
midst  of  the  doctors  who  this  day  are  even  as  dumbe  as  their  idols 
which  wer  brunt  in  their  presence.  The  bishop  departed  to  the 
Q,ueene,  frustrat  of  his  intent,  for  he  had  promised  to  bring  me  to  her 
either  aly ve  or  dead :  and  incontinent  was  a  new  army  assembled, 
and  forward  they  marched  against  St.  Andrews.  It  was  not  thought 
expedient  that  we  should  abide  them  lurking  in  a  town,  and  so  we 
past  to  the  fields  and  met  them  at  Couper,  where  lodging  was  ap- 
pointed for  the  camp,  but  we  prevented  them :  where  we  remained 
upon  their  coming  till  the  nixt  day,  when  both  armies  were  in  sight 
of  other  within  shot  of  cannon,  and  we  looked  for  nothing  but  the  ex- 
tremitie  of  batle :  not  that  we  intended  to  pursue,  but  only  to  stand 
in  camp  where  our  field  was  pitched  for  defence  of  ourselves.  There 
came  from  our  adversaries  ane  ambassador  desiring  speech  and  com- 
muning of  the  lords,  which  gladlie  of  us  being  granted,  after  long  rea- 
soning the  queene  offered  a  free  remission  of  all  crymes  bypast,  sua 
that  they  would  no  furder  proceed  against  friars  and  abbayes,  and 
that  no  more  preaching  should  be  used  publicklie.  But  the  lords  and 
the  brethren  refused  such  appointment,  declaring  that  the  fear  of  no 
mortal  creature  should  cause  them  betray  the  veritie  known  and  pro- 
fessed, neither  yet  to  suffer  idolatrie  to  be  maintained  in  the  bounds 
committed  to  their  charge.  The  adversaries  perceiving  that  neither 
threatening,  flatterie,  nor  deceit,  could  break  the  bold  constancie  and 
godlie  purpose  of  the  lords,  barons,  gentlemen,  and  commons,  who 
were  there  assembled  to  the  number  of  3000  in  on  days  warning,  they 
were  content  to  tak  assurance  for  eight  days,  permitting  unto  us  free- 
dom of  religion  in  the  meantime.  In  the  whilk  the  abbay  of  Lindores, 
a  place  of  black  monkes,  distant  from  St.  Andrewis  twelve  myles,  we 
reformed,  their  altars  overthrew  we,  their  idols,  vestments  of  idola- 


APPENDIX.  515 

trie,  and  mass  books,  we  burnt  in  their  presence,  and  commanded 
them  to  cast  away  their  monkish  habits.  Divers  chanons  of  St.  An- 
drewis  have  given  notable  confessions,  and  have  declared  themselves 
manifest  enemies  to  the  pope,  to  the  mass,  and  to  all  superstition. 
[T'hen  follows  what  is  inserted,  pp.  177,  8.]  We  fear  that  the  tyran- 
nic of  France  shall,  under  the  cloak  of  religion,  seek  a  plain  conquest 
of  us;  but  potent  is  God  to  confound  their  counsell  and  to  break  their 
force.  God  move  the  hearts  of  such  as  profes  Christ  Jesus  with  us,  to 
have  respect  to  our  infancie,  and  open  their  eyes  to  see  that  our  ruin 
shall  be  their  destruction.  Communicat  the  contents  herof  (which  I 
write  to  you,  least  by  divers  rumours  ye  should  be  troubled  and  wee 
slandered)  with  all  faithfull,  but  especiallie  with  the  afflicted  of  that 
little  flock,  now  dispersed  and  destitute  of  these  pleasant  pastures  in 
which  some  tyme  they  fed  abundantlie.  If  any  remain  at  Geneva,  let 
either  this  same  or  the  double  of  it  be  sent  unto  them,  and  likeways 
unto  my  dear  brother  Mr.  Goodman,  whose  presence  I  more  thirst 
for  than  she  that  is  my  own  flesh.  Will  him  therefor  in  the  name  of 
the  Lord  Jesus  (all  delay  and  excus  set  apart)  to  visit  me ;  for  the  ne- 
cessity is  great  here.  If  he  come  be  sea,  let  him  be  addressed  unto 
Dundie,  and  let  him  ask  for  George  Levell,  for  George  Rollok,  or 
Wm.  Carmichael.  If  he  come  to  Leith,  let  him  repair  to  Edinburgh, 
and  enquire  for  James  Baron,  Edward  Hope,  Adam  Fullerton,  or  for 
John  Johnston,  writer,  be  whom  he  will  get  knowledge  of  me.  If  my 
mother  and  my  wife  come  be  you,  will  them  to  make  the  expedition 
that  goodly  they  can  to  visit  me,  or  at  least  to  come  to  the  north 
parts,  where  they  shall  know  my  mind,  which  now  I  can  not  write, 
being  oppressed  with  hourly  cares.  This  bearer  is  a  poor  man  un- 
known in  the  country,  to  whom  I  beseech  you  show  reasonable  fav- 
our and  tenderness,  touching  his  merchandize  and  the  just  selling 
thereof.  Thus,  with  hearty  commendations  to  all  faithfull,  I  heartily 
commit  you  to  the  protection  of  the  Omnipotent.  From  Sanct  An- 
dre wes  the  23d  of  June  1559. 


No.  VIII.    [Cald.  I.  522.]  , 

To  the  same.  (See  p.  196.) 

Lest  that  the  rumours  of  our  troubles  trouble  you  above  measure, 
dear  sister,  I  thought  good  in  these  few  words  to  signifie  unto  you 
that  our  esperance  is  yet  good  in  our  God,  that  he  for  his  great  name's 
sake  will  give  such  success  to  this  enterprise  as  neither  shall  these 
whom  he  hath  appointed  to  sigh  in  this  be  utterlie  confounded,  neither 
yet  that  our  enemies  shall  have  occasion  to  blaspheme  the  veritie,  nor 
yet  triumph  over  us  in  the  end.  We  trusted  too  much,  dear  sister,  in 
our  owne  strenth,  and  especiallie  since  the  erle  of  Arran  and  his 
friends  were  joyned  to  our  number.  Amongst  us  also  were  such  as 
more  sought  the  purse  than  Christ's  glory.  Wee  by  this  overthrow 
are  brought  to  acknowledge,  what  is  a  multitude  without  the  present 
help  of  God  !  and  the  hollow  hearts  of  many  are  now  revealed.  God 
make  us  humble  in  his  eyes,  and  then  I  fear  not  the  furie  of  the  adver- 
saries, who,  be  ye  assured,  doe  sore  rage,  so  as  yet  their  crueltie  must 
neids  crave  vengeance  from  him  whose  members  they  persecute.  Our 
dear  brethren  and  sisters  in  Edinburgh  and  Lothian  who  lay  nearest 
these  bloode  thirsty  tyrants,  are  so  troubled  and  vexed  that  it  is  a  pity 
to  remember  their  estate.  Our  God  comfort  them.  We  stand  univer- 
sally in  great  fear,  and  yet  we  hope  deliverance.  I  wrote  to  you  be- 
fore to  be  suitor  to  some  faithfull,  that  they  would  move  such  as  have 


516  APPENDIX. 

abundance  to  consider  our  estate,  and  to  make  for  us  some  provision 
of  money  to  keep  soldiers  and  our  company  together.  And  herein  yet 
again  I  cannot  cease  to  move  you.  I  can  not  well  write  to  any  other, 
because  the  action  may  seem  to  appertaine  to  my  own  country  onlie. 
But  because  I  trust  ye  suspect  me  not  of  avarice,  I  am  bold  to  say  to 
you  that  if  we  perish  in  this  our  enterprise,  the  limits  of  London  will 
be  straiter  than  they  are  now  within  few  years.  Many  things  I  have 
which  I  would  have  required  for  myself,  namely  Calvin  on  Isaiah,  and 
his  Institutions  revised.  But  common  troubles  cause  me  to  neglect  all 
private  business.  If  ye  can  find  the  means  to  send  me  the  books  be- 
fore written,  or  any  other  that  be  new  and  profitable,  I  will  provide 
that  ye  shall  receive  the  prices  upon  your  advertisement.  My  wife 
saluteth  you.  Salute  all  faithfull  heartilie  in  my  name,  especiallie  those 
of  familiar  acquaintance,  of  whom  I  crave  pardon  that  I  write  not, 
being  not  so  quiet  as  ye  would  wish.  My  onlie  comfort  is  that  our 
troubles  shall  pass  sooner,  peradventure,  than  our  enemies  look. 
Grace  be  with  you.  From  St.  Andrews,  in  haste,  the  J8th  November, 
1559.  Yours  known,  John  Knox. 

Mr.  Gudeman  is  in  the  west  country  in  Ayr,  who  willed  me  to  salute 
you  in  his  name  as  oft  as  I  wrote  you. 

No.  IX.  [Cald.  I.  524.] 

To  the  same.    (See  p.  197.) 

We  shall  meet  when  death  shall  not  dissever. 

Two  letters  I  have  received  from  you,  dear  sister,  both  almost  at 
one  time,  the  one  is  dated  at  London  the  28th  of  November,  the  other 
of  the  same  place  the  2d  of  December.  The  letter  of  the  last  date  I 
first  read,  which  made  mention  of  your  trouble  be  reason  of  a  suddan 
fire  in  a  lodging  near  to  you ;  that  you  had  sought  all  means  for  our 
support,  as  well  of  those  of  high  as  of  low  degree;  but  that  it  was  not 
needfull  that  any  thing  should  be  sent  unto  us,  because  it  was  sup- 
posed that  the  highest  would  support  us;  and  last,  that  ye  had  not  re- 
ceived the  answer  of  your  doubts.  In  your  other  letters,  after  your 
most  comfortable  discourse  of  God's  providence  for  his  people  in  their 
greatest  necessitie,  ye  godlie  and  trulie  conclude  that  neither  could 
their  unworthiness,  neither  yet  their  want  of  things  judged  necessarie 
for  their  preservation,  stop  his  majestie's  mercie  from  them.  There- 
after ye  will  me  to  avoid  danger,  and  rather  to  fight  by  prayer  in  some 
place  removed  from  danger  than  expose  myself  to  the  hazard  of  battell, 
and  so  ye  conclude  by  praising  God's  mercie  as  did  Jeremy  in  his 
greatest  anguish,  &c. 

What  support  should  come  to  us  be  consent  of  counsell  and  authoritie 
I  am  uncertain.  But  suppose  it  shall  be  greater  than  yet  is  bruted, 
that  ought  not  to  stay  the  liberal  hands  of  the  godlie  to  support  us 
privatelie.  For  the  public  support  of  an  army  shall  not  make  such  as 
now  be  superexpended  able  to  serve  without  private  support.  I  will 
make  the  matter  more  plain  be  one  example.  I  know  one  man  that 
since  the  10th  of  May  hath  spent  in  this  action  thirteen  thousand 
crowns  of  the  summe  [sonne,]  besydes  his  victuals  and  other  fruits  of 
the  ground.  His  treasure  being  now  consumed,  he  cannot,  without 
support,  susteane  the  number  which  before  he  brought  to  the  field. 
If  he  and  such  others  that  are  in  lyke  condition  with  him  shall  be  ab- 
sent, or  yet  if  numbers  shall  decay  our  enemies  shall  seem  to  prevail 


APPENDIX.  517 

in  the  field,  and  therefor  desired  I  some  collection  to  be  made,  to  the 
end  that  the  present  necessitie  of  some  might  have  been  relieved.  If 
the  matter  pertained  not  to  my  native  country,  I  would  be  more  vehe- 
ment in  persuasion,  but  God  shall  support  even  how,  when,  and  by 
whom  it  shall  please  his  blessed  majestic.  Sorry  I  am  that  ye  have 
not  received  my  answer  unto  your  doubts,  not  so  much  that  I  think 
that  ye  greatly  need  them,  as  that  I  would  not  put  you  in  suspicion 
that  I  contemned  your  requests.  The  rest  of  my  wife  hath  been  so 
unrestful  since  her  arrival  here,  that  scarcelie  could  she  tell  upon  the 
morrow  what  she  wrote  at  night.  She  cannot  find  my  first  extract. 
And  therefor,  if  any  scruple  remaine  in  your  conscience,  put  pen  again 
to  paper,  and  look  for  ane  answer,  as  God  shall  give  opportunitie. 
God  make  yourself  participant  of  the  same  comfort  which  you  wrote 
unto  me :  and  in  very  deed,  dear  sister,  I  have  no  less  need  of  com- 
fort, notwithstanding  that  I  am  not  altogether  ignorant,  than  hath  the 
bound  man  to  be  fed,  albeit  in  store  he  hath  great  substance.  I  have 
read  the  cares  and  tentations  of  Moses,  and  sometymes  I  have  sup- 
posed myself  to  be  well  practised  in  such  dangerous  battels.  But, 
alace  !  I  now  perceive  that  all  my  practice  before  was  but  mere  specu- 
lation, for  one  day  of  troubles  since  my  last  arrival  in  Scotland  hath 
more  pierced  my  heart  than  all  the  torments  of  the  gallies  did  the  space 
of  19  months.  For  that  torment,  for  the  most  part,  did  touch  the  bodie, 
but  this  pierceth  the  soul  and  inward  affections.  Then  was  I  assuredlie 
persuaded  that  I  should  not  die  untill  I  had  preached  Christ  Jesus 
even  where  I  now  am,  and  yet  having  now  my  heart's  desyre,  I  am 
nothing  satisfied,  neither  yet  rejoice.  My  God  remove  my  unthank- 
fulness.  From  Sanct  Andrews,  the  last  of  December  1559.  Yours 
known  in  Christ, 

John  Knox. 


No.  X.    [Cald.  I.  533.] 

To  the  same.    (See  p.  198.) 

The  eternal  our  God  shall  shortly  put  an  end  to  all  our  troubles. 

Lest  that  sinister  rumours  should  trouble  you  above  measure,  dear 
sister,  I  can  not  but  certify  you  of  our  estate  as  often  as  convenient 
messengers  occur.  The  French,  as  before  I  wrote  unto  you,  have 
pursued  us  with  great  furie,  but  God  hath  so  bridled  them,  that  since 
the  fifth  day  when  they  put  to  flight  the  men  of  Kinghorn,  Kircaldy, 
and  Dysart,  they  have  had  of  us  (all  praise  be  to  our  God)  no  advan- 
tage. They  lost  in  a  morning  a  lieutenant,  the  boldest  of  their  com- 
pany, and  fourty  of  their  bravest  soldiers,  diverse  of  them  having  been 
taken,  and  diverse  slain  in  skirmishing.  They  have  done  greatest 
harm  to  such  as  did  best  entertain  them  ;  for  from  them  they  have 
taken  sheep,  horse,  and  plenishing.  Our  friends,  and  foes  to  them,  did 
continually  remove  from  their  way  all  moveables  that  to  them  apper- 
tained. They  have  casten  to  the  ground  the  laird  of  Grange's  prin- 
cipal house,  called  the  Grange,  and  have  spoiled  his  other  places. 
God  will  recompense  him,  I  doubt  not,  for  in  this  cause,  and  since  the 
beginning  of  this  last  trouble  especially,  he  hath  behaved  himself  so 
boldly  as  never  man  of  our  realm  hath  deserved  more  praise.  He  hath 
been  in  many  dangers,  and  yet  God  hath  delivered  him  above  men's 
expectations.  He  was  shot  at.  Lundie,  right  under  the  left  pape, 
thorrow  the  jacket,  doublet,  and  shirt,  and  the  bullet  did  stick  in  one 
of  his  ribs.  Mr.  Whitelaw  hath  gotten  a  fall,  by  which  he  is  unable  to 
44 


518  APPENDIX. 

bear  arms.  But  God  be  praised  both  their  lives  be  saved.  I  remained 
all  this  time  in  St.  Andrews  with  sorrowful  heart,  and  yet  as  God  did 
minister  his  spirit  comforting  the  afflicted,  who,  albeit  they  quaked  for 
a  time,  yet  do  now  praise  God  who  suddenly  averted  from  them  that 
terrible  plague  devised  for  them  by  the  ungodly.  The  French  men 
approached  within  6  miles,  yet  at  the  sight  of  certain  of  your  ships, 
they  retired  more  in  one  day  than  they  advanced  in  ten.  We  have 
had  wonderful  experience  of  God's  merciful  providence,  and  for  my 
own  part  I  were  more  than  unthankful  if  I  should  not  confess  that  God 
hath  heard  the  sobs  of  my  wretched  heart,  and  hath  not  deceived  me 
of  that  little  spark  of  hope  which  his  holy  spirit  did  kindle  and  foster 
in  my  heart.  God  give  me  grace  to  acknowledge  his  benefit  received, 
and  to  make  such  fruit  of  it  as  becometh  his  servant.  If  ye  can  find  a 
messenger,  I  heartily  pray  you  to  send  me  the  books  for  which  I  wrote 
before.  I  must  be  bold  over  your  liberality  not  only  in  that,  but  in 
greater  things  as  I  shall  need.  Please  you  cause  this  other  letter  in- 
closed be  surely  conveyed  to  Miles  Coverdale.  Salute  all  faithful  ac- 
quaintance, Mr.  Hickman  and  his  bedfellow,  your  husband,  Mr. 
Michael  and  his  spouse  as  unacquainted,  especially  remembered.  I 
know  not  what  of  our  brethren  at  Geneva  be  with  you.  But  to  such 
as  be  there,  I  beseech  you  to  say,  that  I  think  that  I  myself  do  now  find 
the  truth  of  that  which  oft  I  have  said  in  their  audience,  to  wit,  that  after 
our  departure  from  Geneva  should  our  dolour  beginne.  But  my  good 
hope  is  in  God  that  it  shall  end  to  his  glory  and  our  comfort.  Rest  in 
Christ  Jesus.  From  Sanct  Andrews,  the  4th  of  February,  1559. 

Your  brother 

John  Knox. 


No.  XL    [Cald.  IL89.] 

John  Knox  to  Mr.  John  Wood,  Secretary  to  the   Regent.     14th 

Feb.  1568. 

My  purpose,  beloved  in  the  Lord,  concerning  that  which  oft  and 
now  last  ye  crave,  I  wrote  to  you  before,  from  which  I  can  not  be 
moved,  and,  therefore,  of  my  friends  I  will  ask  pardon,  howbeit  on 
that  one  head  I  play  the  churle,  retaining  to  myself  that  which  will 
rather  hurt  me  than  profit  them,  during  my  days,  which  I  hope  in 
God  shall  not  be  long,  and  then  it  shall  be  in  the  opinion  of  others 
whether  it  shall  be  suppressed,  or  come  to  light.*  God  for  his  great 
mercies  sake  put  such  end  to  the  troubles  of  "France,  as  the  purity  of 
his  evangell  may  have  free  passage  within  that  realme ;  and  idolatry, 
with  the  maintainers  of  the  same,  may  once  be  overthrown  by  order 
of  justice,  or  otherways  as  his  godly  wisdom  hath  appointed.  In  my 
opinion  England  and  Scotland  have  both  no  less  cause  to  fear  than 
the  faithful  in  France,  for  what  they  suffer  in  present  action  is  laid  up 
in  store,  let  us  be  assured,  for  both  countries.  The  ground  of  my  as- 
surance is  not  the  determination  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  for  that  de- 
cree is  but  the  utterance  of  their  own  malice ;  but  the  justice  of  God 
is  my  assurance,  for  it  cannot  spare  to  punish  all  realmes  and  nations 
that  is  or  shall  be  like  to  Jerusalem,  against  whose  iniquity  God  long 
cried  be  his  servants  the  prophets,  but  found  no  repentance.  The  truth 
of  God  hath  been  now  of  some  years  manifested  to  both,  but  what 
obedience,  the  words,  works,  and  behaviour  of  men  give  sufficient  tes- 
timony. God  grant  Mr.  Gudman  a  prosperous  and  happy  success  in 

*  He  seems  to  refer  here  to  his  History  of  the  Reformation. 


APPENDIX.  519 

the  acceptation  of  his  charge,  and  in  all  his  other  enterprises  to  God's 
glory  and  the  comfort  of  his  kirk;  and  so  will  I  the  more  patiently 
bear  his  absence,  weaning  myself  from  all  comfort  that  I  looked  to 
have  received  be  his  presence  and  familiarity.  Because  I  have  the  tes- 
timony of  a  good  conscience,  that  in  writing  of  that  treatise,  against 
which  so  many  worldly  men  have  stormed,  and  yet  storm,  I  neither 
sought  myself  nor  worldly  promotion,  and  because  as  yet  I  have  neither 
heard  nor  seen  law  nor  Scripture  to  overthrow  my  ground,*  I  may 
appeal  to  a  more  indifferent  judge  than  Dr.  Jewell.  I  would  most 
gladly  pass  through  the  course  that  God  hath  appointed  to  my  labours, 
in  meditation  with  my  God,  and  giving  thanks  to  his  holy  name,  for 
that  it  hath  pleased  his  mercy  to  make  me  not  a  lord  bishop,  but  a 
painful  preacher  of  his  blessed  evangell,in  the  function  whereof  it  hath 
pleased  his  majesty  for  Christ  his  son's  sake  to  deliver  me  from  the 
contradiction  of  moe  enemies  than  one  or  two,  which  maketh  me  the 
more  slow  and  less  careful  to  revenge  be  word  or  writ  whatever  in- 
jury hath  been  done  against  me  in  my  own  particular.  But  if  that 
men  will  not  cease  to  impugne  the  truth,  the  faithfull  will  pardon  me 
if  I  offend  such  as  for  pleasure  of  flesh  fear  not  to  offend  God.  The 
defence  and  maintenance  of  superstitious  trifles  produced  never  better 
fruit  in  the  end  than  I  perceive  is  budding  amongst  you,  schisme, 
which  no  doubt  is  a  forerunner  of  greater  desolation,  unless  there  be 
speedy  repentance. — {Then  follows  what  has  been  already  quoted,  p. 
299.]— The  faithfull  of  your  acquaintance  here  salute  you.  The  grace 
of  the  Lord  rest  with  you. 

No.  XII.     [Cald.  II.  107.] 
The  same  to  the  same.    (See  above,  p.  300.) 

I  thank  you  heartily,  dearly  beloved  in  the  Lord  Jesus,  that  ye  had 
such  remembrance  of  me  as  to  certify  of  that  part  which  not  a  little 
troubled  and  yet  troubleth  me.  What  I  have  done  or  am  able  to  do 
in  that  behalf  I  will  not  trouble  you  at  this  present,  this  only  excepted, 
that  it  will  please  you  to  travel  as  in  the  end  of  your  letter  ye  write  ye 
would  do,  to  wit,  that  my  sons  might  be  Denezans  there.  I  am  in- 
formed both  be  letter  and  be  tongue,  besides  conjectures  that  probably 
may  be  gathered,  that  the  Duke  and  his  friends  are  inflamed  against 
me.  Ofter  than  once  I  have  called  to  mind  your  words  to  me  that  day 
that  I  had  been  more  than  vehement,  as  some  men  thought,  in  the  end 
of  the chapter  of  John's  Evangell,  concerning  the  treasonable  de- 
parture of  Judas  from  Christ,  and  of  the  causes  thereof.  Before  that  I 
came  forth  of  the  preaching  place,  ye  said,  Before  my  God  I  think  your 
eyes  shal  see  performed  that  which  your  mouth  hath  pronounced. 
My  words  were  these,  I  fear  that  such  as  have  entered  with  us  in  pro- 
fessing of  the  Evangell,  as  Judas  did  with  Christ,  shall  depart  and  follow 
Judas,  how  soon  the  expectation  of  gain  and  worldly  promotion  faileth 
them.  Time  will  try  father,  and  we  shall  see  overmuch.  We  look 
daily  for  the  arrival  of  the  duke  and  his  Frenchmen,  sent  to  restore 
Satan  to  his  kingdome,  in  the  person  of  his  dearest  lieutenant,  sent,  I 
say,  to  repress  religion,  not  from  the  king  of  France,  but  from  the 
Cardinall  of  Lorrane  in  favour  of  his  dearest  niece.  Lett  England  take 
heed,  for  surely  their  neighbours  houses  are  on  fire.  I  would,  dear 
brother,  that  ye  should  travell  with  zealous  men,  that  they  may  con- 
sider our  estate.  What  I  would  say,  ye  may  easily  conjecture.  With 
out  support  we  are  not  able  to  resist  the  force  of  the  domesticall 

*  Referring,  most  probably,  to  his  treatise  against  Female  Government 


520  APPENDIX. 

enemies,  (unless  God  work  miraculously,)  much  less  are  we  able  to 
stand  against  the  puissance  of  France,  the  substance  of  the  Pope,  and 
the  malice  of  the  house  of  Guise,  unless  we  be  comforted  be  others  than 
by  ourselves.  Ye  know  our  estate,  and  therefore  I  will  not  insist  to 
deplore  our  poverty.  The  whole  comfort  of  the  enemies  is  this,  that 
be  treason  or  other  means  they  may  cutt  off  the  Regent,  and  then  cutt 
the  throat  of  the  innocent  king.  How  narrowly  hath  the  regent  es- 
caped once,  I  suppose  ye  have  heard.  As  their  malice  is  not  quenched, 
so  ceaseth  not  the  practice  of  the  wicked,  to  put  in  execution  the 
cruelty  devised.  I  live  as  a  man  already  dead  from  all  affairs  civil, 
and  therefore  I  praise  my  God ;  for  so  I  have  some  quietness  in  spirit, 
and  time  to  meditate  on  death,  and  upon  the  troubles  I  have  long 
feared  and  forseeth.  The  Lord  assist  you  with  his  Holy  Spirit,  and 
put  an  end  to  my  travells,  to  his  own  glory,  and  to  the  comfort  of  his 
kirk;  for  assuredly,  brother,  this  miserable  life  is  bitter  unto  me. 
Salute  your  bedfellow  in  my  name,  and  the  rest  in  Christ  Jesus.  The 
faithfull  here  salute  you.  The  grace  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  rest  with 
you  for  ever. 

Of  Edinburgh,  the  10th  of  September,  1568. 


No.  XIII.    [Cald.  MS.  I.  380.] 

Extract  of  a  Letter  from  John  Knox  to  Mrs.  Anne  Locke,  dated, 
6th  April,  1559.   (See  p.  351.) 

Your  letters,  dear  sister,  dated  at  Geneva  the  17th  of  February, 

received  I  in  Dieppe  the  17th  of  March.  Touching  my  negligence  in 
writing  to  you,  at  other  times  I  fear  it  shall  be  little  amended,  except 
that  better  occasions  than  yet  I  know  be  offered.  For  oft  to  write 
when  few  messingers  can  be  found  is  but  foolishness.  My  remem- 
brance of  you  is  not  yet  so  dead,  but  I  trust  it  shall  be  fresh  enough, 
albeit  it  be  renewed  be  no  outward  tokin  for  one  year.  Of  nature  I 
am  churlish,  and  in  conditions  different  from  many.  Yet  one  thing 
I  ashame  not  to  affirme  that  familiarity  once  thoroughly  contracted 
was  never  yet  broken  be  my  default.  The  cause  may  be  that  I  have 
rather  need  of  all  than  that  any  have  need  of  me. — 


Extract  of  a  Letter  from  John  Knox  "  To  a  friend  in  England.' 
[Cald.  II.  144.] 

Of  Edinburgh,  19th  August,  1569. 

—  If  from  day  to  day  thir  seven  years  bypast,  I  had  not  looked 
for  an  end  of  my  travells,  I  could  have  no  excuse  of  my  obstinate  fault 
toward  you,  beloved  in  the  Lord,  be  whom  I  have  received,  besides 
commendations  and  letters,  divers  tokens  of  your  unfained  friendship, 
yet  have  negligently  pretermitted  all  office  of  humanity  toward  you, 
whereinto  I  acknowledge  my  offence,  for  albeit  I  have  been  tossed 
with  many  storms  all  the  time  before  expressed,  yet  might  I  have 
gratified  you  and  others  faithfull  with  some  remembrance  of  my 
estate,  if  that  this  my  churlish  nature,  for  the  most  part  oppressed  with 
melancholy,  had  not  stayed  tongue  and  pen  from  doing  of  their  duty. 
Yea,  even  now,  when  that  I  could  somewhat  satisfy  your  desire,  I 
find  within  myself  no  small  repugnance,  for  this  I  find  objected  to  my 
wretched  heart,  'Foolish  man !  what  seeks  thou  in  writing  of  missives 
in  this  corruptible  age]  Hath  thou  not  a  full  satiety  of  all  the  vanities 
under  the  sun  f  Hath  not  thy  eldest  and  stoutest  acquaintance  buried 


APPENDIX.  521 

thee  in  oblivion,  and  art  not  thou  in  that  estate  be  age,  that  nature 
itself  calleth  thee  from  the  pleasures  of  things  temporall  1  Is  it  not  then 
more  than  foolishness  unto  thee  to  hunt  for  acquaintance  on  the  earth, 
of  what  estate  or  condition  whatsomever  the  person  be  1*  To  these 
objections  I  could  answer  nothing,  (much  morel  think  than  is  written,) 
but  that  I  would  write  with  what  imperfections  I  little  regard. 

No.  XIV.  Letter  to  Sir  William  Douglas  of  Lochleven,  31  Mar.  1570. 
[The  original  is  among  the  papers  of  the  family,  at  Dalmahoy.} 

After  harty  commend  atioun  of  my  service  unto  you,  rycht  wyrship- 
pfull,  I  receaved  your  missive  this  last  of  March,  perceaving  tharby 
the  bruite  that  ye  hear  of  the  purpose  of  some  to  tak  the  castell  of 
Sanctandrois,  quhilk  bruite  I  easely  beleve  be  not  all  togidder  vane, 
for  men  will  not  faill  to  hurt  what  thei  can  the  quietnes  of  this  realme, 
and  to  reenter  in  thare  usurped  possessioun  and  injust  uplifting  of  the 
fruitis  that  never  did  justlie  apperteane  to  sick  idill  bellies.  How  sick 
trublaris  may  be  stayed  of  thare  interpryses  I  remitt  to  God,  to  whose 
counsall  I  committ  you  in  that  and  all  other  cases  worldly ;  for  I  have 
taken  my  gude  nycht  of  it,  and  therfor  bear  with  me  gude  Sr,  albeit 
I  write  not  to  the  superintendent  of  Fyff  in  the  actioun  of  that  ye  desyr 
as  concernyng  the  excuse  of  the  tua  ministeris,  to  our  superintendent 
I  shall  do  the  best  that  I  can  when  I  meitt  with  him ;  and  thus  with  my 
harty  commendatioun  I  committ  you  to  the  protectioun  of  the  omni- 
potent. Of  Edinburghe  the  sam  hour  I  receaved  yours  this  Friday  att 
5  afternone,  1570. 

Yours  to  power  in  God  trubled  in  body, 

Johne  Knox. 
(In  dorso) 

To  the  Rycht  Worshepful 
the  Lard  of  Lochlevin. 


No.  XV.  [Cald.  II.  328.] 

John  Knox  to  Sir  John  Wishart  of  Pittarrow.  (See  above,  p.  322.) 
The  end  of  all  worldly  trouble  and  pleasure   both  approacheth. 
Blessed  are  they  that  patiently  abide  in  the  truth,  not  joining  hands 
nor  heart  with  impiety,  how  that  ever  it  triumph. 

Right  worshipful!,  after  hearty  commendations,  your  letter,  dated  at 
Pittarrow  the  J4th  of  July,  received  I  in  Sanct  Andrews,  the  15th  of 
the  same.  The  brute  and  armour  of  Adam  Gordon  and  his  doings, 
and  preparations  made  to  resist  him  was  diverse,  but  nothing  that  I 
heard  moved  me,  for  I  perceive  the  cup  of  iniquity  is  not  yet  full.  Of 
one  thing  I  am  assured,  that  God  of  his  mercy  will  not  suffer  his  own 
to  be  tempted  above  measure,  neither  will  he  suffer  iniquity  to  be  ever 
unpunished.  From  me  can  come  no  other  counsel  than  ye  have  heard 
from  the  beginning  of  our  acquaintance,  to  wit,  that  not  only  action 
defileth  and  maketh  guilty  before  God,  but  also  consent  of  heart,  and 
all  paction  with  the  wicked.  Out  of  bed,  and  from  my  book,  I  come 
not  but  once  in  the  week,  and  so  few  tidings  come  to  me.  What  order 
God  shall  put  into  the  mind  of  the  authority  to  take  for  staying  of  their 
present  troubles,  I  know  not,  but  ever  still  my  dull  heart  feareth  the 
worst,  and  that  because  no  appearance  of  right  conversion  unto  God, 
but  both  the  parties  stands  as  it  were  fighting  against  God  himself  in 
justification  of  their  wickedness.  The  murderers  assembled  in  the 
44*  a3 


522  APPENDIX. 

castle  of  Edinburgh,  and  their  assisters,  justify  all  that  they  have  done 
to  be  well  and  rightly  done ;  and  the  contrar  party  as  little  repenteth 
the  troubling  and  oppressing  of  the  poor  kirk  of  God  as  ever  they  did  ; 
for  if  they  can  have  the  kirk-lands  to  be  annexed  to  their  houses,  they 
appear  to  take  no  more  care  of  the  instruction  of  the  ignorant,  and  of 
the  feeding  of  the  flock  of  Jesus  Christ,  than  ever  did  the  Papists,  whom 
we  have  condemned,  and  yet  are  worse  ourselves  in  that;  behalf:  for 
they,  according  to  their  blind  zeal,  spared  nothing  that  either  might 
have  maintained  or  holden  up  that  which  they  took  for  God's  service ; 
but  we,  alace !  in  the  midds  of  the  light  forgett  the  heaven  and  draw 
to  the  earth.  Dayly  looking  for  an  end  of  my  battel,  I  have  set  forth 
ane  answer  to  a  Jesuit  who  long  hath  railed  against  our  religion,  as 
the  reading  of  this  tractat  will  more  plainly  let  you  understand.  The 
letter  in  the  end  of  it,  if  it  serve  not  for  the  estate  of  Scotland,  yet  it 
will  serve  a  troubled  conscience,  so  long  as  the  kirk  of  God  remaineth 
in  either  realme.  With  my  hearty  commendations  to  your  bed-fellow, 
and  to  my  Lord  Marshall,  the  Master,  and  to  the  faithfull  in  your 
company.  Deliver  to  them  the  book  according  to  their  directions,  and 
pray  the  faithfull  in  my  name  to  recommend  me  to  God  in  their  prayers, 
for  my  battel  is  strong,  and  yet  without  great  corporal  pain  The 
Lord  Jesus,  who  hath  once  redeemed  us,  who  hath  also  of  his  mercy 
given  unto  us  the  light  of  his  blessed  countenance,  continue  us  in  that 
light  that  once  we  have  received  externally,  and  at  his  good  pleasure 
put  an  end  to  all  the  troubles  of  his  own  spouse,  the  kirk,  which  now 
sobbeth  and  crieth,  Come  Lord  Jesus,  come  Lord  Jesus ;  whose  omni- 
potent Spirit  conduct  you  to  the  end.  Amen. 

At  Sanct  Andrews,  19th  of  July.    [1572.] 


No.  XVI.    [Cald.  II.  270.] 

John  Knox  to  Mr.  Goodman. 

Written  about  the  same  time  with  the  preceding. 

Beloved  brother,  I  can  not  praise  God  of  your  trouble ;  but  that  of 
his  mercie  he  hath  made  you  one  against  whom  Satan  bendeth  all  his 
engines,  thereof  unfainedlie  I  praise  my  God,  beseeching  him  to 
strengthen  you  to  fight  your  battell  lawfully  to  the  end.  That  we 
shall  meet  in  this  life  there  is  no  hope ;  for  to  my  bodie  it  is  impossible 
to  be  carried  from  countrie  to  countrie,  and  of  your  comfortable  pre- 
sence where  I  am  I  have  small,  yea  no  esperance.  The  name  of  God 
be  praised,  who  of  his  mercie  hath  left  me  so  great  comfort  of  you  in 
this  life.  That  ye  may  understand  that  my  heart  is  pierced  with  the 
present  troubles,  from  the  castle  of  Edinburgh  hath  sprung  all  the 
murthers  first  and  last  committed  in  this  realme,  yea,  and  all  the 
troubles  and  treasons  conspired  in  England,  God  confound  the  wicked 
devisers  with  their  wicked  devises.  So  long  as  it  pleased  God  to  con- 
tinue unto  me  any  strength,  I  ceased  not  to  forwarn  these  dayes  pub- 
lickly,  as  Edinburgh  can  witness,  and  secretlie,  as  Mr.  Randolph  and 
others  of  that  nation  with  whom  I  secretlie  conferred,  can  testifie. 
Remedy  now  on  earth  resteth  none,  but  onlie  that  both  England  and 
Scotland  humbly  submit  themselves  to  the  correcting  hand  of  God, 
with  humble  confession  of  their  former  inobedience,  that  blood  was 
not  punished,  when  he  be  his  servants  publicly  craved  justice  accord- 
ing to  his  law ;  in  which  head  your  realme  is  no  less  guilty  than  we, 
who  now  drink  the  bitter  part  of  the  cup,  which  God  of  his  mercie 


APPENDIX.  523 

avert  from  you.  And  thus  weary  of  the  world,  with  my  hearty  com- 
mendations to  all  faithful  acquaintance,  Mr.  Bodlih  and  his  bedfellow 
especially  remembered,  I  commit  you  to  the  protection  of  the  omnipo- 
tent. Off  Sanct  Andrews. 

No.  XVII.     [Calderwood's  MS.  ad  an.  1570.    Advocates'  Library.] 
Prayer  used  by  John  Knox  after  the  Regent's  death. 

O  Lord,  what  shall  we  add  to  the  former  petitions  we  know  not ; 
yea,  alace,  O  Lord,  our  owne  consciences  bear  us  record  that  we  are 
unworthie  that  thou  should  either  encreass  or  yet  continue  thy 
graces  with  us,  be  reason  of  our  horrible  ingratitude.  In  our  extreme 
miseries  we  called,  and  thou  in  the  multitude  of  thy  mercies  heard  us; 
and  first  thou  delivered  us  from  the  tyrannic  of  mercieless  strangers, 
next  from  the  bondage  of  idolatry,  and  last  from  the  yoak  of  that 
wretched  woman,  the  mother  of  all  mischief,  and  in  her  place  thou 
didst  erect  her  sonne,  and  to  supply  his  infancie  thou  didst  appoynt  a 
regent  endued  with  such  graces  as  the  divell  himself  cannot  accuse  or 
justly  convict  him,  this  only  excepted  that  foolish  pity  did  so  farre 
prevaill  in  him,  concerning  execution  and  punishment  which  thou 
commanded  to  have  been  executed  upon  her,  and  upon  her  complices, 
the  murtherers  of  her  husband.  O  Lord,  in  what  miserie  and  confu- 
sion found  he  this  realme !  To  what  rest  and  quietnesse  now  be  his 
labours  suddanlie  he  brought  the  same,  all  estates,  but  speciallie  the 
poor  commons,  can  witness.  Thy  image,  Lord,  did  so  clearlie  shyne 
in  that  personage,  that  the  divell,  and  the  wicked  to  whom  he  is  prince, 
could  not  abyde  it.  And  so  to  punish  our  sinnes  and  ingratitude, 
who  did  not  ryghtlie  esteem  so  pretious  a  gift,  thou  hes  permitted  him 
to  fall,  to  our  great  griefe,  in  the  hands  of  cruell  and  traterous  murth- 
erers. He  is  at  rest,  O  Lord,  and  we  are  left  in  extreme  miserie !  Be 
mercifull  to  us,  and  suffer  not  Satan  to  prevaill  against  thy  little  flocke 
within  this  realme,  neither  yet,  O  Lord,  let  bloode  thirsty  men  come 
to  the  end  of  their  wicked  enterprises.  Preserve,  O  Lord,  our  young 
king,  although  he  be  ane  infant ;  give  unto  him  the  Spirit  of  Sanctifi- 
cation,  with  encrease  of  the  same  as  he  groweth  in  yeares.  Let  his 
raigne,  O  Lord,  be  such  as  thou  may  be  glorified,  and  thy  little  flock 
comforted  by  it.  Seeing  that  we  are  now  left  as  a  flock  without  a 
pastor  in  civill  policie,  and  as  a  shippe  without  a  rudder  in  the  midst 
of  the  storm,  let  thy  providence  watch,  Lord,  and  defend  us  in  these 
dangerous  dayes,  that  the  wicked  of  the  world  see  that  as  weill  with- 
out the  help  of  man,  as  with  it,  thou  art  able  to  rule,  maintain,  and  de- 
fend the  little  flock  that  dependeth  upon  thee.  And  because,  O  Lord, 
the  shedding  of  innocent  bloode  hes  ever  been,  and  yet  is  odious  in 
thy  presence,  yea,  that  it  defyleth  the  whole  land  where  it  is  shed  and 
not  punished,  we  crave  of  thee,  for  Christ  thy  sonnes  sake,  that  thou 
wilt  so  try  and  punish  the  two  treasonable  and  cruell  murthers  latelie 
committed,  that  the  inventars,  devysers,  authors,  and  maintainers  of 
treasonable  crueltie,  may  be  either  thoroughlie  converted  or  con- 
founded. O  Lord,  if  thy  mercie  prevent  us  not,  we  cannot  escape 
just  condemnation,  for  that  Scotland  hath  spared,  and  England  hath 
maintained,  the  lyfe  of  that  most  wicked  woman.  Oppose  thy  power, 
O  Lord,  to  the  pryde  of  that  cruell  murtherer  of  her  owne  husband ; 
confound  her  faction  and  thair  subtile  enterprises  of  what  estate  and 
condition  soever  they  be ;  and  let  them  and  the  world  know,  that  thou 
art  a  God  that  can  deprehend  the  wise  in  their  own  wisdome,  and  the 
proud  in  the  imagination  of  their  wicked  hearts,  to  their  everlasting 


524  APPENDIX. 

confusioun.  Lord,  retain  us  that  call  upon  thee  in  thy  true  fear.  Let 
us  grow  in  the  same.  Give  thou  strength  to  us  to  fight  our  battel), 
yea,  Lord,  to  fight  it  lawfullie,  and  to  end  our  lives  in  the^sanctification 
of  thy  holy  name. 


No.  XVIII.    [Buik  of  the  Universall  Kirk,  p.  45.    Advocates'  Library.] 
My  Lord  Regent's  letter  to  the  Assembly. 

After  our  maist  heartie  commendationes,  seing  we  are  not  able  to 
[be]  present  [at]  the  assembly  now  approachand,  as  our  intentioun 
was,  we  thoght  it  convenient  brieflie  to  give  you  significatioun  of  our 
meaning  in  wryte,  of  the  qlk  we  pray  you  take  good  consideration, 
and  accordinglie  to  give  you  advertisement.  Ye  are  not  ignorant,  as 
we  suppose,  what  hes  bene  the  estate  of  the  kirk  of  God  within  this 
realme,  baith  before  we  accepted  the  burdein  of  regment,  and  sen- 
syne.  How  first  the  thrids  of  benefices  were  grantit  and  the  minis- 
trie  thereby  partly  relevit  and  sustainit  in  sic  sort,  that  nothing  inlai- 
kit  that  our  travells  could  procure.  The  first  ordour  indeed  was  di- 
verse ways  interruptit  and  broken,  bot  chieflie  in  that  yeir  when  we 
were  exylit  in  Ingland,  quherthrough  the  haill  ministers  that  year 
were  frustrate  of  their  living ;  shortlie  the  estate  of  government  alter- 
ing at  God's  pleasure,  and  the  king  our  soveraine  being  inaugurate 
with  the  crowne  of  this  kingdom,  the  first  thing  yt.  we  were  carefull 
of  was,  that  the  trew  religioun  might  be  established,  and  the  ministers 
of  the  evangell  made  certaine  of  their  livings  and  sustentation  in  tyrne 
comeing.  Ye  knaw,  at  the  parliament  we  war  maist  willing  that  the 
kirk  should  have  been  put  in  full  possession  of  the  proper  patrimonie. 
And  toward  the  thrids,  we  exped  in  our  travels,  and  inlaikit  only  a 
consent  to  the  dissolution  of  the  prelacies,  whereunto  althogh  we  were 
earnestly  bent,  yet  the  estates  delayit,  and  wald  not  agrie  thereunto. 
And  sen  that  tyme  to  this  houre,  we  trust  ye  will  affirme,  that  we 
have  pretermittit  nothing  that  may  advance  the  religione,  and  put  the 
professors  thereof  in  suretie,  whereanent  the  haill  and  only  inlaik  hes 
been  in  the  civill  troubles  that  God  hes  suffered  the  countrey  to  be 
plaguet  with:  now  the  matter  being  after  so  great  rage  brocht  to 
some  stay  and  quyetnes,  it  was  convenient  that  we  return  where 
matters  left,  and  prease  to  reduce  them  to  the  estate  they  stood  in. 
Ane  thing  we  man  call  to  remembrance,  that  at  sic  time  as  we  travel- 
lit  in  the  parliament  to  cause  the  estates  to  grie  that  the  thrids  should 
be  discernit  to  pertaine  to  the  ministrie,  they  plainly  opponit  them  to 
us  in  respect  of  the  first  act,  alledgand  that  with  the  sustentation  of 
the  ministrie,  there  was  also  regard  to  be  had  to  the  support  of  the 
prince,  in  sustaining  of  the  publick  chairges,  quhilks  if  they  had  not 
some  reliefe  be  that  meines,  the  revenue  of  the  crown  being  so  dimin- 
ischit,  and  the  ordinar  chairges  cume  to  sic  grytnes,  on  force  they 
wold  be  burdenit  with  exactionis,  and  so  this  dangerous  argument 
compellit  us  to  promitt  to  the  estates,  That  we  wald  take  upon  us,  the 
act  being  grantit  to  the  kirk,  they  should  satisfy  and  agrie  to  any 
thing  suld  be  thocht  reasonable  for  supporting  of  the  publick  chairges 
of  the  prince,  and  according  to  this  the  commissioner  deput  for  the 
affairs  of  the  kirk  agreit  to  certaine  assignations  of  the  thrids  for  sup- 
porting of  the  king  and  us  bearing  authoritie.  Q,uhilk  order  had  been 
sufficient  for  the  haill,  if  the  civill  trouble  had  not  occurit,  yet  the  dis- 
obedience growand  so  universallie,  we  ar  content  to  sustain  our  part 
of  the  inlaik  and  loss  for  the  tyme  bypast,  but  because  there  hes  been 
murmure  and  grudge  for  that  thing  assignat  to  the  kings  houss  and 


APPENDIX.  525 

ours,  and  some  other  needful  things  in  the  state,  as  that  thereby  the 
ministers  were  frustrate  of  their  appointit  stipendis,  some  comrnuni- 
catione  was  had  at  St.  Androes,  and  nothing  yet  concludit,  quhil  the 
general  assembly  of  the  kirk;  quhilk  now  moves  us  to  wreit  to  you 
in  this  forme,  prayand  you  rychtly  to  consider  the  necessitie  of  the 
cause,  and  how  the  same  hes  proceeded  fra  the  beginning,  haveing 
respect  that  the  kirk  will  [not]  be  very  well  obeyit  without  the  king's 
authoritie  and  power,  and  that  now  the  propertie  of  the  crowne  is  not 
able  to  sustaine  the  ordinarie  chairges.  how  in  the  beginning  the 
thrids  had  not  been  grantit,  if  the  necessitie  of  the  prince  had  not  been 
ane  of  the  chiefe  caussis,  and  at  the  parliament  the  estates,  as  we  be- 
fore have  written,  stack  to  consent  that  the  haill  thrids  sould  be  de- 
clareit  to  pertaine  to  the  ministrie,  whill  first  we  tooke  in  hand,  that 
they  being  made  without  conditione  in  favours  of  the  kirk,  the  same 
wald  againe  condescend  to  sa  meikle  as  wold  be  sufficient  to  the  sup- 
port of  the  public  affaires,  in  foorth  setting  of  the  kings  authoritie,  and 
that  therefore  ye  will  now  aggrie,  and  condescend  to  ane  certaine  and 
speciall  assignatione  of  it  that  sal  be  imployit  in  this  use.  The  quan- 
tity whereof  diverse  of  yourselves,  and  the  beirer  Mr.  John  Wood  our 
servant,  can  informe  you,  that  after  ye  may  distribute  to  everie  man 
having  chairge  in  the  kirk  of  God,  his  stipend,  according  to  the  condi- 
tione of  the  place  he  serves  in,  according  to  your  w.  discretione. 
Hereby  all  confusione  that  lang  has  troublit  the  estate  of  the  kirk  to- 
ward the  stipend  sal  be  avoydit,  and  some  special  provisione  being 
made  for  sustaining  of  their  publick  chairges,  we  may  the  better  hald 
hand  to  sie  the  kirk  obeyit  of  that  whereon  the  ministers  sould  live,  as 
we  [sic]  sail  report,  that  dureing  our  travells  in  the  north  countrey, 
have  found  our  effectuous  good  will,  and  travellis  in  their  furtherance, 
farther,  we  man  put  you  in  mind  brieflie,  of  ane  matter  that  occurit  at 
our  late  being  in  Elgin.  Ane  Nicoll  Sudderland  in  ffores,  was  put  to 
the  knawledge  of  ane  assyse  for  incest,  and  with  him  the  woman;  the 
assyse  hes  convict  him  of  the  fault,  but  the  question  is,  whether  the 
same  be  incest  or  not,  so  that  we  behoovit  to  delay  the  executione 
whill  we  behoovit  to  have  your  resolution  at  this  assemblie.  The 
case  is,  that  the  woman  was  harlot  of  before  to  the  said  Nicholl's 
mother's  brother,  herein  Mr.  Rot.  Pont  can  informe  you  more  amplie, 
to  whais  sufficience  we  remitt  the  rest.  Moreover,  at  our  coming  at 
Abd.  yr.  came  ane  nameit  Portfeild,  minister  provydit  of  before  to  the 
viccarage  of  Ardrossane,  and  requyrit  also  of  vs,  that  he  might  have 
viccarage  of  Stevinsone,  seing  both  was  ane  matter  meane  enough  to 
sustaine  him,  and  because  the  kirks  were  neir,  he  might  discharge 
the  cure  of  both.  We  haveing  him  comendit  be  diverse  great  men  to 
the  same,  but  thocht  gude  to  advertyse  you,  yt.  this  preparative  in- 
duce not  evill  example  and  corruption :  alwayes  in  cace  sick  things 
pccurre  heireafter,  let  vs  vnderstand  what  ye  wald  have  vs  to. doe,  as 
in  lyke  maner  towards  the  chaplenries  yt.  sail  happin  to  vaike,  qra- 
nent.  because  there  is  no  certaine  ordour  and  prescryvit  [sic]  some 
confusion  stands,  some  desyreand  them  for  lyfetime,  some  for  infants 
that  are  of  the  schooles,  and  some  for  vii  zeirs,  we  are  sometyme  pre- 
asit  to  receive  or  confirme  assignatiouns  or  demissioun  of  benefices, 
the  preparative  whereof  apperis  to  bring  with  it  corruptioun,  and  so 
we  wold  be  resolvit  how  to  proceid,  befor  our  coming  fra  fyfe.  and 
sensyne  we  have  been  very  willing  to  doe  justice  on  all  suspectit  per- 
sons of  witchcraft,  as  also  vpon  adulterers,  incestuous  persons,  and 
abnsers  of  ye.  sacrament,  qrin.  we  could  not  have  sick  expeditioun  as 
we  wold  have  wischet,  because  we  have  no  uther  probabilitie  where- 
by to  try  and  convict  ym.  but  ane  generall  delation  of  names,  ye.  per- 
sons suspect  not  being  for  the  most  part  tryit  and  convict  be  ordour 


526  APPENDIX. 

of  the  kirk  befoir.  This  hindrit  many  things  qlk.  utherwayes  might 
have  bein  done,  and  yrfore.  we  pray  you  appoint  and  prescryve  how 
the  judgement  of  the  kirk  may  proceid  and  be  execute  against  all  sick 
trespassers,  befor  complaint  be  made  to  vs,  that  when  we  come  to 
the  cuntrey,  we  may  cause  execute  ye.  law,  and  be  releivit  of  the 
triall  of  inquisition  heiranent.  We  thoght  expedient  to  give  you  this 
to  advertisement,  and  so  remitts  the  hail]  to  your  care  and  diligence, 
committis  you  in  the  protection  of  eternall  God.  aberd.  ye.  last  day 
of  Junii,  1569.  Your  assurit  friend, 

James  Regent. 


No.  XIX.    PEDIGREE  OF  BOWES  OF  STREATLAM. 
(See  p.  68.) 

[For  the  information  contained  in  this  article,  I  am  indebted  to  Robert 
Surtees  of  Mainsforth,  Esq.] 

"  Kichard  Bowes  (of  Aske  in  Yorkshire)  youngest  sonne  of  Sr. 
Raph  Bowes  of  Streatlam  Knight  (&  of  his  wife  Marjory  daughter  & 
one  of  ye  heirs  of  Sr.  Richard  Conyers  of  South  Cowton  Knt.)  He 
married  Elizabeth  ye  daughter  &  one  of  ye  co-heirs  of  Sr.  Roger  Aske 
of  Aske  Kt.  &  by  hir  had  issue  Sr.  George  Bowes  ye  Knight  Marshall 
&  at  length  heire  maile  of  the  whole  family  of  Bowes :  Robert  Bowes 
2d.  sonne:  and  ten  daughters:  viz.  1.  Bridgit  married  to  Thomas 
Hussey  Esqr.  ye  next  heire  maile  to  ye  Lord  Hussey.  2.  Eliz.  mard. 
John  Bainbrigge  of  Snotterton  Esq.  3.  Anne  mard.  Marmaduke  Vin- 
cent Esq.  Muriall  mar.  to — Jackson  of  Bedale  Esq.  Marjory  |  to  Mr. 
Knoxes  $  a  Devine  in  Scotland.  Margaret  to  Thomas  Middleton  Esq. 
&  after  to  Ambrose  Burbeck.  Margery,  Lucy,  Agnes,  &  Jane  all  died 
unmarried." 

[On  the  margin,  in  a  different  hand,]  "  J  sometime  called  Joane  to 
distinguish  her  from  her  sister  of  the  same  name.  §  Knox  the  famous 
Reformer." 

The  above  is  extracted  verbatim  from  a  narrative  Pedigree  compiled 
about  1640  by  Thomas  Bowes,  whose  autograph  is  on  the  last  page, 
and  which  is  now  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Surtees,  having  been  pur- 
chased by  him  at  the  sale  of  Counsellor  Gill's  Library  several  years 
ago. 

The  Pedigree  in  the  Herald's  office  stands  on  the  opposite  page.  It 
notices  only  four  of  the  daughters,  entirely  omitting  Mrs.  Knox  and 
the  four  unmarried  maidens  mentioned  above.  This  is  from  the  Visi- 
tation of  Durham,  by  Flower,  Norroy,  1575. 

The  Visitation  by  St.  George,  1615,  is  still  less  full;  it  names  only 
Ralph,  Robert,  and  Richard,  omitting  all  the  daughters. — A  modern 
Pedigree  of  less  authority  amongst  Mr.  Allan's  collection  at  Grange, 
states  Knox*S  wife  to  be  Joan;  but  is  answered  by  the  old  narrative 
statement,  which  is  far  the  fullest,  and  by  the  marginal  note  affixed  to 
it.  It  was  very  common  at  that  time  to  have  two  children  of  the 
same  Christian  name. 

The  Knight  Marshall  had  two  wives.  From  the  first,  a  Mallory  of 
Studly,  descends  Thomas  Bowes,  now  of  Bradley,  Esq.  Co.  Pal.  who 
is  the  male  heir  of  the  whole  family;  but  the  issue  of  the  second 
match,  a  Talbot  of  Grafton,  got  the  chief  estate,  now  in  the  Earl  of 
Strathmore  by  heirs  general. 


APPENDIX. 


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528  APPENDIX. 

No.  XX.  THE  TESTAMENT  OF  JOHN  KNOX. 
(From  the  Commissary  Records  of  Edinburgh.) 

Ye  testamentare  &  Inventare  of  the  guids  geir  sowmes  of  money 
&  dettis  Ptenlg  to  vmqle  Johnne  Knox  muster  of  ye  evangell  of 
Christ  Jesus  the  tyme  of  his  deceis  quha  deceissit  vpoun  ye  xxiiii 
day  of  november  The  zeir  of  God  1572  zeiris  ffaithfullie  maid  & 
gevin  vp  be  him  self  vpoun  ye  xiii  day  of  May  the  zeir  of  God 
fbirsaid  And  Ptlie  be  mgaret  Stewart  his  relict  quhome  wt.  Martha 
mgaret  &  Elizabeth  Knoxis  his  dochteris  he  vpoun  ye  xiii  day  of 
Maii  in  his  Lattir  will  vnderwritten  nofate  his  executors  testa- 
metaris  as  the  same  of  the  dait  foirsaid  beiris. 

In  the  first  the  said  vmqle  Jhonne  grantit  him  to  haif 
1573.  had  the  tyme  foirsaid  Tua  sylver  drinking  coupis  mkit. 
with  J.  K.  M.  on  ye  ane  syde  and  on  the  vthir  syde  with 
E.  B.  N.  cotening  xxv  vnces  or  thairby  Tua  salt  fattis  of  syluer  of 
xiii  vnces  vecht  and  ane  half  Auchtene  sylver  spvnes  contening 
xx  vnce  wecht  &  a  quarter  price  of  the  vnce  26s.  3d.  Summa 
ffoureskoir  punds  of  the  qlk  syluer  work  abonewritten  the  airschip 
is  to  be  deducit  and  takin  of.  Item  the  said  mgaret  ane  of  the  saids 
executours  grantit  that  the  said  vmqle  Johne  had  the  tyme  of  his 
deceis  foirsaid  in  pois  ane  hundet  pundes.  Item  his  buikis  alsweill 
vpoun  the  Scriptures  as  vyer  Pphane  authors  wort,  vi  score  and  x/. 
Item  in  vtensile  &  domicile  the  airschip  being  deducit  to  the  avail  of 
30/._ 

Suma  Inventarii. 296Z.  6s.  Sri 

ffollowis  the  dettis  awing  to  the  deid. 

Item  yair  wes  awing  to  the  said  umqle  Johnne  ye  tyme  of  his  deceis 
foirsaid  be  Andro  lord  Stewart  of  Vchiltree  his  guidfather  the  sowme 
of  80/.  of  Lent  money.  Item  be  Wm.  Fiddes  baxter  10/.  restand  awand 
to  the  said  vmqle  Johnne  of  quheit  qlk  he  ressavit  to  gif  breid  for.  Item 
be  Agnes  Weymes  relict  of  vmqle  Andro  Mernis  cietener  of  St.  An- 
drois  19/.  11s.  l%d.  for  the  rest  of  beir  qlk  scho  ressauit  fra  ye  said 
vmqle  Johnne  to  mak  aill  of.  Item  be  mgaret  Spens  Spous  to  Mr. 
Robertt  Glen  18/.  15s.  3d  for  beir  qlk  scho  ressauit  fra  the  said  vmqle 
to  delyuer  aill  of.  Item  restand  awand  to  the  said  vmqle  Johnne  the 
tyme  foirsaid  for  ane  pairt  of  his  pensioun  qlk  he  had  furth  of  the  kirk 
of  Haddingtoun  be  the  Psones  following  the  victualles  underwritten  of 
the  zeiris  and  cropes  resive  underspecifeit  viz.  of  the  crope  and  zeir 
of_god  1571  zeiris  be  James  Fiddes  for  ane  pairt  of  his  teyndis  of  the 
Nuland  Hand  in  the  parochin  of  Haddingtoun  Ane  boll  of  quheit  ane 
boll  ane  firlote  beir  vii  bollis  aitts.  be  Adame  Ethingtoun  in  Quhitrig 
ane  boll  of  quheit  sex  bollis  aitts  price  of  the  boll  of  quheit  the  said  zeir 
50s.  price  of  the  boll  of  beir  the  said  zeir  twa  mkis.  and  price  of  the  boll 
of  aittis  the  same  zeir  20s.  Siima  19/.  13s.  4d.  Item  be  the  said  James 
Fiddes  for  his  teyndis  of  the  saidis  lands  of  Nuland  of  the  crope  &  zeir 
of  God  1572  zeiris  ane  boll  of  quheit  ane  boll  ane  firlote  beir  sevin 
oollis  aittis.  Be  James  Oliphant  &  Robert  Hepburne  for  yair  teyndis 
of  the  landis  of  Stenestoun  Hand  within  the  said  parochin  ye  said  zeir 
sex  bollis  quheit  sex  bollis  beir  and  xx  bollis  aittis.  be  ye  said  Adame 
Ethingtoun  in  Quhitrig  for  his  teyndis  of  the  saidis  lands  the  said  zeir 
ane  boll  of  quheit  ane  boll  of  beir  and  sex  bollis  aittis.  Be  Johnne 
gulanis  wyfe  in  Auldersoun  for  her  teyndis  yrof.  of  ye  zeir  foirsaid  twa 
bollis  quheit  twa  bollis  beir  and  viii  bollis  aittis  Price  of  ye  boll  of 
quheit  the  said  zeir  50s.  price  of  the  boll  beir  ye  said  zeir  twa  mkis.  and 


APPENDIX.  529 

price  of  the  boll  aittis  ye  same  zeir  20s.  Summa  79/.  13s.  4d.  Item 
restand  awand  to  the  said  umqle  Johnne  the  tyme  of  his  deceis  foir- 
said  be  the  Psons  following  the  sowmes  of  money  &  victuale  under- 
writtin  as  for  ane  Pt  of  his  stipende  assignit  to  him  for  serufg.  in  the 
mristrie  of  the  said  crope  &  zeir  of  God,  1571  zeiris  in  the  first  be  Mar- 

faret  Haldane  Lady  Colingtoun  for  the  Jambes  term  in  the  said  zeir 
3/.  6s.  3d.  Be  Mr.  Robert  Wynrahame  collector  of  Fyfe  32^.  17*. 
for  ye  said  vmqle  Johnnis  victuale  of  the  said  pensioun  sauld  be  him 
the  said  zeir.  Be  Robert  Bennet  thre  firlottis  quheit  Pee  of  the  boll 
50^.  Summa  32s.  6d  Item  restand  awand  to  the  said  vmqle  Jhonne 
the  victuale  and  underspecifeit  as  for  ane  Pt  of  his  said  stipend  the 
crop  &  zeir  of  God  1572  zeiris.  In  the  first  be  Williame  mchingstoun 
in  Inneresk  thre  bollis  tua  firlottis  tua  peckis  quheit.  Be  Williame 
Vernor  yair  tua  bollis  tua  firlottis  thre  peckis  quheit.  Be  George  Forma 
yair  thre  bollis  tua  firlottis  tua  pectis  quheit.  Be  Robert  Dow- 
glas  thre  bollis  tua  firlottis  tua  peckis  quheit.  Be  Johnne  Cranistoun 
in  Monktounhall  thre  bollis  thre  firlottis  quheit.  Be  Johne  Kerss  yair 
thre  bollis  ane  firlot  tua  pectis  quheit.  Be  Thomas  Thomsoun  yair 
tua  bollis  tua  firlottis  tua  pectis  quheit.  Be  Adame  wricht  tua  bollis 
ane  firlit  quheit.  Be  Williame  Johnestoun  foure  bollis  ane  firlot  quheit. 
Be  Dauid  Hill  in  Inneresk  ane  boll  thre  firlotts  thre  pectis  quheit.  ex- 
tenden.  to  tua  chalder  quheit  price  of  ye  boll  of  quheit  the  said  zeir  50s. 
Siima  80/.  Be  helene  Cowtis  relict  of  umqle  Richard  Prestoun  of 
quhithill  ane  chalder  beir.  Be  Jonet  Betoun  in  Litill  Monktoun  ellevin 
bollis  beir.  Be  Williame  Wauchop  of  Nudry  mschell  for  the  teyndis 
of  the  lands  of  Calcoittis  thre  bollis  beir.  Be  Johnne  Hill  of  that  ilk  tua 
bollis  beir.  Be  the  tennentis  of  the  parochin  of  Kynglassie  for.chalderis. 
beir  as  followis.  Be  Johnne  Boswall  in  Gaitmylk  ane  chalder  beir. 
Williame  Swyne  yair  viii  bollis  beir.  George  Tod  in  Kyninmonth  ane 
chalder  beir.  Helene  Mertyne  in  Kynglassie  and  Wm.  Boswall  hir 
sone  tuelf  bollis  beir.  Wm.  Boswall  in  Stintoun  xii  bollis  beir  exten- 
den.  in  ye  haill  to  sex  chalderis  beir  price  of  the  boll  drheid  tua  mkis. 
Sua  ane  hundret  twentie  aucht  pundis.  Be  the  tennetis  of  the  paro- 
chin of  Newbirnshyre  in  Fyffe  foure  chalder  aittis  as  follows  vizt 
Williame  Dishingtoun  in  Ranelery  fourtene  bollis  aittis.  Thome  Al- 
cheur  yair  xiiii  bollis  beir.  Johnne  Zoung  in  the  Coittis  sex  bollis 
aittis.  Be  David  Sympsoun  yair  sex  bollis  aittis  and  be  Andro 

yair  sex  bollis  aittis.    Be  David  Johnesoun  in  Monc- 

turpie  aucht  bollis  aittis.    Be Sympsoun  foure  bollis 

aittis  price  of  the  boll  ouerheid  20s.  Summa  64/.  Item  restand  awand 
to  ye  said  umqle  Johnne,  the  sowmes  underspecifeit  as  for  ane  Pt  of 
ye  sylver  of  his  said  stipend  of  the  said  zeir  of  God  1572  zeiris.  In  the 
first  be  James  Rig  of  Carberry  for  the  half  teynd  of  Cowsland  33/.  6s. 

Sd.    Be lady  Edmestoun   Spous  to  Andro  Ker  of 

hirsell  knyt,  for  the  vyr.  half  of  the  teyndis  of  the  lands  foirsaids  33/. 
6s.  Sd.  Be  the  said  mgaret.  Haldane  Jady  Colyngtoun  for  the  teynd 
of  Hailis  66/.  13s.  Sd.  Be  Robert  Bennet  33/.  6s.  Sd.  Be  Mr.  James 
Macgill  of  Rankelor,  neyer  for  his  males  of  the  lands  of  Pinkie  for  the 
times  of  Witsonday  and  mtymes,  In  the  said  zeir  of  God  1572  zeiris 
511.  6s.  8d.  And  als  resting  be  him  of  the  males  of  the  landis  foirsaids 
of  the  zeir  of  God  1570  zeiris  45s.  Sd.  Be  the  executirs  of  vmqle  Gil- 
bert Edmestoun  for  the  males  of  the  lands  of  Wowmet  of  the  tme.  of 
mtymes.  the  said  zeir  of  God  1572  zeiris  22^.  8s.  Be  Jonet  betoun  for 

the  males  of  Litill  Monktoun  Nyne  pundis.    Be  the  said 

Lady  Edmestone  and  Archibald  Prestoun  of  Wallefeild  for  the  males 
of  Netoun  14/.  11s.  6d.  Be  James  Rig  of  Carberry  for  the  Maill  yrof. 

20/.    Item  be of  Nudry  for  the  Males  of  Calcottes 

45  R3 


530  APPENDIX. 

thre  pundes.    Be  Robert  Douglas  in  Inneresk  for  his  males  31.  19s.  4d. 
Be  Wm.  mchinston  thair  for  his  few  mail!  27s.  lOd. 

Summa  of  the  detis  abone  writtin  )  CQn/  to     ~, 
awing  to  ye  deid  J  mL  ]  9s'  6d 

Na  detis  awing  be  deid 


To    be    Diuidit   in   thre  Ptis   ye  ^  Q7t,/  tQ    0^ 
deidis  pairt  yrof.  extendis  to       $  dl 

ffollowis  the  latter  will  and  legacie. 

Lord  Jesus  I  comend  my  troublit  spreit  in  thy  Ptectioun  and  defence 
and  thy  troublit  kirk  to  thy  mcie.    Becaus  I  haif  had  to  do  wt.  dyuers 
Psonages  of  the  mfistrie  qrunto  god  of  his  mcie.  erectit  me  wt.  in  this 
realme  my  dewetie  cravis  that  I  sail  leve  unto  thaim  now  ane  testimony 
of  my  mynd.    And  first  unto  the  papistis  and  to  the  vnthankfull  warld 
I  say  that  althocht  my  lyfe  hes  bene  vnto  thaim  odious  and  that  oftin- 
times  yai  haif  socht  my  destruction  &  ye  destructioun  of  ye  kirk  qlk 
god  of  his  mercie  hes  plantit  within  this  realme  &  hes  alwayis  preservit 
&  kepit  the  samin  fra  thair  crewale  Intprysis  zet  to  yaim  I  am  compellit 
to  say  that  onles  thai  spedele  repent  my  departing  of  this  lyfe  sal  be  to 
yaim  the  greatest  calamitie  that  evir  zet  hes  apprehendit  yaim.  sum 
small  appearance  yai  may  zit  haife  in  my  lyfe  gif  thai  haif  grace  to  se; 
ane  deid  man  haif  I  bene  almaist  yir  tua  zeiris  last  bypast  And  zet  I 
wald  that  yai  suld  rypelie  considder  in  quhat  bettir  estait  yai  and  yair 
materis  stands  in  yan  it  hes  done  befoir  and  thai  haif  hard  of  langtyme 
befoir  threatnit.  bot  becaus  yai  will  nocht  admit  me  for  ane  adminiser, 
I  gif  yar  ouir  to  the  Judgment  of  him  quha  knawis  ye  hartis  of  all  and 
will  disclose  the  secretis  yairof  in  dew  tyme.    And  yis  far  to  the  pa- 
pistis.   To  the  faithfull  God  befoir  his  sone  Jesus  Christ  and  befoir  his 
halie  Angellis  I  Ptest  yat  God  be  my  mouth,  be  I  nevir  sa  abiect,  hes 
schawin  to  zow  his  trewth  in  all  simplicitie.     Nane  I  haif  corrupted, 
nane  haif  I  defraudit,  mchandise  haif  I  nocht  maide  (to  godis  glorie  I 
write)  of  the  glorious  evangell  of  Jesus  Christ,  bot  according  to  the 
measr  of  the  grace  graunted  unto  me,  I  haif  dividit  the  sermont  of 
trewth  in  just  Ptis,  beatin  doun  the  pryde  of  the  proude  In  all  that  did 
declare  yr.  rebellioun  aganis  God,  according  as  God  in  his  law  gevis 
to  me  zit  testimonie,  &  raising  vp  the  consciences  trublit  with  the  knaw- 
ledge  of  yr.  awin  synnis  be  the  declaring  of  Jesus  Christ  the  strength 
of  his  death  &  the  michtie  operatioun  of  his  resurrectioun.    In  the 
hartis  of  the  faithfull  off  yis  I  say  I  haif  ane  testimony  yis  day  in  my 
conscience  befoir  God,  how  yat  evir  ye  warld  rage.     Be  costant  yrfoir 
in  doctrine  that  anis  publictlie  ze  have  professit,  lat  nocht  sclandrous 
dayis  draw  zow  away  fra  Jesus  Christ,  nayir  lat  the  prosperitie  of  the 
wickit  move  zow  to  follow  it  nor  yame.    ffor  howsoeuer  it  be  yat  God 
appeiris  to  neglect  his  awin  for  ane  seasoun,  zit  he  remanis  ane  Just 
Judge  quha  nathir  can  nor  will  justifie  the  wickit.  I  am  nocht  ignorant 
yat  mony  wald  that  I  suld  enter  in  particulars  determinatioun  of  thir 
Pnt  trubles,  to  quhome  I  planelie  and  simplie  aswer  yat  as  I  neuir 
excedit  ye  boundis  of  Goddis  scriptures,  sua  will  I  nocht  do  in  yis  pairt 
by  Godis  grace.     Bot  heirof  I  am  assurit  be  him  qnha  nathair  can  dis- 
save  nor  be  dissavit  yat  the  castell  of  Edinburt,  in  the  qlk  all  the  mur- 
thour  all  the  truble  &  the  haill  destructioun  of  yis  puir  commounweill 
was  Inventit,  as  our  awin  eis  may  witness,  by  yaim  &  by  yair  mate- 
naris  was  put  in  executioun,  sail  cum  to  destructioun  mantene  it  quhasa 
list,  The  destructioun  I  say  of  body  &  saull,  except  yai  repent.    I  luik 
not  to  the  mometary  prosperitie  of  ye  wicked,  ze  not  althot  yai  suld 


APPENDIX.  531 

remane  conquerors  to  the  cuing  of  or.  lord  Jesus,  bot  I  luik  to  this  sen- 
tence, that  quhasaeur  scheddis  Innocent  bluid  defyles  the  land  and 
provoikis  Godis  wrath  aganis  himself  &  the  land,  vntill  his  bluid  be 
sched  agane  be  ordor  of  law  to  satisfie  gods  anger.  This  is  nocht  the 
first  tyme  that  ze  haif  hard  this  sentence,  althot  yat  mony  at  all  tymes 
sturrit  at  sik  severitie  I  zit  afferme  the  same  being  reddy  to  entir  to 
gif  compt  befoir  his  Maiestie  of  the  stewartship  he  committit  vnto  me. 
I  knaw  in  my  death  the  rumours  salbe  strange,  bot  be  ze  nocht  trublit 
abone  measor,  belouit  in  the  Lord  Jesus.  Bot  zit  agane  I  say,  remane 
costat  in  ye  trewt,  &  he  quha  of  his  mcie.  send  me,  conductit  me,  and 
prosperet  ye  work  in  my  hand  aganis  Sathan  will  provide  for  zow 
abundantlie,  quhen  yat.  athir  my  bluid  sail  wattir  the  doctrine  taucht 
be  me,  or  he  of  his  mercie  vtherwayis  provide  to  put  ane  end  to  yis 
my  battell.  My  executors  I  mak  constitute  &  ordane  mgaret  Stewart 
my  spous,  Martha  Margaret  &  Elizabeth  knoxismy  dochteris,  and  the 
faithfull  to  be  orsmen.  To  my  tua  sones  Nathaneell  &  Eleazare 
Knoxis  I  unfeignedlie  leif  ye  same  benedictioun  yat  yairdairest  mider 
Mariorie  Bowss  left  vnto  yaim  To  wit  that  God  for  his  sone  Christ 
Jesus  saik  wald  of  his  mercie  mak  yaim  his  trew  fereris  and  als  up- 
richt  worschippers  of  him  as  ony  yat  euer  sprang  out  of  Abrahames 
loynes,  quhairto  now  as  than  I  fra  my  trublit  hart  say  amen,  ffurther 
I  have  delyuerit  be  Maister  Randulphe  to  Mr.  Robert  Bowss  schereff 
of  the  bischoprik  &  bruder  to  ye  said  Mariorie  my  vmqle  dairest 
spous  ye  sowme  of  fyve  hundreth  punds  of  scottis  money  to  ye  vtilitie 
and  profTett  of  my  saidis  tua  sonis,  The  qlk  money  is  yat  pairt  of sub- 
stace  yat  fell  or  pertenit  to  yaim  be  the  deces  of  Mariorie  Bowss  yair 
moder  of  blissit  memory,  And  augmetit  be  me  as  I  myt.  or  may  spair 
to  mak  out  the  said  sowme,  for  I  ressavit  of  yris  bot  ane  hundret 
merkis  sterling,  qlk  I  of  my  povirtie  extendit  to  fyve  hundret  punds 
scottis,  and  yat  in  contentatioun  of  yair  bairns  pairt  of  geir  qlkis  may 
fall  to  yal  by  my  deces.  Item  I  leif  to  my  saids  tua  sones  Tua  sylver 
drinking  cowpis  the  ane  of  thai  is  mket.  J.  K.  M.  on  ye  ane  syde,  and 
on  ye  vther  syde  wt.  E.  B.  N.  And  in  like  mnner  ye  toyir  wt.  the 
same  mk.  and  leres,  The  wecht  of  ye  saidis  twa  cuipis  contenand  xxii 
vnce,  or  yrby.,  Tua  salt  fattis  of  sylver  and  xviii  sylver  spvnes,  weyand 
xxxiiii  z.  and  ane  qr.  vnces,  price  of  ye  vnce  urheid  26s.  8d.  The  qlks 
cuipis  salt  fattis  &  spvnes  I  leif  in  keping  to  ye  said  Margaret  my  spous 
qil  my  saidis  sones  be  of  the  aige  of  xxi  zeiris  At  ye  qlk  tyme  I  ordane 
&  commandis  hir  to  delyver  the  samT  to  my  saidis  sones,  or  to  ony  ane 
of  yaim,  gif  be  deces  ye  vthir  faillis.  Item  I  leif  also  to  my  saids  sones 
ane  pairt  of  my  saidis  buikis  of  ye  availl  of  SO/.  And  failzeing  of  my 
saids  sones  &  thair  airis  I  ordane  the  foirsaidis  fyve  hundret  punds 
wt.  ye  syluer  cuips  spvnes  saltfattis  and  buikis  to  return  agane  as 
eftir  followis,  That  is  to  say,  ye  ane  equale  half  yrof.  to  ye  said  Mar- 
garet my  spous  &  my  saidis  thrie  dochteris,  And  ye  vyir  half  of  ye 
saml  to  my  bruder  Williame  Knox  and  his  airis  quhatsumevir.  Item  t 
leif  to  my  said  spous  Margaret  Stewart,  ye  Aucht  hundret  merkis 
qlkis  ar  laid  vpoun  the  landis  of  pennymoir  quhairn  scho  is  infeft  be 
Andro  lord  Stewart  of  vchiltree  my  fader  of  law,  and  failzeing  of  ye 
said  Margaret  I  leif  ye  same  to  my  saids  thre  dochters  &  failzeing  of 
thaim  I  leif  the  samin  to  ye  said  Andro  lord  Stewart  of  vchiltrie  &  his 
airis  quhatsueuir,  chairgeing  &  requyring  my  said  fader  of  law  &  his 
airis,  as  yai  will  asuer  befoir  yat  incorruptible  Judge  ye  lord  Jesus, 
yat  yai  suffer  not  my  said  spous  &  children  to  be  defraudit  or  evill 
payit  of  the  males  &  anual  rent  of  the  saids  lands  during  the  nonre- 
demptioun  of  ye  samf.  Item  I  lief  to  paule  knox  my  bruder  sonne  ane 
hundreth  punch's  qlk  lyis  in  wodset  upoun  Robert  Campbellis  landis  in 
Kinzeanclewt  &  quhairin  the  said  paule  is  ellis  infeft,  and  yat  to  be 


532  APPENDIX. 

ane  help  to  hald  him  at  ye  scuilis.  And  as  concerning  ye  rest  of  my 
haill  guids  quhatsumeuir  I  lief  to  be  dividit  betuix  my  said  spous  & 
my  saids  thre  dochteris,  and  becaus  my  said  spous  man  tak  the  cair 
of  my  saidis  dochteris  &  faith  fullie  travell  for  thair  guid  nurischment 
&  upbringing,  Thairfoir  I  leif  my  said  spous  ye  use  of  yr.  geir  qll  yaibe 
mareit  or  cum  to  perfite  aige,  at  qlk  tyme  I  ordane  thaim^every  ane  as 
the  tyme  approaches  to  haif  yair  a  win  yat  to  yaim  appertenis. 

sic  subscribitur  Johne  Knox. 

Johne  Adamesoun  witness 

Rot.  Watsoun  witness 

Johne  Johnesstoun  witness 

Quotta  The  quote  of  yis  testament  is  given  gratis  be  speale  corn- 
gratis,  mand  of  my  lords  Commissaris. 


No.  XXI.    THE  TESTAMENT  OF  MRS.  WELCH. 
(Glasgow  Testament  Register.) 

The  Testament  testamentar  and  Inventar  of  the  guidis,  geir,  debtis  and 
soumes  of  money  quhilkis  pertenit  to  vmquhile  Elizabeth  Knox,  relict  of 
vmquhile  Mr.  Johnne  Welsche,  sumtyme  minister  at  Air,  within  the  pa- 
rochin  yairof,  the  tyme  of  hir  deceis  Q,uha  deceist  In  the  moneth  of  Janu- 
ar,  the  zeir  of  God  1600  tuentie  fy  ve  zeiris,  ffaythfullie  maid  and  gevin  vp 
be  hir  awin  mouthe  Insafar  as  cpncernes  the  nominatioun  of  hir  execu- 
touris  nominat  be  hir  and  legacie  vnderwritten,  and  pairtlie  maid  and 
gevin  vp  be  Mr.  James  Inglis,  minister  at  Daylie,  Mr.  Josias  Welsche  hir 
sone,  twa  of  the  executouris  nominat  be  the  defunct  Insafar  as  con- 
cernes  the  vpgeving  of  the  Inuentar  of  hir  guidis,  geir,  debtis  awand 
In  and  Out,  As  hir  latterwill  and  testament  of  the  daite  vnderwrittin 
mair  fullie  proportis. 

Inuentar. 

Item,  the  defunct  had  the  tyme  foirsaid  the  guidis  and  geir  vnder- 
written of  the  availlis,  quantities  and  pryces  eftirspecifeit,  vizt.  the  In- 
sycht  of  the  hous  in  vtincillis  and  domicillis  with  the  abuilzement  of 
the  defunctis  bodie  estimat  to  380/. 
Summa  of  the  Inuentar 380J. 

Debtis  awand  In. 

Item,  thair  was  awand  to  the  defunct  the  tyme  foirsaid,  the  sowmes 
of  money  following :  Be  the  persones  eftirspecifeit,  viz.  Be  Robert 
Wallace,  burges  of  Air,  and  his  cautionneris  2333Z.  6s.  Sd.  Be  Johnne 
Stewart  burges  yair  6661.  13s.  4d.  Be  the  Lady  Cesnokis  and  hir 
sone  the  laird  of  Cesnok,  666/.  13s.  4d  Be  Archibald  Dumbar,  133/. 
6s.  Sd.  Be  Vchtred  Me  Dowgall  of  Mondork  661.  13s.  4d.  Be  Johnne 
Stewart  133/.  6s.  Sd. 

Summa  of  the  debtis  in, 4000/. 

Summa  of  the  inuentar  and  debtis, 4380/. 

Debtis  awand  out. 

Item,  thair  was  awand  be  the  defunct,  the  tyme  foirsaid,  the  sowmes 
of  money  following :  To  the  persones  eftir  specifeit,  viz.  To  Jonet 


APPENDIX.  533 

Kennedy  of  fie,  20Z. ;  to  Bessie  Ingrahame  of  fie,  10Z. ;  to  Allan  Cath- 
cart,  hir  servand,  of  fie,  30/. 

Summa  of  the  debtis  out, 60/. 

Restis  frie  geir,  debtis  deducit, 4320/. 

Na  diuisioune. 
Quota  be  compositioune, 219  merkis. 

Legacie. 

At  Air,  the  aucht  day  of  Januar,  the  zeir  of  God  1600  tuentie  five 
zeiris,  I,  Elizabeth,  relict  of  vmqle  Mr.  Johne  Welsche,  sumtyme  min- 
ister at  Air,  being,  at  the  pleasour  of  the  Lord,  now  viseit  with  seik- 
ness  and  infirmitie  of  bodye,  vncertane  of  the  hore  of  my  daithe,  hes 
thairfoir,  for  setting  in  ordour  of  my  worldlie  effairis,  maid  my  testa- 
ment and  latterwil,  as  followis :  Be  the  quhilk  I  nominat,  mak,  and  con- 
stitute Mr.  James  Inglis,  minister  at  Daylie,  Mr.  Josias  Welsche,  my 
sone,  and  Nathaniell  Welsche,  also  my  sonne,  my  only  executouris ;  and 
willis  and  requestis  Mr.  John  Ker,  minister  at  Prestounepannis ;  Williame 
Stewart,  brother-german  to  Josias  Stewart  of  Bonytoune ;  Alexander 
Schaw  of  Keirhill,  aud  Johnne  Stewart,  lait  bailzie  of  Air,  to  be  ouerismen 
and  ouersearis  of  the  weill  of  my  bairnes ;  and  referris  the  vpgeving 
of  the  inuentair  of  my  guidis,  geir,  debtis  and  sowmes  of  money  be- 
langing  vnto  me  to  the  saidis  Mr.  James  Inglis,  Mr.  Josias  Welsche, 
and  Nathaniell  Welsche,  my  executouris  foirsaidis,  quhilk  I  declair 
salbe  als  sufficient  as  gif  I  had  gevin  vp  the  samyne  myself.  Item,  I 
leif  to  the  puir  and  hospitalitie  of  Air  ffourtie  pundis  money  of  this 
realme;  and  I  leiffthe  haill  rest  and  remanent  of  my  guidis,  geir,  deb- 
tis, sowmes  of  money,  and  vtheris  quhatsumever  belanging  vnto  me, 
or  quhairvnto  I  haue  richt  and  title  in  ony  sort,  to  the  said  Mr.  Josias 
Welsche,  Nathaniell  Welsche,  my  sones,  and  to  Luyse  Welsche,  my 
dochter,  eqallie  amangis  thame  thrie,  be  equall  diusioun.  Item,  I  leif 
to  the  said  Mr.  Josias  Welsche,  twa  gold  ringis.  Item,  to  the  said 
Nathaniel  Welsche,  ane  gold  ring;  and  I  leif  ane  pair  of  golden  brace- 
Jettis  and  ane  chinze  of  gold,  ane  taflfatie  gowne,  and  dames  wyliecoitt, 
and  ane  taffatie  wyliecoitt,  with  my  silwir  belt ;  and  with  sex  gold 
ringis,  ane  lang  stalkit  sylwir  coup,  twa  sylwir  spwnes,  to  the  said 
Lwyse  Welsche,  my  dochter.  Item,  I  leif  to  the  said  Mr.  Josias  Welsche 
ane  marmet  sylwir  pott,  with  the  cover  yairof  and  twa  sylwir  spunes ; 
and  I  leif  to  the  said  Nathaniell  Welsche,  twa  sylwir  spunes.  In  wit- 
nes  of  the  quhilk  thing,  to  this  my  present  testament,  writtin  be 
George  Masoune,  notar,  I  haue  subscryvit  the  samyne  with  my  hand, 
at  Air,  the  aucht  day  of  Januar,  the  zeir  of  God  1600  tuentie  fyve 
zeiris ;  befoir  thir  witnesses,  James  Will  merchand  burges  of  Edin- 
burgh, the  saidis  William  Stewart,  and  Allexander  Schaw,  with  Al- 
lane  Cathcart,  my  servitor,  and  the  said  George  Masoune,  writter 
heerof.  Sic  subscribitur,  Elizabethe  Knox.  Williame  Stewart,  witnes ; 
James  Will,  witnes ;  George  Masoune,  notar,  witnes. 

I,  Mr.  James  Hammiltoune,  of  Westport,  commissar  of  Glasgow, 
&c.  be  the  tennor  heirof,  ratefeis,  approvis,  and  confermis  this  present 
testament  and  inuentar,  insafar  as  the  samyne  is  dewlie  and  lauch- 
fullie  made  and  gevin  vp,  nathing  omittit  furth  of  the  samyne,  nor  set 
within  the  just  avail  yairincontenit,  and  gevis  and  committis  full 
power  and  intromissioun  with  the  guidis  and  geir  abonewrittin  to  the 
saidis  Mr.  James  Inglis  and  Mr.  Johne  Welsche,  twa  of  the  executou- 
ris abonespecifeit  allanerlie,  with  power  to  yame  to  call  and  perse  w 
yairfoir.  Becaus  twa  of  the  executouris  foirsaid  hes  maid  fayth,  as 
vse  is,  in  respect  of  the  said  Nathaniell  Welsch,  the  vther  executouris 
45* 


534  APPENDIX. 

minoritie,  and  hes  fund  cautioun,  as  law  will,  as  ane  act  maid  yair- 
vpoune  at  lenth  beiris.   At  Glasgow,  the  xxiij  day  of  Maij,  1625  zeiris. 


No.  XXII. 

Extracts  from  "  A  Historie  of  the  Estate  of  Scotland  from  the  year 
1559  to  the  year  1566."— MS.  belonging  to  Thomas  Thomson,  Esq. 

fThis  is  the  MS.  to  which  I  have  frequently  referred  in  the  account 
which  I  have  given  of  the  differences  between  the  queen  regent  and 
the  Protestants,  in  the  years  1558  and  1559.  At  the  beginning  of  it  is 
the  date  "7th  January,  1663,"  most  probably  the  day  on  which  the 
writing  was  begun.  It  is  undoubtedly  a  transcript  from  a  more  an- 
cient MS.  and  the  transcriber  has  not  been  well  acquainted  with  the 
old  hand.  Accordingly,  he  has  sometimes  left  blanks,  and  at  other 
times  has  evidently  given  a  false  reading.  Only  a  small  part  of  the 
original  MS.  seems  to  have  been  transcribed  by  him.  In  making  the 
following  extracts  from  it,  I  have  endeavoured  to  select  such  passages 
or  circumstances  not  mentioned  in  other  histories;  and  I  am  not 
without  hopes  that  the  publication  of  these  may  contribute  to  the  dis- 
covery of  the  original  MS.  which  may  be  preserved  in  some  public 
library  or  private  repository.] 

In  the  moneth  of  Julij  anno  1558,  conveened  in  Edenburgh  a  certen 
number  of  the  professours  of  Christ's  Evangell.  The  cause  of  their 
meeting  wes  partly  to  assist  certen  brethren  of  Dundie  who  wer  sum- 
moned to  vnderly  the  law  by  instigation  of  the  bishops.  And  after 
consultation  ad  advice  taken,  the  presented  a  suplication  in  the  palace 
of  Halyrud  house  to  the  queene  regent,  conteining  in  effect  thes  arti- 
cles ffollowing.  In  the  first  desyring  that  it  might  be  lawful!  to  all 
such  as  pleased  to  meete  publiquely  that  in  any  part  within  this 
realme  of  Scotland  to  read  comon  prayers  in  the  mother  tongue. 
Secondly,  that  it  should  be  lawful  to  all  persons  haveing  knowledge 
to  preach  the  word  of  God  without  the  leaven  of  mens  traditions. 
Thirdly,  that  it  should  be  lawfull  for  the  sayd  persons,  ministers  of 
God's  word,  to  minister  the  sacraments,  to  witt,  of  baptisme  and  the 
lords  supper,  according  to  the  true  institution  commanded  by  Christ 
and  his  apostels,  and  to  the  faithfull  to  recave  the  same.  The  which 
supplication  the  said  queene  regent  receaved  with  a  joyfull  counte- 
nance forth  of  the  hands  of  the  Laird  of  Gadder  in  the  presence  of  a 
great  part  of  the  nobilitie,  the  Papist  Bishops  also  being  present.  And 
at  that  tyme  shee  gave  an  indifferent  answere,  saying  always  shoe 
would  advise  in  the  matter.  But  soon  after  shoe  delyvered  the  said 
supplication  to  the  Bpp  of  St.  Andrewes  to  be  advised  with  him  that 
wes  to  be  done,  as  the  yssue  of  the  said  matter  did  declare.  Alwayes 
the  faithfull  reioiced  and  gave  condigne  thanks  to  the  eternall  our 
God,  for  that  it  had  pleased  him  to  give  them  the  boldness  to  vtter 
themselvss  to  be  such  as  desyred  the  advancemt.  of  his  glory  notwith- 
standing the  multitude  of  their  enemies.  At  the  same  meeting  there 
wer  certen  brethren  of  Dundie,  who  were  summoned  to  vnderly  the 
law  for  the  cause  of  religion.  They  wer  releived  vpon  securitie  to 
enter  vpon  eight  dayes  warning.  Finally  departing  from  Edenbrugh, 
everie  man  in  their  owne  shyrs  and  townes  they  beganne  to  proceed 
according  to  the  effect  of  the  said  articles  privatly  and  publickly 
where  they  might  without  occasion  of  sedition  or  greate  trouble ;  the 
greatest  fervencie  apeared  in  the  Mearns  and  Angus,  and  Kyle  and 
Fife  or  Lothian ;  but  chieflv  the  faithfull  in  Dundie  exceeded  all  the 


APPENDIX.  535 

rest  in  zeal  and  boldnes,  preferring  the  true  religion  to  all  things  tem- 
poral!.   But  in  Edenburgh  their  meeting  wes  but  in  private  houses. — 
In  October  the  minister  of  Gods  word  John  Willock  came  into  this 
countrie,  by  whose  godly  sermons  the  brethren  were  strengthened  in 
all  places  where  the  faithfull  came,  and  the  number  increased  dayly ; 
bot  Sathan  never  ceases  to  suppress  by  all  meanes  the  truth  where 
he  perceaves  the  same  truely  to  increase.    In  the  end  of  September 
following  the  Bpp  of  St.  Andrews  caused  summone  the  preachers, 
viz.  John  Willok,  John  Douglas,  William  Harlaw,  Paul  Meffan,  and  John 
to  appeare  before  him  at  St.  Andrews  the  second  of  February 
following ;  wherof  the  brethren  being  advertised,  advised  what  wes 
to  be  done,  and  after  consultation  taken  in  the  matter,  caused  informe 
the  queene  regent  that  the  said  preachers  would  appear  with  such 
multitudes  of  men  professing  their  doctrine  as  wes  never  seen  befor 
in  such  like  cases  in  this  countrie.    Then  the  queene  fearing  some 
vproare  or  sedition,  desyred  the  Bishopp  to  continue  the  matter,  and 
declared  that  shee  would  send  for  the  nobilitie  and  estates  of  the 
realme  to  advise  for  some  reformation  in  religion,  and  for  the  same 
purpose  assigned  the  seventh  of  March  following  for  a  convention  to 
be  holden  at  Edenburgh.    bot  the  Bpp  of  St.  Andrews  caused  warne 
all  the  sects  of  the  Papists  to  the  said  day  to  hold  a  provincial  coun- 
sell  at  Edenburgh,  wher  they  being  mett  after  some  commoneing  by 
the  principall  Bpps  with  the  nobles,  whereof  nothing  in  effect  folio  wed; 
then  the  sayd  Bpps  after  their  old  manner  offered  themselves  to  the 
queene,  to  doe  all  that  shee  would  command  them,  proveiding  that 
they  might  be  maintained  in  their  dignitie  for  the  suppressing  of  the 
truth,  and  after  they  were  agreed  with  her  vpon  the  summe  which 
wes  within  15,000/.  they  sate  them  downe  in  the  Blackfryers  of  Eden- 
burgh in  their  vsuall  councell.    Where  the  7th  day  wes  devised,  and 
the  next  Sunday  the  15th  of  March  the  said  Bpp  sang  a  magnifick 
mass  of  the  holy  spirit,  as  they  tearmed  it,  for  a  beginning  of  the  de£ 
ormation.    On  the  other  part  the  cumissioners  of  the  faithfull  met 
by  themselves  at  the  same  tyme  in  Edenburgh,  and  everie  day  con- 
sulted for  the  furtherance  of  the  gospell ;  and  finally  perceaving  that 
the  queene  regent  and  the  Papists  were  agreed  by  reasone  of  the  said 
summe  promised  by  them  to  her,  they  departed,  leaving  the  Papists 
still  at  their  provinciall  councell ;   Where,  amongst  others  of  the  stat- 
utes, the  23d  of  March  the  queene  regent  caused  proclame  this  at  the 
markett  crosses  at  Edr.  and  other  places,  conteining  in  effect,  that  no 
manner  of  persone  should  take  vpon  hands  to  preache  or  minister 
the  sacraments  except  they  were  therto  admitted  by  the  ordinarie  or 
Bishopp  vnder  no  less  paine  then  death.    And  because  they  vnder- 
stood  perfectly  of  the  afore  said  proclamation  that  it  wes  disobeyed 
and  contemned  by  the  preachers,  in  April  following,*  for  contraven- 
ing of  the  said  acts  and  proclamations  vnder  the  paine  of  Rebellion 
and  putting  to  the  home,  which  thing  was  done  express  agt.  the  laws 
and  practice  of  the  Countrie.    In  the  end  of  this  moneth  of  Aprill  the 
minister  of  Gods  word  John  Knox  arrived  at  Leith,f  and  on  the  next 
day  after  his  commeing,  which  wes  called  Phillipp,  and  Jacobs  day, 
the  Papists  meeting  at  the  Councell  being  well  sett  downe  in  the 
Blackfryers  of  Edenburgh,  one  came  in  and  assured  them  that  John 
Knox  wes  now  come  out  of  ffrance,  [and]  had  bene  all  that  night  in 
the  Towne :  at  the  wch  newes  they  being  all  astonished,  leaving  the 
councell  rose  suddenly  from  the  board  where  they  satt,  and  passing 

*  "They  were  summoned,"  or  some  such  words,  must  be  supplied  here. 
t  There  is  a  mistake  here  as  to  the  date.    Knox  arrived  on  the  2d  of  May.    See  pp 
158-163. 


536  APPENDIX. 

forth  to  the  yeard  altogether  abashed,  fearing  the  thing  which  came 
suddenly  to  pass.  In  the  mean  time  that  court  wes  cast  so  that  they 
never  mett  there  again  to  this  day.  Nevertherless,  they  sent  inconti- 
nent a  post  to  Glasgow  to  the  queene,  acquainting  her  of  the  matter, 
who  caused  him  to  be  blowne  loud  to  the  horne  the  third  day  after. 
Bot  in  the  mean  time  the  faithfull  being  informed  of  his  commeing 
thirwith  encouraged  ceased  not  to  give  praise  to  God,  and  finally  he 
being  convoyed  to  Dundie  incontinent  preached  the  word  public- 

qiiely. 

Alwayes  when  they  [the  Lords  of  the  Congregation]  had  purged 
the  kirks  in  Sterling,  and  ordered  the  Friers  as  they  had  done  with 
them  in  St.  Johnstone  and  St.  Andrewes,  destroying  the  Altars  and 
Idolls,  caused  the  Evangell  to  be  publicquely  preached  in  the  Parish 
Kirk,  then  they  came  to  Edenbrugh  the  penult  day  of  June  not  above 
1000  horse  in  companie,  at  the  first  commeing,  with  some  men  of 
warr  about  300  men.  But  before  their  commeing  to  Edenbrugh,  the 
Friers  takeing  the  fray,  for  their  master  the  Lord  Seyton  then  Pro- 
vost who  wes  appointed  them,  wes  wearie  of  his  office,  the  ffriers 
then  begane  to  dispose  amongst  their  acquaintance  the  best  of  their 
goods  which  were  left  at  that  tyme,  which  thing  the  Rascall  people 
perceiving  went  in  finding  the  yates  open  and  suddenly  fell  to  work 
and  sacked  all.  So  that  before  the  arriving  of  the  Congregation 
neither  Altars,  nor  Idolls,  nor  any  thing  pertaining  to  Idolatrie  in  the 
friers,  wes  left  standing:  soe  that  the  whole  Churches  about  Eden- 
burgh,  as  well  as  within  the  Towne  being  purged,  the  faithfull  reioiced 
giving  condigne  thanks  to  the  EternaJl  God  who  of  his  mercie  had 
wrought  so  great  things  without  the  expectation  of  all  men.  The 
minister  of  Gods  word  John  Knox  the  same  day  that  the  Congrega- 
tion came  to  Edenbrugh,  made  a  Sermone  in  St.  Giles  Church,  and 
the  next  day  in  the  Abbay,  so  that  the  dumbe  Idolls  and  all  darkness 
being  taken  away,  the  clear  Ligh-shineing  of  Gods  word  was  truely 
preached.  The  third  day  after  the  arriveing  of  the  Congregation  at 
Edenburgh,  My  Lord  of  Glenkarne  with  the  Gent,  of  the  west  coun- 
trie  came  to  her  [there  1]  after  that  they  had  purchased  [purged]  the 
churches  in  Glasgow  of  Idolatrie.  The  names  of  the  Lords  of  the 
congregation  wes  the  Earle  of  Argyle,  the  Lord  James,  the  Earle  of 
Glencarne,  the  Earle  of  Menteeth,  the  Earle  Rothes.  The  same  day 
after  their  comeing  to  Edr.  the  Lords  and  Principalls  of  the  Congre- 
gation send  to  the  Queene  Regent,  being  at  Dumbarr,  my  Lord  of 
Glencarne,  the  lairds  of  Cunninghamhead  and  Pittaro,  declaring  to 
her  that  the  whole  pretence  wes  for  the  suppressing  of  Idolatrie  and 
advancement  of  the  glory  of  God,  desyring  her  to  release  the  Preach- 
ers from  the  horne,  so  that  they  might  publicquely  preach  the  word 
of  God.  The  Lords  in  that  cause  offered  to  doe  obedience  and  ser- 
vice, protesting  that  they  meant  nothing  but  the  setting  furth  of  true 
religion,  and  suppressing  Idolatrie  and  superstition,  and  advancing 
the  glory  of  God  by  preaching  of  the  word.  Att  that  tyme  they  ob- 
tained of  the  Queene  that  the  Preachers  should  be  released  from  the 
horne,  so  that  they  might  preach  freely  to  all  such  as  pleased  to  heare 
them,  which  wes  put  in  execution  the  nixt  day  after  when  they  were 
released.*  After  this  there  were  divers  commeings  [communings] 
for  appointment  in  Haddington  and  other  places,  the  Earl  of  Huntley 
being  present  for  the  Queene  and  others  such  as  shee  pleased  to  ap- 
point. The  things  that  the  Lords  demanded  consisted  only  of  these 

*  Are  we  to  infer  from  this  that  the  Protestant  ministers  had  desisted  from  preaching 
while  they  were  outlawed  ?  I  do  not,  indeed,  recollect  of  an  instance  of  any  of  them, 
except  Knox,  preaching  during  that  time. 


APPENDIX.  537 

two  heads,  that  the  word  of  God  might  be  publiquely  preached, 
and  the  frenchmen  sent  forth  of  the  countrie ;  but  her  mind  was  to 
drive  tyme  with  them  as  well  appeared.  For  shee  had  sent  alreadie 
to  france  for  more  men  of  warr.  During  this  time  the  Congregation 
of  Edinburgh  elected  and  chose  John  Knox  publiquely  in  the  Tolbooth 

of  Edr.  for  their  minister  the  7th  of  July. 

At  length  she  [the  dueene  Regent]  took  purpose  at  Dumbarr,  by 
conclusion  of  the  Councell,  the  22th  of  Julij,  being  assuredly  informed 
that  the  number  of  the  Congregation  wes  verie  small,  should  come  to 
Edr.  and  compell  the  Congregation  to  dislodge.  And  for  this  purpose 
they  made  all  readie  that  night  to  depart  in  the  morning  following. 
The  Lords  of  the  Congregation  being  advertised  hereof  (not  with- 
standing their  small  number)  resolved  constantly  to  resist  their  [the] 
violence  of  their  adversaries  putting  their  trust  in  God  whose  cause 
they  meantyned,  preferring  the  equitie  of  their  cause  before  the 

Eower  and  strenght  of  men.  In  the  mean  tyme  there  wes  greate 
jare  in  the  Towne  everie  man  wundering  what  end  and  successe  the 
matter  should  take.  Shortly  so  shoone  as  the  Lords  were  advertised 
that  the  men  of  war  commeing  from  Dumbar  drew  neere  the  Towne, 
the  25th  of  June  airly  in  the  morning  at  the  sound  of  the  Common 
Bell  where  forth  of  Edr.  with  soe  muney  as  God  had  moved 

their  herts  to  assist  them.  The  whole  number  of  the  Congregation 
exceeded  not  1500  men.  Which  small  number  being  putt  in  order  in 
the  East  side  of  Craigingate,  incontinent  the  horse  men  being  with 
my  Lord  Duke  and  Monsieur  D'ossell  appeared  to  them  vpon  the 
sands  of  Leith  north  west  from  Lestellrig  moveing  towards  Leith. 
And  as  soone  as  they  come  neere  the  East  part  of  Gouburnes  house 
that  wes,  they  shott  from  the  said  place  a  peece  of  ordinance  which 
dispersed  the  said  horsemen,  but  soone  after  they  yielded  [i.  e.  the 
Lords  of  the  Congregation  retired]  themselves,  perceaving  the  whole 
number  approaching,  which  were  about  5000  men,  horse  and  foote. 
The  Congregation  stood  still  in  order  on  the  east  side  of  the  Craig, 
and  perceaving  the  adversaries  within  half  a  mile  they  prepared  them- 
selvis  to  battell,  not  mynding  [?'.  e.  meaning]  to  remove  out  of  that 
place.  And  albeit  the  Lordis  had  desyred  the  Captaine  of  the  Castell, 
the  Lord  Erskin,  to  be  on  their  side,  nevertheless  they  could  not  per- 
suade him  to  shew  them  any  favour,  yet  after  the  Principall  Lords 
had  spoken  with  him,  they  sent  from  the  Craigs  desyring  him  that  in 
respect  in  his  conscience  he  favoured  the  Evangel],  and  that  the  mat- 
ter depended  fully  here  vpon,  that  he  would  assist  them  with  such 
help  as  he  might,  which  thing  he  refused  vtterly,  assuring  them  that, 
if  they  would  now  [not?]  take  such  appointment  as  they  might  have, 
he  would  declare  himselve  their  enemie,  as  he  had  promised  to  the 
dueene  in  Dumbarr.  In  the  mean  tyme  rideing  on  either  side,  they 

began  to  speake  to  appoint  the  matter  which  wes  agreed  vpon. 

[Anno  1560.]  it  was  printed  that  the  English  men  would  be  In  Scot- 
land the  25th  of  March  by  land.  After  my  Lord  James  had  finally 
agreed  with  the  Duke  of  Norfolke  vpon  all  things,  he  arrived  againe  at 
at  Pittenweeme  the  9th  day  after  his  departing.  In  the  meane  tyme 
the  Princippalls  of  the  ffrenchmen  being  informed  that  the  Queenes 
Armie  wes  not  in  readiness  to  come  in  before  the  said  day,  they  tooke 
a  high  enterpryse.  For  the  7th  of  March,  they  departed  forth  of  Leith 
and  other  places  where  they  had  beine  in  garrisone  to  the  greate  de- 
struction and  loss  of  the  Countrie,  the  number  of  2000  souldiers  of  the 
most  able  and  best  equipeit,  beside  300  Horsemen  and  marched  to- 
wards Lithgow,  where  they  remained  the  firs  night.  All  the  Countrie 
wes  in  a  fray,  not  knowing  their  purpose  vntill  the  nixt  day  at  night 
they  came  to  Monebeth,  and  some  of  them  lodged  in  Kirk  in  Tillock. 


538  APPENDIX. 

The  Duke  being  surely  advertised  that  their  purpose  wes  to  come  to 
Glasgow,  he  departed  with  small  company  the  night  before  their  arriv- 
ing. There  wes  in  my  Lord  Duke's  Company,  the  Earles  of  Arrane, 
Argyle,  and  Glencarne,  with  their  howsholds  only,  fFor  they  suspected 
not  nor  would  not  have  thought  that  the  ffrenchmen  durst  at  that  tyme 
have  taken  such  an  enterprice.  Imediately  there  wes  proclamation 
made  through  Cliddesdale  and  other  shires,  and  likewise  privie  writ- 
ings sent  by  my  Lord  Duke  and  the  other  Lords  to  their  friends  and 
servants,  That  they  should  incontinently  cume  to  him  in  Hamilton  for 
their  defence,  and  resistance  of  the  ffrenchmen,  and  because  warr 
[beacons  were]  brunt  upon  the  highest  hills  for  the  same  effect.  But 
indeed  they  gather  slowly,  so  that  it  appeared  planly,  if  God  would 
have  suffered  it,  the  ffrenchmen  might  easily  and  without  any  resist- 
ance have  come  vp  Clyde,  and  had  done  whatever  it  had  pleased  them 
throughout  all  that  Countrie.  Not  with  standing  after  that  they  had 
taken  by  force  the  Bpps  Castle,  and  had  cruelly  hanged  a  part  of  the 
souldiers  (Scotts  men)  that  were  therein,  and  had  chased  the  rest  that 
made  resistance  in  the  Towne,  the  second  day  after  ther  comeing  to 
Glasgow  there  came  a  writing  to  him  [them]  from  the  Queene,  con- 
taining in  effect  that  shee  wes  surely  informed  that  the  English  armie 
was  alreadie  come  from  Barwick  and  within  Scotland;  wherefore 
shee  wiled  them  with  all  possible  expedition  to  returne  againe,  which 
they  did  imediately.  The  damage  which  they  did  wes  not  so  greate 
as  men  supposed  for  they  had  no  tyme  sufficient.  When  the  Lords 
that  were  at  Hamilton  were  advertised  of  their  departing,  my  Lord  of 
Arrane  with  soe  many  horsemen  as  were  readie,  past  forward  to  fol- 
low the  ffrenchmen,  pretending  that  if  they  had  seen  sufficient  occa- 
sione  to  have  midled  with  them.  The  next  day  they  showed  them- 
selves as  the  ffrenchmen  past  by  the  Callender,  but  there  wes  no  ap- 
pearance, ffor  there  wes  no  partie.  Alwayes  they  kept  them  closs 
together,  for  they  exceeded  not  800  men.  Soe  the  ffrenchmen  came 
to  Lithgow,  where  they  lay  the  space  of  8  days,  and  made  continuall 
spoile  in  all  the  Countrie  about  within  the  space  of  viii  miles.  The 
damage  which  they  did  of  all  especially  of  cattle,  sheepe,  and 
horse  wes  exceeding  great,  and  likewise  killed  and  tooke  diverse  men 
prisoners.  Dureing  this  tyme  the  Congregation  prepared  themselves 
to  meet  the  English  armie,  and  for  the  same  purpose  there  wes  pro- 
clamation made  in  Cliddesdall,  ffyfe,  Angus,  Mernes,  and  Strathearne. 
The  ffrenchmen  being  surely  advertised  that  the  English  armie  wes 
in  readinesse  they  came  to  Leith  the  29  of  March,  where  all  things 
were  prepared  that  were  necessare  for  their  defence,  and  every  day 
they  made  spoil  in  the  Countrie. 


No.  XXIII.  Letter,  James  V.  concerning  the  progress  of  the  Lutheran 
opinions  in  the  diocese  of  Aberdeen,  anno  1525.* 

[Extracted  from  the  Burgh  Records  of  Aberdeen.] 

Curia  ballivorum  burgi  de  Abirden,  tenta  xviip  die  mensi 
Augusti  1525. 

Our  Soueranis  Ires  in  contrar  Luthyr. 

James,  be  the  grace  of  God,  kinge  of  Scottis,  to  our  Schereff  of  Aber- 
dene,  and  his  deput,  and  to  our  louitts,  Schyr  Johne  ruderfurd  knyt, 

*  See  p,  38. 


APPENDIX.  539 

and  thomas  mezeis  of  Petfothellis,  our  scherefeys  in  that  part  con- 
iunctlie  and  seuerallie  specialie  constitut,  greting,  fforsamekill  as  it  is 
humelie  menyt  and  schewin  to  ws  be  ane  Reuerend  fader  in  god,  and 
our  truist  consalour,  gawyne,  bischop  of  Aberdene,  yat  quhar  syndry 
strangers  ande  otheris  wtin  his  diocesy  of  Aberdene,  has  bukys  of 
that  heretic  k  luthyr  and  favors  his  errorys  and  fals  opinionys,  in- 
contrar  our  act  of  parliament  laitlie  mayd  in  our  last  parliament,  Oure 
will  is  heirfor,  ande  we  charge  zow  straitle  and  commandis  yat  incon- 
tynent  thir  our  Ires  sayne  ze  [make]  publick  ye  sayde  act  at  all  places 
neydfull  and  tak  inquisitione  gyfe  ony  personys  be  fund  in  wtin  the 
sayd  diocesy  of  Aberdene,  that  hes  sic  bukys,  or  fauoryssic  arorys  of 
the  said  luthyr,  and  that  ze  confisk  yr  gudes  and  inbring  ye  samyn 
to  our  wss  and  profict,  efler  the  forme  of  the  said  act,  as  ze  will  an- 
suer  yrupoun.  ye  quhilk  to  do,  we  commyt  to  you  coniunctlie  and 
seurlie  oure  full  power  be  thyr  oure  Ires  deliuering  yame  to  zow  deulie 
execut  ande  indorset  agane  to  the  berar.  Geuin  vnder  our  signet,  at 
Edinburgh,  ye  sevint  day  of  August,  and  of  our  regne  ye  xij  zeyr. 
Ex  deliberacione  dominor.  consilii,  &c. 

CHEPMAN. 


SUPPLEMENT, 


[THE  first  Poem  inserted  in  the  Supplement  is  so  exceedingly  rare, 
that  the  copy  from  which  I  have  printed  is  supposed  to  be  unique.  It 
is  valuable  as  the  principal  events  in  our  Reformer's  life  are  commem- 
orated in  it,  and  the  leading  features  of  his  character  delineated,  by 
the  pen  of  one  who  was  personally  acquainted  with  him.  As  a  curi- 
ous specimen  of  the  Scottish  language  and  versification  at  the  period 
in  which  it  was  composed,  the  old  orthography  has  been  carefully 
retained.  The  serious  reader  will  be  pleased  in  tracing  the  vein  of 
piety  which  runs  through  rhymes  which  must  appear  to  him  rude,  and 
sometimes  almost  unintelligible. — Its  author,  John  Davidson,  was  a 
regent,  or  teacher,  in  the  University  of  St.  Andrews,  and  afterwards 
successively  minister  of  Libberton,  and  of  Salt-Preston,  now  called 
Prestonpans.  I  have  already  referred  to  several  of  his  other  writings. 
Pp.  344,  379,  489.  He  also  published  a  Catechism,  entitled,  "  Some 
Helpes  for  Young  Schollers  in  Christianity,"  printed  at  Edinburgh,  by 
Robert  Waldegrave  in  1602.  And  he  died  about  1608.  Note  sub- 
joined to  Jameson's  edition  of  his  Catechism,  1708.  Life  of  Davidson, 
in  Wodrow's  MSS.  vol.  i.  Bibl.  Coll.  Glas. 

The  Latin  Poems  which  follow  are  taken  from  a  manuscript  in  the 
Advocates'  Library,  and  exhibit  traits  in  the  characters  of  the  princi- 
pal Scottish  Martyrs  and  Reformers,  with  allusions  to  several  events 
in  their  lives,  which  I  have  not  met  with  elsewhere.  On  this  account, 
and  also  as  a  specimen  of  Scottish  literature,  I  have  published  a  selection 
from  the  MS.  which  appears  to  have  been  written  about  the  beginning 
of  the  seventeenth  century.  From  the  corrections  with  which  it 
abounds,  there  is  reason  to  think  that  the  copy  in  the  Library  had 
belonged  to  the  author.  It  likewise  contains  Latin  Poems,  entitled 
"  Icones  Regum  Juda3  et  Israelis."— The  author,  John  Johnston,  was 
a  professor  of  St.  Mary's  College,  in  the  University  of  St.  Andrews, 
at  the  close  of  the  sixteenth,  and  commencement  of  the  seventeenth, 
century ;  and  was  the  intimate  friend  and  associate  of  Andrew  Mel- 
ville, the  learned  principal  of  that  College.  He  published,  "  Heroes 
ex  omni  Historia  Scotica  lectissimi.  Lugduni  Batavorum,  1603."  4to. 
And  also  "  Inscriptiones  Heroicae  Regum  Scotorum,"  which  were 
reprinted  in  "  Delicia3  Poetarum  Scotorum."  His  verses  on  Buchanan 
are  inserted  in  "  Poetarum  Scotorum  Musae  Sacrae,"  torn.  ii.  p.  500. 
It  is  said  that  he  also  published  a  book  on  the  government  of  the 
church  by  bishops ;  but  this  I  have  not  seen.  There  is  a  Life  of  John- 
ston, in  Wodrow's  MSS.  vol.  ii.  Bibl.  Coll.  Glas.] 
540 


SUPPLEMENT.  541 

ANE   BEEIF   COM- 

MENDATIOVN      OF      VPRICHT- 

nes,  in  respect  of  the  surenes  of  the  same,  to  all  that  walk  in  it, 
amplifyit  chiefly  be  that  notabill  document  of  Goddis 
michtie  protectioun,  in  preseruing  his  maist  vp- 
richt  seruand  and  feruent  Messinger  of  Christ- 
is  Euangell,  lohne  Knox.     Set  furth  in 
Inglis  meter  be  M.  lohne  Dauid- 
sone,  Regent  in  S.   Leon- 
ards College, 


IT  Quhairunto  is  addit  in  the  end  ane  short  discurs  of  the  Estatis  quha 
hes  cause  to  deploir  the  deith  of  this  Excellant  seruand  of  God. 

TTPSALME.    XXXVII. 

IF  Mark  the  vpricht  man,  and  behauld  the  lust,  for  the  end  of  that  man 
is  peace. 

1TIMPRENTIT    AT    SANCTAN- 
drois  be  Robert  Lekpreuik.     Anno  1573. 


TO   THE  MAIST   GODLIE,  ANCIENT,  AND   WORTHIE 

Schir  lohne  Wischart  of  Pittarow  Knicht,  M.  Johne  Dauid- 

sone  wissis  the  continuall  assistance  of  the  Spreit  of 

God,  to  the  end,  and  in  the  end. 

CONSIDERING  with  myself  (maist  worthie  _Knicht)  the  greit  frailtie  and 
vnsureness  of  all  strenthis  eirthly  quhatsueuer,  quharin  ma  lefing  god, 
vsis  to  put  his  traist  on  the  ane  part,  and  the  sure  fortres  and  saifgaird 
of  vprichtnes,  howbeit  destitute  of  all  aide  warldly  on  the  vther  part: 
I  culd  not  withhald  my  pen  fro  vttering  of  that  praise  and  commenda- 
tion of  vprichtnes,  quhilk  in  my  mynde  I  had  consauit  of  the  same. 
Being  chiefly  mouit  heirunto  be  the  Miraculous  (as  I  may  weill  call  it) 
and  maist  wonderful!  preseruatioun  of  that  maist  notabill  seruand  of 
God,  and  sinceir  Preicheour  of  Christis  Euangell,  lohne  Knox.  Q,uha 
being  bot  of  small  estimatioun  befoir  the  eyis  of  the  warld,  (zit  greit 
befoir  God,)  was  hatit  vnto  the  deith.  And  that  euin  be  Kingis, 
Queenis,  Princes,  and  greit  men  of  the  warld,  and  finally  be  all  the 
rabill  of  Sathanis  suddartis  (a,)  in  Scotland,  Ingland,  and  France. 

(a)  soldiers. 
46 


542  SUPPLEMENT. 

Zea,  not  only  was  he  hatit,  and  raillit  on,  bot  also  persecutit  maist 
scharply,  and  huntit  from  place  to  place  as  ane  vnworthie  of  ony  so- 
cietie  with  man.  And  althocht  thay  were  michtie  and  potent,  zea, 
and  wantit  na  euill  will,  and  he  on  the  vther  syde  ane  pure  man,  alane, 
and  oft  tymes  without  help,  or  assistance  of  ye  warld,  zit  was  he 
michtely  preseruit,  and  as  in  a  maist  sure  saifgard  (all  the  wickits 
attentis  quha  thristit  nathing  mair  than  his  blude  being  frustrat)  con- 
ducted to  an  maist  quyet,  peaciabill  and  happy  end,  to  the  greit 
aduancement  of  Goddis  glorie,  and  singulare  comfort  of  his  Kirk,  and 
to  the  Confusioun  of  Satban  and  discufort  of  all  his  wickit  instrumetis. 
Thairfor  that  this  sa  notabil  and  euidet  ane  documet  of  the  louing 
cair  of  our  god  towardis  his  seruads  svld  not  with  him  be  buryit  bot 
abyde  recent  in  memorie  till  all  the  inhabitants  of  this  Realme  in  all 
ages  to  cum,  I  haue  preissit  (6)  schortly  in  this  lytill  paper  to  mak,  as  it 
wer,  ane  memoriall  of  the  same,  and  yat  in  that  laguage  quhilk  is  maist 
comoun  to  this  hail  Realme,  to  the  intent  that  asweill  vnleirnit  as  lernit 
may  be  partakeirs  of  the  same.  Not  that  I  think  my  self  abill  to  hand- 
ill  sa  worthie  ane  mater  worthelie  in  ony  toung,  bot  that  partly  I  may 
schaw  my  gude  will  in  this  matter,  and  partly  to  gif  occasioun  to 
vtheris,  that  baith  hes  mair  dexteritie  in  sic  thingis,  and  greiter  opportu- 
nitie  of  tyme,  to  intreit  the  same  at  greiter  lenth.  That  be  calling  to 
mynd  this  notabill  exepill  of  Godis  louing  cair  towardis  vs,  we  in  all 
thir  feirfull  dayis  (quharin  he  that  seis  not  tryall  approaching  neir  is 
destitute  of  ludgement)  may  be  strenthnit  and  encourageit  to  ga  ford- 
wart  vprichtly,  eurie  ane  in  our  awin  vocatioun,  without  declyning 
outher  to  the  richt  hand  or  the  left.  And  principally  that  oure  watche 
men  faint  not,  nor  begin  to  iouk  (c,)  or  flatter  with  the  world  for  feir 
of  Tyranis,  bot  that  they  may  haue  brasin  facis,  and  foirheidis  of  Iron 
againis  the  threitenings  of  the  wickit,  codempning  impietie  of  all  per- 
sounis  in  plane  termis,  following  the  ensapill  of  this  maist  zelous  ser- 
uad  of  God,  of  quhoe  heirtofoir  we  hau  maid  mentioun,  and  that  being 
assurit  gif  sa  thay  walk  vprichtly  in  dischargeing  of  thair  office,  that 
thay  ar  in  ye  protectioun  of  the  Almichtie. 

IT  And  this  small  frute  of  my  sober  trauellis,  I  haue  thocht  gude  to 
offer  and  present  to  zow  (maist  worthie  Knicht)  not  sa  mekill  for  that, 
that  I  thocht  it  worthie  to  be  presentit  til  ony :  as  that  I  wald  let  my 
gude  will  and  grate  (d)  mynd,  be  the  same  appeir  towardis  zow,  throw 
quhais  procurement  I  obteinit  the  benefite  of  that  godly  and  faithfull 
(thocht  mockit  and  falsly  traducit  of  the  warld)  societie,  quhairof  pre- 
sently I  am  participant.  For  the  quhilk  I  acknawledge  me,  and  my 
humbill  seruice  always  addettit  to  zour  honour.  And  howbeit  (as  I 
mon  confes)  na  thing  can  proceid  of  me  that  may  in  ony  wayis  cor- 
respond to  zour  mentis  towardis  me :  zit  sal  the  thankfulnes  of  mynd 
at  na  tyme  (God  willing)  be  deficient.  Quhilk  is  to  be  acceptit  quhair 
vther  thingis  are  lacking,  in  place  of  greit  rewaird.  And  the  rather 
haue  I  takin  bauldness  to  dedicate  this  lytill  Treateis  vnto  zour  hon- 
our, baith  becaus  I  vnderstude,  zow  euer  to  haue  bene  sen  zour  Chyld- 
heid,  ane  vnfenzeit  fauourar,  and  mantenar  to  zour  power  of  vprichtnes, 
quhais  praise  in  this  lytill  Volume  is  intreatit.  And  also,  that  this  notabill 
seruand  of  God  (quhais  michtie  presentation,  notwithstanding  the 
wickitis  rage,  to  ane  quyet  end,  chiefly  mufit  me  to  this  busines)  was 
maist  belufit  of  zow  quhile  he  leuit,  and  yat  for  yat  greit  vprightness 
quhilk  ze  saw  from  tyme  to  tyme  maist  viuely  expres  the  self  in  him. 
And  finally,  that  your  honour  may  be  mufit  heirby,  as  ze  haue  begunne 
and  continewit  to  this  day  ane  zelous  professour  of  Goddis  word,  main- 

(J)  pressed,  endeavoured.  (c)  shift.  (d)  grateful. 


SUPPLEMENT. 


543 


tenar  of  the  samin,  and  lufer  of  his  seruandis:  sa  ze  may  perseuer  to 

the  end  of  zour  lyfe,  without  sclander  to  zour  professioun,  euer  ap- 

prouing  the  treuth,  and  haitting  impietie  in  all  persounis,  not  leaning 

to  warldly  wisdome,  nor  louking  for  the  pleasure  of  greit  men  in  the 

warld :  Sen  nane  of  thir  thingis,  but  only  vprichtnes,  can  outher  mak 

ane  pleasand  to  God,  or  zit  sure  in  this  warld.    And  sa  traisting  that 

zour  honour  will  accept  this  my  sober  offer  (till  God  grant  better  occa- 

sioun  of  greter)  intill  gude  part,  I  commit  zow  to  the  protectioun  of  the 

Almichtie,  that  quhen  it  sail  pleis  God  to  tak  zow  furth  of  this 

miserie,  ze  may  end  zour  lyfe  in  the  sanctificatioun  of  his  haly 

name.    To  whom  be  praise  and  Glorie,  for  euer.    Amen. 

From   Sanctandrois   the  XVIII.  of  February. 


ANE  BREIF  COMMENDATIOVN  OF  VPRICHTNES. 


SEN  that  we  se  men  till  haue  studyit  ay 

Into  this  eirth  sic  strengthis  to  prepair, 

As  micht  be  saifgaird  to  thame  nicht  and  day, 

Quhen  ony  danger  dang  thame  in  dispair, 

Wald  thow  gude  Reider  haue  ane  strength  preclair(e), 

Maist  strang  and  stark  to  rin  to  in  distres, 

This  lytill  schedull  schortly  sail  declair 

How  that  the  surest  Towre  is  vprichtnes. 


duhilk  vprichtnes  we  may  descriue  to  be : 
Ane  traid  of  lyfe  conforme  to  Godds  command* 
Without  all  poysoun  of  Hypocrisie, 
Or  turning  to  and  fra,  from  hand  to  hand. 
Bot  stoutly  at  the  word  of  God  to  stand, 
Eschewing  alwayis  it  for  to  transgres, 
Not  bowing  back  for  thame  that  contramand. 
This  wayis  we  may  descriue  this  vprichtnes. 

For  first  thair  is  na  Castell,  Towre,  nor  Toun, 
Nor  naturall  strenth,  as  Alexander  sayis, 
Bot  manis  Ingyne  may  vincous  and  ding  doun, 
As  that  he  had  experience  in  his  dayis, 
Na  strenth  was  sure  to  theme  that  was  his  fais : 
The  Craig  in  Asia  did  beir  witnes, 
Howbeit  in  hicht  vnto  the  sky  it  rais, 
It  was  ouercum  for  laik  of  vprichtnes. 

Euin  sa  that  bailful  Bour  of  Babilone, 
Na  saifgaird  was  to  Darius  we  reid, 
Suppois  it  was  ans  maist  strang  Dongeone, 
And  mony  ma  I  micht  declair  in  deid 
Bot  sic  exempellis  Foraine  nane  we  neid ; 
duhat  surenes  fand  the  Bischopis  halynes, 
Into  Dumbartahe  quhair  he  pat  his  Creidl 
It  was  not  half  so  sure  as  vprichtnes. 

The  force  of  men  gif  ony  will  obtend, 
Kin  red,  or  friends  to  be  ane  gaird  maist  strang, 


Prouer.  10. 
12,  13,  18. 
Ecclesi.  9. 
Ps.  25,  27, 91, 


lob.  31. 


Prouer.  5. 
Psalm  18. 


Q.  Curt  li.  7. 
Q.  Curt.  li.  7. 


a.  Curt.  li.  5. 
leremi.  51. 


Ps.  33,  40.  60. 
Esai.31. 


(e)  excellent. 


544 


SUPPLEMENT. 


All  is  bot  vane,  they  can  not  man  defend,  Jeremi.  17. 

For  quha  mair  surely  into  Royat  (/)  rang, 

Nor  the  greit  Conquerour  his  friendis  amang  Q,.  Curt.li.  10. 

Zit  was  he  poysonit,  as  sum  dois  express, 

Intill  his  Camp  quhilk  he  had  led  so  lang: 

Than  quhat  is  force  of  man  till  vprichtnes  ? 

Riches  and  rent  we  ken  dois  not  abyde,  Prouer.  11. 

Bot  flittis  and  fachis  (g-)  euer  to  and  fra ;  Eccles.  5. 

Than  vane  it  is  in  thame  for  to  confyde,  Job.  11. 

Sen  that  we  se  thame  asweill  cum  as  ga:  Psalm.  49. 

Thairfoir  my  friendis  sen  that  the  case  is  sa,  1  Timot.  6. 

That  warldly  strength  can  haue  na  sickernes,  Zephan.  I . 

Sum  vther  saifgaird  surely  we  mon  ha,  Ecclesi.  2. 

Quhilk  is  nocht  ellis  bot  only  vprichtnes.  Nahum.  3. 

Bot  sum  perchance  that  winks  mair  wylelie, 
Will  say  thay  wait  ane  wyle  (ft)  that  I  na  wist, 
With  iouking  thay  will  jangil  (i)  craftelie, 
And  on  thair  feit  will  ay  licht  quhen  thay  list, 
Thinking  all  surenes  thairin  to  consist : 
Hypocrisie  is  quent  (/c)  with  quyetnes, 
Bot  all  begylit  thay  ar  into  the  mist ; 
For  nathing  can  be  sure  but  vprichtnes. 

For  quhat  become  offals  Achitophell, 

For  als  far  as  he  saw  before  his  neis,  2.  Sam.  17. 

The  Scriptures  schawis  I  neid  not  heir  to  tell. 
The  lyke  of  this  in  mony  Historeis, 

I  micht  bring  furth  that  to  my  purpois  greis,  Psalm.  7. 

How  Hypocrites  into  their  craftynes,  Ester.  7. 

Thame  selfis  hes  trappit  with  greit  misereis, 
Becaus  thay  did  eschew  all  vprichtnes. 

Bot  quha  sa  euar  on  the  vther  syde 

Hes  preissit  peirtly  to  leif  vprichtlie,  Ester.  6. 

And  be  the  treuth  bound  bauldly  till  abyde,  Dani.  6. 

Hes  euer  had  the  maist  securitie. 
For  thay  had  God  thair  buckler  for  to  be, 

Quhome  we  mon  grant  to  be  ane  strang  fortres,  Psalm.  76. 

Of  quhome  the  Deuill  can  not  get  victorie,  Psalm.  89. 

Nor  all  the  enemies  of  vprichtnes. 

Think  weill  my  friendis  this  is  na  fenzeit  fair,(/)  1  Sam.  17.  18. 

For  quha  sa  list  of  Dauid  for  to  reid,  19.  20.  21.  22. 

May  se  quhat  enemies  he  had  alquhair,  29.  33. 

And  zit  how  surely  he  did  ay  proceid;  2  Sam.  2.  3.  5, 

Becaus  he  walkit  vprichtly  in  deid.  8.  15.  16.  18. 

He  was  mair  sure  from  Saulis  cruelnes,  20. 

Nor  gif  ten  thousand  men  intill  his  neid,  1  Sam.  23. 
Had  with  him  bene  syne  lackit  vprichtnes. 

Of  sic  exempills  we  micht  bring  anew, 
Bot  ane  thair  is  that  preifis  our  purpois  plane, 
Of  Daniell  that  Propheit  wyse  and  trew,  Dani.  6. 

How  oft  was  he  in  danger  to  be  slane ! 

(i)  juggle. 


(/)  royalty.  (#)  changes  situation, 

(&)  acquainted,  or  (perhaps)  crafty. 


(h)  know  a  trick. 
(1}  feigned  affair. 


SUPPLEMENT.  545 

Into  the  Lyonis  Den  he  fand  na  pane ! 

The  three  Children  the  fyre  did  not  oppres.  Dani.  3. 

I  think  this  only  Historic  might  gane, 

To  preif  how  sure  a  Towre  is  vprichtnes. 

Bot  zit  bccaus  exempills  fetchit  far, 
Mufis  not  so  muche  as  thay  thingis  quhilk  we  se, 
I  purpois  schortly  now  for  to  cum  nar, 
Vnto  the  but  (m)  quhair  chiefly  I  wald  be : 
That  is  to  schaw  the  prufe  befoir  zour  ee 
Of  thir  premissis,  as  all  mon  confes 
That  hes  sene  God  wirking  in  this  countrie, 
How  ane  hes  bene  preseruit  in  vprichtnes. 

It  is  lohne  Knox  in  deid  quhome  of  I  mene, 
That  feruent  faithfull  seruand  of  the  Lord, 
Quhome  I  dar  bauldly  byde  at  till  haue  bene, 
Ane  maist  trew  Preichour  of  the  Lprdis  word. 
I  rak  nathing  quhat  Rebalds  (n)  heir  record, 
Q,uha  neuer  culd  speik  gude  of  godlynes. 
This  man  I  say  eschaipit  fyre  and  sword, 
And  deit  in  peace,  in  praise  of  vprichtnes. 

Bot  that  this  may  be  maid  mair  manifest : 
I  will  discurs  sum  thing  in  speciall, 
Tuiching  this  Lamp,  on  lyfe  quhill  he  did  lest. 
First  he  descendit  bot  of  linage  small; 

As  commaunly  God  vsis  for  to  call  Amos,  i.  7. 

The  sempil  sort  his  summoundis  til  expres.  Mark.  1. 

Sa  calling  him,  he  gaue  him  giftis  with  all  1.  Cor.  1. 

Maist  excellent,  besyde  his  vprichtnes.  laco.  2. 

For  weill  I  wait  that  Scotland  neuer  bure, 
In  Scottis  leid  (o)  ane  man  mair  Eloquent. 
Into  perswading  also  I  am  sure, 
Was  nane  in  Europe  that  was  more  potent. 
In  Greik  and  Hebrew  he  was  excellent, 
And  als  in  Latine  toung  his  propernes, 
Was  tryit  trym  quhen.  scollers  wer  present. 
Bot  thir  wer  nathing  till  his  vprichtnes. 

For  fra  the  tyme  that  God  anis  did  him  call, 
To  bring  thay  joyfull  newis  vnto  this  land, 
Quhilk  hes  illuminat  baith  greit  and  small, 
He  maid  na  stop  but  passit  to  fra  hand, 
Idolatrie  maist  stoutly  to  ganestand : 
And  chiefly  that  great  Idoll  of  the  Mes. 
Howbeit  maist  michtie  enemies  he  fand, 
Zit  schrinkit  he  na  quhit  from  vprichtnes. 

The  greuous  Galayis  maid  him  not  agast, 
Althocht  the  Prelats  gold  in  greit  did  geif, 
Ouir  schipburd  in  the  sey  him  for  to  cast, 
He  fand  sic  grace  they  sufferit  him  to  leif. 

(m)  butt,  or  mark,    (n)  I  regard  nothing  what  worthless  fellows,  &c.    (o)  language. 
46*  T3 


546  SUPPLEMENT. 

Zea  mairatour  they  did  him  not  mischief. 
As  thay  did  his  Companzeounis  mair  and  les, 
With  pynefull  panis  quhen  thay  thair  pythis  did  preif, 
God  sa  prouydit  for  his  vprichtnes. 

In  Ingland  syne  he  did  eschaip  the  Ire, 
Of  lesabell,  that  Monstour  of  Mahoun,  (p) 
In  Scotland  nixt  with  terrour  him  to  tyre, 
Thay  brint  his  picture  in  Edinburgh  Toun. 
Bot  sen  to  Scotland  last  he  made  him  boun,  (g) 
Quhat  battell  he  hes  bidden  ze  may  ges, 
Sen  Dagon  and  thay  Deuillis  he  gart  ding  doun, 
In  spite  of  thame  that  hatit  vprichtnes. 

Thay  that  hes  bene  cheif  in  Authoritie, 
For  the  maist  part  had  him  at  deidly  feid, 
Zit  he  eschaipit  all  their  crueltie, 
Howbeit  oftymes  thay  did  deuyse  his  deid. 
Zea,  sum  were  knawin  perfitely  be  the  heid 
Q,uha  vndertuke  his  Dirige  for  to  dres, 
Zit  bauldly  be  hes  baner  he  abaid, 
And  did  not  iouk  ane  ioit  from  vprichtnes. 

Bot  chiefly  anis  he  was  put  to  ane  preace,  (r) 
Q,uhen  that  the  Q,uene  of  tressoun  did  accuse  him 
Befoir  hir  Lords  in  haly  Rudehous  place. 
Uuhair  clawbacks  of  the  Court  thocht  till  abuse  him 
Sa  prudetly  this  Propheit  yair  did  vse  him, 
Into  refuting  of  thair  fulischenes, 
That  all  the  haill  Nobilitie  did  ruse  0)  him 
And  praisit  God  for  his  greit  vprichtnes. 

Quhen  Quene  and  Court  could  not  get  him  couict, 
Bot  sa  wer  disappointit  of  thair  pray, 
Thay  fryit  in  furie  that  he  schaipit  quick, 
Zit  at  the  leist  to  get  thair  wills  sum  way, 
Thay  wald  haue  had  him  wardit  for  ane  day, 
In  Daueis  Towre,  zea,  for  ane  hour  or  les, 
It  was  denyit  for  ocht  the  Q,uene  culd  say, 
Thair  micht  be  sene  how  sure  was  vprichtnes. 

Bot  in  quhat  perrell  trow  ze  he  was  last, 
duhen  Edinburgh  he  left  with  hart  full  sair, 
Doubtles  na  les  nor  ony  that  hes  past, 
In  spyte  thay  spak  that  him  thay  suld  not  spair 
Thay  suld  him  schuit  into  the  pulpit  thair 
Becaus  he  did  rebuke  their  fylthenes, 
And  mischant  (0  murther  that  infects  the  air, 
Zit  God  preseruit  him  in  vprichtnes. 

Mony  ma  dangers  nor  I  can  declair, 
Be  sey  and  land  this  Propheit  did  sustene, 
In  France  and  Ingland,  Scotland,  heir  and  thair, 
Q,uhilk  I  refer  to  thame  that  mair  hes  bene 
Intill  his  company  and  sic  things  sene, 
Bot  this  far  schortly  I  haue  made  progress, 
To  preif  how  God  maist  surely  dois  mantene, 
Sic  as  continew  intil  vprichtnes. 

(p)  the  devil.       (?)  ready,       (r)  press,  difficulty.       (s)  extol.       (0  wicked' 


SUPPLEMENT. 


547 


For  this  Excellent  seruand  of  the  Lord, 
Vnto  the  deith  was  hatit  as  we  knaw, 
For  sinceir  preiching  of  the  Lordis  word 
With  Kingis,  Princes,  hie  estait  and  law, 
Zit  in  thair  Ire  him  micht  thay  not  ouirthraw, 
He  did  depart  in  peace  and  plesandnes : 
For  all  the  troublis  that  ze  hard  vs  schaw 
That  he  sustenit  for  lufe  of  vprichtnes. 

And  this  is  merwell  gif  we  will  consider, 
Ane  sempill  man  but  (u)  warldly  force  or  aide, 
Aganis  quhome  Kings  and  Princes  did  confidder  (v) 
How  he  suld  fend  («>)  from  furie  and  thair  fead,  (x} 
Syne  leaue  this  lyfe  with  list  for  all  thair  plaid,  (y) 
He  had  ane  surer  gaird  we  mon  confes, 
Nor  ony  warldly  strenth  that  can  be  maid, 
Quhilk  was  nathing  but  only  of  vprichtnes. 

Bot  sum  may  say  quhairto  suld  thow  prefer 
This  vprichtnes  quhilk  thow  extolls  sa  hie 
Vntil  all  warldly  strenthis  that  euer  wer  1 
Sen  that  the  contrair  daylie  we  may  se, 
How  upricht  men  ar  murtherit  mischantlie,  Gene.  4. 

As  first  was  Abell  with  greit  cruelnes,  Matth.  14. 

Gude  lohne  the  Baptist,  and  als  Zacharie,  2  Chron.  24. 

Zea,  Christ  him  self  for  all  his  vprichtnes.  Matth.  27. 

Peter  and  Paull  with  mony  ma  sensyne.  Euseb.  To.  4. 

And  of  lat  zeiris  in  Ingland  as  we  knaw,  fol.  7. 

How  mony  piteously  was  put  to  pyne.  Vide  Sleidanum. 

And  now  in  France  that  schame  is  for  to  schaw. 
lames  our  gude  Regent  rakkin  in  that  raw,  (z) 
Q,uha  had  rung  zit  wer  not  his  richteousnes. 
Sa,  I  can  se  nathing  sa  sone  ouirthraw 
Man  in  this  eirth  as  dois  this  vprichtnes. 

To  this  I  answer  into  termis  schort, 

Q,uhen  warldly  strenth  is  vincust  and  maid  waist       Prouer.  11. 
With  it  man  tynis  baith  courage  and  comfort, 
Q,uhen  it  is  tynt  qtihairin  he  pat  his  traist : 
Bot  quho  that  deith  in  vprichtnes  dois  taist,  Prouer.  11. 

Sail  haue  the  lyfe  that  lests  with  joyfulnes,  Matth.  16. 

Sa  they  ar  sure,  becaus  they  ar  imbraist 
Be  the  Eternall  for  thair  vprichtnes. 

Bot  this  sa  lichtly  we  may  not  pass  by : 
I  grant  indeed  quha  preissis  vprichtlie 

To  serue  the  Lord  mon  first  themselfis  deny,  Matth.  16. 

And  na  wayis  dres  to  daut  (a)  thame  daintelie 
Bot  thame  prepair  for  troublis  Identlie  (&,)  2  Timo.  3. 

For  troublis  ar  the  bage  they  mon  posses,  Psalm,  34. 

Sen  Sathan  ceisis  not  continuallie  1  Pet.  5. 

To  troubill  thame  that  followis  vprichtnes.  lob.  1. 

Quhylis  harling  (c)  thame  befoir  Princes  and  Kings,  Luc.  21. 

(u)  without.        (»)  confederate.        (w)  defend.        Or)  enmity.       (y)  plea,  controversy 
(2)  reckon  in  that  rank.  (a)  cherish.        (6)  diligently,    (c)  dragging. 


548 


SUPPLEMENT. 


As  rauing  Rcbalds  rudelie  to  be  rent,  1.  Reg.  10. 

Accusing  thame  of  troubling  of  all  things,  1.  Reg.  17. 

As  cankerit  Carlis  that  can  not  be  content, 

Except  all  things  be  done  be  thair  consent : 

Now  scornit,  now  scurgeit,  now  bad  with  bitterness,  Matth.  27. 

Imprissonit,  and  sindrie  fassiounis  schent  (d,)  leremi.  33. 

And  sum  tymes  dreuin  to  deith  for  vprichtnes.  Act.  12. 

This  is  thair  lote  oftymes  I  will  not  lane  (e) 
Into  this  eirth  that  vse  to  be  vpricht, 
Bot  quhat  of  this1?  my  purpois  zit  is  plane: 
That  is,  that  they  are  surer  day,  and  nicht,  Psalm.  91. 

For  all  this  wo,  nor  ony  warldly  wicht :  Psalm.  118. 

For  in  thair  conscience  is  mair  quyetnes 
In  greitest  troublis,  nor  the  men  of  micht 
Hes  in  thair  Castells,  without  vprichtnes. 


For  quhen  Belshazzer  greit  King  of  the  Eist, 
Ane  thousand  of  his  Princes  had  gart  call, 
Drinkand  the  wyne  befoir  thame  at  the  Feist, 
Intill  his  prydefull  Pomp  Imperiall : 
Euin  in  the  middis  of  this  his  mirrie  hall 
He  saw  ane  sicht  that  sank  him  in  sadnes, 
Quhen  he  persauit  the  fingers  on  the  wall, 
Wry  ting  his  wrak  for  hisVnvprichtnes. 

Quhat  sail  I  say  1  I  need  not  till  insist, 
To  schaw  how  thay  to  God  that  dois  Rebell, 
In  thair  maist  micht  can  not  be  haldin  blist, 
For  in  this  warld  they  do  begin  thair  hell, 
As  Cain  did  that  slew  the  iust  Abell : 
Within  thair  breist  thay  beir  sic  bailfulnes, 
That  toung  of  men  can  not  the  teynd  part  tell, 
Of  inwart  torments  for  vnvprichtnes. 

Bot  thay  that  walks  vprichtly  with  the  Lord 
In  greitest  troublis  wantis  not  inwart  rest, 
As  the  Apostillis  doung  (/)  for  Goddis  word, 
Reioysit  that  for  Christ  sa  thay  were  drest ; 
Peter  in  prisone  sleipit  but  molest ; 
Paull  in  the  stocks  and  Sylas  with  glaidnes, 
Did  sing  ane  Psalme  at  midnicht,  sa  the  best 
Surenes  that  man  can  haue,  is  vprichtnes. 

Sa  be  this  surenes  now  I  do  not  mene, 
That  Godds  seruands  ar  neuer  tane  away, 
Be  cruell  men,  for  the  contrair  is  sene, 
For  God  oftymes  of  his  ludgements  I  say, 
Letts  thame  so  fall,  as  thocht  befoir  the  day : 
To  plague  the  warld  for  thair  vnthankfulnes 
Quhilk  is  not  worthie  of  sic  men  as  thay. 
Bot  I  mene  this  be  strenth  of  vprichtnes, 

That  quheh  it  plesis  God  to  let  thame  fall, 
Thay  haue  sic  inwart  comfort  without  cair, 
That  thay  depart  with  ioy  Angelicall, 


Dani.  5. 


Gene.  4. 
Esai.  66. 
Prouer.  15. 


Prouer.  14. 

Acts.  5. 

Act.  12. 
Act.  16. 


Esai.  3. 
Heb.  11. 


Acts.  7. 
2  Timot.  4. 


(d)  maimed,  or  disgraced. 


(e)  conceal. 


(/)  beat,  or  scourged. 


SUPPLEMENT.  549 

Of  lyfe  assurit  that  lestis  for  euer  mair. 

And  zit  sum  tyme  he  dois  his  seruands  spair,  Esai.  41. 

To  let  the  Tyrannis  se  his  michtines,  lerem.  1.  4.  5, 

In  spyte  of  thame,  that  he  can  his  alquhair 

Preserue  maist  surely  intill  vprichtnes. 

Quhilk  we  haue  sene  as  we  can  not  deny, 
Into  lohne  Knoxis  michtie  preseruation, 
Quhilk  till  our  comfort  we  suld  all  apply, 
I  mene  that  ar  the  Faithfull  Congregatioun. 
Sen  he  departit  with  sic  consolatioun 
Euen  as  he  leuit,  he  deit  in  Faithfulnes, 
Being  assurit  in  Christ  of  his  Saluatioun, 
As  in  the  end  he  schew  with  vprichtnes. 

Sa  is  he  past  from  pane  to  pleasure  ay, 
And  till  greit  eis  doubtles  vntill  him  sell, 
Bot  for  ane;  plague  till  ys  I  dair  weill  say, 
As  sair  I  fei'r  we  sail  heir  schortley  tell, 
Schir  wink  at  vice  (g-)  beginnis  to  tune  his  bell. 
Bot  on  this  held  na  mair  I  will  digres, 
That  gude  men  hes  mair  rest  in  all  perrell 
Nor  wickit  in  thair  welth  bot  vprichtnes. 

Then  sen  al  wayis  we  se  that  men  ar  sure 
Throw  vprichtnes  quhidder  they  Hue  or  die,  Psalm.  37. 

Let  all  gud  Cristianes  Imploy  thair  cure, 
In  thair  vocatioun  to  leif  vprichtlie ; 
And  chiefly  let  all  preicheouris  warnit  be, 
That  this  day  God  and  the  gude  caus  profes, 
Na  wayis  to  wink  at  sic  Impietie  Tit.  1. 

As  chiefly  dois  withstand  all  vprichtnes. 

Taking  exempill  of  this  Propheit  plane, 
Quhome  heir  befoir  we  breuit  in  this  bill,  (A) 
Quha  Goddis  reuelit  will  wald  neuer  lane, 
Quhen  men  begouth  for  to  delyte  in  ill, 
He  wald  not  wane  ane  wy  (i)  for  na  manis  will 
For  to  rebuke  Erie,  Barrone,  or  Burges, 
Quhen  in  thair  wickit  wayis  thay  walkit  still. 
Follow  this  Lamp  I  say  of  vprichtnes. 

Let  nouther  lufe  of  friend,  nor  feir  of  fais, 
Mufe  zow  to  mank  (fe)  your  Message,  or  hald  bak 
Ane  iot  of  zour  Commission  ony  wayis:  Psalm.  40. 

Call  ay  quhite,  quhite,  and  blak,  that  quhilk  is  blak,  Esai.  5. 
Ane  Gallimafray  (7)  neuer  of  them  mak : 

Bot  ane  gud  caus  distingue  from  wickitnes,  2  Timot.  2 

This  kynd  of  phrais  sumtymes  this  Propheit  spak, 
Quhen  he  saw  sum  not  vsing  vprichtnes. 

In  generall  do  not  all  things  inuolue, 

Thinking  zour  selfis  discharged  than  to  be,  2  Timot.  2. 

Thocht  na  manis  mynd  in  maters  ze  resolue : 
For  (zit  till  vse  this  same  manis  Elogie) 

(g)  Sir  Wink-at-vice,  an  allegorical  character.  (*)  described  in  this  work. 

(0  probably,  waynd  ane  wee,  \.  e,  swerve  a  little.        (&)  curtail.       (T)  a  hotch-potch. 


550 


SUPPLEMENT. 


Num.  23,  24. 


2  Timot.  4. 

Act.  17. 
Esai.  58. 
1  Timot.  5. 


To  speik  the  treuth,  and  speik  the  trueth  trewlie, 
Is  not  a  thing  (m)  (said  he)  brethren  doutles. 
Thairfoir  speik  trewly  but  Hypocrisie, 
Gif  ze  wald  haue  the  praise  of  vprichtnes. 

Let  vice  ay  in  the  awin  cullouris  be  kend, 
But  beiring  with,  or  zit  extenuatioun, 
Schawing  how  heichly  God  it  dois  offend, 
Spairing  na  stait  that  maks  preuaricatioun  : 
Let  it  be  sene  till  all  the  Congregatioun, 
That  ze  sic  haitrent  haue  at  wicketnes, 
That  ze  mon  dampne  their  greit  abhominatioun, 
Q,uha  planely  fechtis  aganis  all  vprichtnes. 

Quhilk  tred  of  doctrine  gif  ze  anis  begin  Psalm.  38. 

I  grant  the  Deuill  and  warld  will  be  agane  zow;  Psalm.  41. 
The  feid  of  fremmit,  and  craibing  of  zour  kin,  (ri) 
First  ze  sail  find,  syne  terrour  to  constraine  zow 
To  syle  the  suith,  (o)  and  sunze,  (p)  I  will  plane  (q)  zow. 

The  Zock  is  not  sa  licht  as  sum  dois  ges ;  Nahum.  1. 

Bot  zit  haue  ze  na  dreid  quha  do  disdane  zow,  Psalm.  31. 

Sen  that  zour  fortres  sure  is  vprichtnes.  Psalm.  34. 

For  pleis  it  God  zour  lyfe  to  lenthen  heir, 
Thocht  all  the  warld  aganis  zow  wald  conspyre, 
Thay  sail  not  haue  the  power  zow  to  deir,  (r) 
Albeit  they  rage  and  rin  wod  (s)  in  thair  Ire, 
And  gif  that  God  thinks  gude  be  sword  or  fyre 
To  let  zow  fall,  be  ay  in  reddynes : 

Being  assurit  that  heuin  salbe  zour  hyre,  2  Timot.  4. 

Because  ze  endit  sa  in  vprichtnes. 

Let  not  the  lufe  of  this  lyfe  temporall, 
Quhilk  ze  mon  lose,  but  let,  quhen  ze  leist  wene,  (*) 
Stay  zow  to  cois  (M)  with  lyfe  Celestiall. 
Q,uhen  euer  that  the  chois  cumis  thame  betwene, 
Christis  sentence  in  zour  garden  keip  ay  grene, 
duha  sauis  his  lyfe  shall  lois  it  not  the  les.  Matth.  16. 

Gluhilk  euin  into  this  warld  hes  oft  bene  sene, 
Q,ahat  gaine  is  than  to  deny  vprichtnes  7 

Than  to  conclude,  sen  in  thir  dangerous  dayis 
Sa  mony  terrours  Tyranis  casts  befoir  zow, 
Call  vpon  God  to  strenthen  zow  alwayis, 
That  with  his  haly  Spreit  he  will  decoir  zow, 
As  he  hes  done  his  seruands  ay  befoir  zow, 
That  ze  may  neuer  wink  at  wickitness,  Esai.  51. 

With  Gun  &  Gainze  (v)  thocht  thay  boist  to  gor  zow, 
Sen  that  -zour  Towre  sa  sure  is  vprichtnes. 

IT  FINIS.  M.  I.  D. 

(m)  one  thing.  (n)  the  hostility  of  strangers,  and  anger  of  relations, 

(o)  conceal  the  truth.  (p)  anxiety.  (?)  plainly  tell  (r)  injure. 

(s)  run  mad.  (0  without  hinderance,  when  ye  least  think.  («)  barter. 

(v)  gamze  signifies  sometimes  an  engine  for  throwing  weapons,  and  sometimes  the 
weapon  thrown. 


SUPPLEMENT.  551 


ANE    SCHORT 

DISCVRS    OF    THE    ESTAITIS 

quha  hes  cans  to  deploir  the  deith  of  this 
Excellent  Seruand  of  God. 

npHOW  pure  contempnit  Kirk  of  God, 
•*•     In  Scotland  scatterit  far  abrod, 
Quhat  leid  (a)  may  let  the  to  lament : 
Sen  baith  the  Tyger  and  the  Tod, 
Maist  cruellie  cummis  the  to  rent. 
Thow  wants  ane  watcheman  that  tuke  tent, 
Baith  nicht  and  day  that  nocht  suld  noy  the, 
Allace  thow  wants  the  Instrument, 
That  was  thy  Lantrene  to  conuoy  the. 

Thy  lemand  (6)  Lamp  that  schew  sic  licht 
Was  gude  lohne  Knox,  ane  man  vpricht, 
Quhais  deith  thou  daylie  may  deploir. 
His  presence  maid  thy  bewtie  bricht, 
And  all  thy  doings  did  decoir : 
He  did  him  haillie  indeuoir, 
Thy  richteous  actioun  to  maintene, 
And  libertie  to  the  restoir. 
Pleading  thy  caus  with  King  and  Q,uene. 

He  neuer  huntit  benefice, 
Nor  catchit  was  with  Couatice, 
Thocht  he  had  offers  mony  one 
And  was  als  meit  for  sic  office 
As  outher  gellie  (c)  lok  or  lohne, 
His  mynd  was  ay  sa  the  vpon, 
Thy  only  weilfair  was  his  welth ; 
Thairfoir  lament  sen  he  is  gone, 
That  huikit  nathing  (d)  for  thy  helth. 

Lament  Assemblie  Generall, 
At  thy  Conuentionis,  ane  and  all, 
For  thou  wilt  mis  ane  Moderatour, 
Q,uhais  presence  mufit  greit  and  small, 
And  terrifeit  baith  theif  and  tratour, 
With  all  vnrewlie  Rubiatour,  (e) 
Thair  ionkers  durst  not  kyth  thair  cure, 
For  feir  of  fasting  in  the  frateur,  (/) 
And  tynsall  of  the  charge  thay  bure. 

But  now  I  feir  that  thow  sail  se 
Greit  missing  of  that  man  to  be, 

(a)  lay  or  song.  (5)  shining,  blazing.        (c)  good  fellow,  bon  vivanL 

(d)  thought  nothing  too  much.  (e)  ragamuffin,  vagabond 

(/)  fraternity,  alluding  to  the  fastings  of  the  friars. 


552  SUPPLEMENT. 

Quhen  craftie  heidis  sail  na  mair  hyde 
The  hurde  (0  of  thair  hypocrisie, 
Bot  all  sinceirnes  set  asyde, 
With  policie  will  all  things  gyde, 
Thir  Balamis  birds  sair  may  thow  feir : 
Thairfoir  be  Godds  buke  abyde, 
And  to  sic  bablers  giue  na  eir. 

Giue  strange  opinipunis  enteris  in, 
Tak  tent  quha  sic  thingis  dois  begin, 
And  with  sic  matteris  mynts  to  mell ;  (h) 
For  Sathan  ceisis  not  fra  sin, 
The  Kirk  of  Christ  seiking  to  quell. 
Sic  folly  faill  not  to  refell : 
For  when  the  reik  (i)  beginnis  to  ryse, 
The  fyre  will  follow  as  thay  tell, 
Be  it  not  quencheit  be  the  wyse. 

Bot  cheifly  murne  and  mak  thy  mane, 
Thou  Kirk  of  Edinburgh  allane, 
For  thow  may  rew  by  (/c)  all  the  rest, 
That  this  day  thow  wants  sickin  ane, 
Thy  special]  Pastour,  and  the  best 
That  ony  Kirk  had  eist  or  west. 
He  did  comfort  the  in  all  cair, 
And  the  foirwairnd  of  thy  molest, 
Quhairby  thow  micht  thyself  prepair. 

There  was  na  troubill  come  to  the 
Bot  he  foirspak  it  oppinlie, 
Thocht  sum  the  mater  than  did  mock, 
Gif  he  spak  suith  now  thow  may  se, 
This  day  thy  heid  is  in  the  zock, 
God  send  the  blyithnes  of  this  block, 
And  freith  the  from  thy  fais  aboue  the ; 
For  thow  art  the  maist  feruent  flock 
That  Scotland  beiris,  as  deid  dois  proue  the. 

And  giue  God  sa  handills  the  best, 
Allace  what  sail  cum  of  the  rest, 
Except  repentance  rin  and  red : 
It  is  ane  mirrour  manifest, 
Of  dule  and  dolour  to  be  dred, 
To  fall  on  thame  this  barret  (Z)  bred. 
Bot  till  our  purpois  to  returne, 
Thocht  of  this  feir  thow  salbe  fred, 
Zit  hes  thow  mater  for  to  murne. 

Because  that  watcheman  thow  dois  want, 
That  the  in  puretie  did  plant, 
And  comfortit  thy  congregatioun : 
Bot  zit  thocht  he  be  gane  I  grant 
The  Lord  can  send  the  consolatioun, 

(fiT)  treasure  (h)  attempts  to  meddle.  (i)  smoke,  (&)  above. 

(I)  trouble,  contention. 


SUPPLEMENT,  653 

Gif  thow  giue  him  dew  adoratioun, 
He  will  not  leaue  the  comfortless, 
As  alreddy  thow  hes  probatioun. 
God  grant  thy  Preicheours  vprichtnes. 

IT  Ze  Lords  also  that  dois  frequent 
The  loft  in  Sanct  Geills  Kirk  lament, 
That  Bogill  (ra)  thair  that  ze  hard  blaw, 
With  quhome  quhyles  ze  wer  small  content, 
For  the  schairp  threitnings  he  did  schaw ; 
Zit  thay  maid  zow  sumquhat  stand  aw, 
Thocht  not  so  muche  as  neid  requyrit. 
This  day  in  graue  he  lyis  full  law, 
Quhilk  langtyme  was  of  him  desyrit. 

For  seing  all  things  not  go  weill, 
He  said  thair  suld  not  mis  ane  reill 
That  suld  the  cheifest  walkin  vp. 
Gif  he  said  suith  this  day  ze  feill, 
Luke  gif  God  hes  begun  to  quhup, 
Bot  thair  byds  zit  ane  sowrer  Cup, 
Except  zour  maners  ze  amend, 
The  dreggs  but  dout  als  ze  sail  sup : 
From  whilk  danger  God  zow  defend. 

Sanctandrois  als  not  to  leif  out,    • 
His  deith  thou  may  deploir  but  dout, 
Thow  knawis  he  lude  the  by  the  laue,  (ri) 
For  first  in  the  he  gaue  the  rout 
Till  Antechrist  that  Romische  slaue, 
Preicheing  that  Christ  did  only  saue. 
Bot  last,  of  Edinburgh  exprest, 
Q,uhen  he  was  not  far  fra  his  graue, 
He  came  to  the  by  all  the  rest. 

God  grant  that  thow  may  thankfull  be, 
For  his  greit  graces  schawin  to  the, 
In  sending  the  his  seruands  trew, 
Amen.    Thow  heiris  na  mair  of  me. 
Bot  Kyle,  and  Cuninghame  may  rew 
Als  sair  as  ony  that  I  schew, 
To  quhome  this  darling  was  maist  deir ; 
And  vther  gentill  men  anew, 
Quhome  I  haue  not  reheirsit  heir. 

Than  last  of  all  to  turn  to  zow, 
That  wer  our  brethren,  bot  not  now : 
God  grant  agane  ze  may  cum  hame, 
For  we  suld  wis  zour  weill  I  vow, 
As  also  did  this  man  be  Name, 
Thocht  sum  said  he  did  zow  defame, 
He  prayit  to  God  that  ze  micht  turne, 
That  ze  micht  schaip  Eternall  schame ; 
Thairfoir  zour  part  is  als  to  murne. 

(m)  bugle-horn.  (n)  Thoirknowest  he  loved  thee  above  the  rest 

47  U  3 


554  SUPPLEMENT. 

For  doutles  he  was  mair  zour  freind, 

Nor  thay  that  winkit,  or  manteind 

Zour  fulische  factioun  and  vnfair. 

In  deid  that  ze  suld  not  susteind, 

He  thunderit  threitnings  to  the  air, 

To  terrific  zow  mair  and  mair, 

And  rug  (o)  zow  back  that  ze  micht  rew :  (p) 

For  he  knew  perseueird  ze  thair, 

Ze  wer  bot  schipwrak  but  reskew.  (<?) 

Than  all  this  land  thow  may  lament, 
That  thow  lacks  sic  ane  Instrument, 
Till  sum  not  plesand,  zit  sa  plane, 
That  all  the  godly  was  content. 
Allace  his  lyke  he  left  not  ane, 
Nor  I  feir  sail  not  se  agane : 
Bot  zit  let  vs  nawayis  dispair, 
For  quhy  our  God  dois  zit  remane, 
Quha  can  and  will  for  his  prepair. 

For  thocht  his  deith  we  do  deploir 
Zit  is  he  not  our  God  thairfoir : 
As  wickit  wardlings  wald  obtend, 
Gone  is  zour  God  quhairin  ze  gloir. 
The  leuing  God,  we  mak  it  kend, 
Is  he,  on  quhome  we  do  depend, 
Q,uha  will  not  leaue  vs  in  distres, 
Bot  will  his  seruands  till  vs  send, 
Till  gyde  vs  throw  this  wildernes. 

Thairfoir  letting  thir  Bablers  be, 
Quhais  chief  Religioun  is  to  lie, 
And  all  Godds  seruands  to  backbyte, 
Traducing  this  man  principallie : 
Let  thame  spew  out  in  thair  dispyte, 
All  that  thay  will  be  word  or  wryte. 
Lyke  as  him  self  is  into  gloir, 
Sa  sail  all  ages  ay  recyte 
Johne  Knoxis  Name,  with  greit  decoir. 

IT  FINIS. 


VA  M     T  V  T  V  M 

SIT  PROPVGNACVLVM,  DEO  SINE 
fuco  inseruire,  ex  mirifica  eximii  Dei  serui  IOANNIS 
KNOXII,  in  tranquillum  vita  exitum,  illusis  omnibus 
impiorum  conatibus,  conseruatione,  &  eius  exem- 
plum  sequi,  monemur. 

(0}  pull.  ( p)  repent.  (3)  but  shipwrecked  without  resciia 


SUPPLEMENT.  555 

aVEM  petiere  diu  crudeles  igne  tyranni, 
Saepius  &  ferro  quern  petiere  duces; 
Occubuit  (mirum)  nullo  violatus  ab  hoste, 

Eximius  Christ!  KNOXIVS  ille  sator. 
Nam  pater  ^Ethereus  Regum  moderatur  habenas, 

Electosque  potens  protegit  vsque  suos. 
Muniat  hinc  igitur  nostras  fiducia  mentes, 

Ne  mors  nos  tetricis  terreat  vlla  minis. 
Q,uoq ;  minus  trepidi  sistamus  tramite  recto, 

Huius  ne  pigeat  viuere  more  viri. 

IT  FINIS.    Quod  M.  I.  D. 


EXCERPTA    E    POEMATIS 
JOHANNIS    JONSTONI 

QUIBUS    TITTJLI 
IIEPI  ZTE<f>ANON 

SIVE 

DE  CORONIS  MARTYRUM  IN  SCOTIA, 

NECNON 

PECVLIVM   ECCLESI^E  SCOTICAN^E. 

MS.  IN  BIBL.  FACULT.  JURID.  EDIN.  A.  6.  42. 

PATRITIUS  HAMILTONUS.* 
Martyr  Andreapoli  xxviii.  Febr.  An.  Christi  1 527. 

E  Ca?lo  alluxit  primam  Germania  lucem, 

Q,ua  Lanus,  et  vitreis  qua  fluit  Albis  aquis. 
Intulit  hinc  lucem  nostrae  Dux  praevius  ora?. 

O  felix  terra !  hoc  si  foret  usa  duce ! 
Dira  superstitio  grassata  tyrannide  in  omnes, 

Omniaque  involvens  Cimmeriis  tenebris, 
Ilia  nequit  lucem  hanc  sufferre.    Ergo  omnis  in  unam, 

Fraude,  odiis,  furiis,  turba  cruenta  coit. 

*  See  p.  32. 


556  SUPPLEMENT. 

Jgne  cremant.    Viyus  lucis  qui  fulserat  igne, 
Par  erat,  ut  moriens  lumina  ab  igne  daret. 


JOANNES  MACHABJEVS,* 

Alpinus,  Christianismi  in  Dania  Instaurator,  Hafniae  Theol.  Professor ; 
floruit  1550,  teste  Balaeo. 


Q,vae  tulit  in  lucem  me  Scotia,  luce  frui  me 

Non  tulit.    Haud  mirum :  sprevit  et  ipsa  Deum. 
Anglia  vix  cepit.    Subeuntem  Teutonis  ora 

Suscipiens  fovit  L. .  onis  in  gremio. 
Lvtheri  hie  tetigisse  datum  dextramque  Philippi: 

Cernere  et  hie  Christvm  lucidiore  die. 
Me  doctore  dehinc  amplexa  est  Dania  Christvm ; 

Hafnia  dat  patriam,  datque  eadem  tumulum, 
Hue  vitae  cursus :  supremi  hie  meta  laboris. 

Hinc  vehor  exilii  liber  in  astra  metu. 
Havd  jactura  gravis,  patriam  tellure  carere : 

In  patria  gravior  posse  carere  Deo. 

II. 

De  Joh.  Machabaeo  Patre,  et  Christiano, 

Filio  Patris  simillimo. 
Excedens  terris  Machabaevs  liquerat  vno 

Unius  in  nato  pectoris  effigiem. 
Filius  hanc  solam  potuit  tibi  promere :  at  illvm 
Mors  habet.    Ecquis  earn  reddere  nunc  valeaU 


ALEX.  ALESIVS.| 

(Obiit  Lipsiae  xx.  Junij  1565.) 

Lipsiae  Theol.  Professor,  de  se  et  Joh.  Machabaeo. 

Sors  eadem  exilii  nobis,  vitaeque  laborumque, 

Ex  quo  nos  Christi  conciliavit  amor. 
Una  salus  amborum,  unum  et  commune  periclum; 

Pertulimus  pariter  praestite  cuncta  Deo. 
Dania  te  coluit.    Me  Lipsia  culta  docentem 

Audiit,  et  sacros  hausit  ab  ore  sonos. 
Qui  mea  scripta  legit,  Machabaevm  cernat  in  illis. 

Alterutrum  noscis,  noscis  utrumque  simul. 

*  See  p.  390.  t  See  p.  389. 


SUPPLEMENT.  557 


JOHANNES  ROCHIVS*  et  THOMAS  GULIELMIVS, 

Uterque  a  sacris  Jac.  Hamiltono  Scotie  Gubernatori,  uterque  Christ! 
nomine  Exul;  et  ille  postea  Martyr  in  Anglia,  22  decemb.  1557, 
Londinj. 

Postquam  iterum  premitur  redivivi  gloria  Christi, 

Et  crudelis  adhuc  omnia  Presul  agit, 
Cessimus  inviti  Invidias,  et  crudelibus  iris. 

Ah !  facilis  nocuit  Principis  ingenium. 
Doctores  nuper  quae  nos  adscripserat  Aula 

Deficit :  et  nostrae  spes  cecidere  siraul. 
Redditur  exilium  Christi  pro  munere.    Christvs 

Exul  erat :  nobis  sitne  probro  exilium  1 
Quid  si  mors  adeunda  sit]    O  mors  ilia  beata ! 

Q,ua  vitae  melior  parta  corona  foret. 


GEORGIVS  SOPHOCARDIVS^ 
Sive  Wys-hartus,  Martyr,  Andreapoli,  Kal.  Martii  an.  1546. 

Gluam  bene  conveniunt  divinis  nomina  rebus ! 

Divinae  hie  Sophiae  corque  oculusque  viget. 
Q,ui  Patris  arcanam  Sophiam,  caelique  recessus 

Corde  fovens,  terris  Numina  tanta  aperit. 
Vnus  amor  Christvs.    Pro  Christo  concitus  ardor 

Altius  humanis  Enthea  corda  rapit. 
Praeteritis  aptans  praesentia,  jvdicat  omnia ; 

Et  ventura  dehinc  ordine  quaeque  docet. 
Ipse  suam  mortem,  tempusque  modumque  profatur, 

Fataque  Carnifici  tristia  Sacrilego. 
Terrificam  ad  flammam  stetit  ilnperterritus.    Ipsa 

Quin  stupet  invictos  sic  pavefacta  animos, 
Vt  vix  ausa  dehinc  sit  paucos  carpere.    Tota 

Ilicet  innocui  victa  cruore  viri  est. 


JOHANNES  WEDDERBVRNVS.§ 

Pulsus  in  exilium,  an.  1546.    Exul  in  Anglia  moritur  1556. 

I. 

Non  meriti  est  nostri,  meritas  tibi  dicere  grates, 

Aut  paria,  aut  aliqua  parte  referre  vicem. 
Q,uae  meruisse  alii  vellent,  nee  posse  mereri  est : 

Hasc  velle,  haec  posse,  haec  te  meruisse  tuum  est. 
Sic  facis  atque  canis  sacra :  sic  agis  omnia,  nil  ut 

Sanctius,  et  nusquam  purior  ulla  fides. 

•  See  pp.  46—7.          t  See  p.  40.  j  See  p.  40.  $  See  p.  393. 

47* 


558  SUPPLEMENT. 

Hinc  millum  magis  invisum  caput  hostibus :  hinc  et 

Nemo  unquam  meruit  charior  esse  bonis. 
Grandius  hoc  meritum,  nil  te  meruisse  fateris, 

Humanis  meritis  nee  superesse  locum. 

II. 

DE  JOHANNE,  JACOBO,  ET  ROBERTO  WEDDERBVRNO,  FRATRIBUS. 

Divisvm  imperium,  per  tres,  tria  Numina,  Fratres, 

Infera  quaeque  vides,  quaeque  superna,  canunt. 
Vos  miror  potius  tres  vero  nomine  fratres, 

Vosque  supra  veneror,  Numina  vana,  Deos ; 
Concordes  animas,  clarissima  lumina  gentis, 

Tres  paribus  studiis,  tres  pietate  pares. 
Felices  qui  vos  tales  genuere  pa  rentes, 

Quaeque  orbi  tellus  pignora  rara  dedit. 
Progenitos  Caelo  Alectum*  dedit  inclyta  terris : 

Inde  DEI-DONUM  nomen  habere  putem. 


JOHANNES  KNOxvs.f 

Primus  Evangelii  Instaurator  in  Scotia,  post  superiora  cruenta  ilia 
tempora,  obiit  placide  Edenburgi  xxiv.  ixbris,  hora  noctis  undeci- 
ma,  1572. 


Hie  ille  est  Scotorum  Knoxus  Apostolus  olim, 

Cui  prior  hos  ingens  Beza  dedit  titulos : 
Interpres  caeli,  vero  qui  Numine  plenus, 

Plurima  venturi  praescia  signa  dedit. 
Facundum  pectus.    Libertas  maxima  fandi. 

Tot  us  inexhausto  flagrat  amore  Dei. 
Quam  pia  cura  Poli,  tarn  humani  meta  furoris : 

Tanto  plus  victor,  quo  furit  iste  magis. 
Post  varios  hostes  aggressa  Calumnia  tandem 

Hoc  didicit,  nulli  nee  sibi  habere  fidem. 
Herovm  Pietas  odio  est  mortalibus.    Unum  hoc 

Arguat  Heroem  hunc  ccelitus  esse  datum. 

II. 

Cvra  Dei :  Romas  pestis :  Mundi  horror :  et  Orci 

Pernicies :  caeli  fulmen  ab  arce  tonans. 
Limite  in  hoc  modico  tanti  jacet  hospitis  umbra : 

Vmbra  silet ;  tamen  est  hostibus  horror  adhuc. 

*  Dundee. 

t  The  name  of  Schir  John  Knox  occurs  as  a  witness  to  a  deed  concerning  Rannelton 
Law,  dated  8th  March,  1541,  and  preserved  in  an  old  volume  of  Protocols,  belonging  to 
the  burgh  of  Haddington.  There  is  good  reason  to  think  that  our  Reformer  is  the  per- 
son named  in  that  deed,  which,  in  this  view,  confirms  the  statement  in  p.  23,  that  he  was 
in  priests'  orders  before  he  left  the  Church  of  Rome. 


SUPPLEMENT.  559 

JOHANNES  WILLOCVS.* 
Obiit  in  Anglia. 

Cum  Patrise  implessem  donis  coelestibus  urbes, 

Mille  olim  obiiciens  mortibus  hanc  animam, 
Ipsa  adeo  exultat  caeli  sic  luce  sereni, 

Pene  sibi  ut  caelum,  et  lux  queat  esse  aliis : 
Excessi  patria  laetus  tellure,  libensque : 

Vt  vicina  istis  cresceret  aucta  opibus. 
Hie  etiam  sevi  caelestia  semina  verbi ; 

Gensque  pia  hie  nostram  plurima  sensit  opem. 
Haec  et  opes  mihi,  cumque  opibus  cumulavit  honores 

Nee  secus  ac  Patria  me  Anglia  civem  habuit. 
Bis  civis  gemma  in  patria :  mihi  tertia  restat ; 

Possidet  haeredem  tertia  sola  suum. 


CHRISTOPHORVS  GVDMANNVS,! 

Anglus,  Ecclesiastes  Andreapolitanus :  moritur  in  Cestrensi  provincia 
Angliae  an.  1601. 

Non  Ego,  ceu  credis,  Scotis  peregrinus  in  oris 

Publica  nee  rerum  cura  aliena  mihi. 
Hie  geniti  Christo,  hie  geritur  Respublica  Christ! : 

Christi  Ego  sum.    In  Christo  his  sumque  ego  congenitus ; 
Q,uin  genui  hie  partem  Christo.    Patremque  Ducemque 

Et  licet,  et  gaudent  me  vocitare  suum. 
Queis  patriam  peperi :  non  hanc :  sed  quae  altera  caelo  est 

Hac  prior ;  his  dicar  qui  peregrinus  ego : 
Alterutra  jactent  se  alii  regione  profectos, 

Nomine  se  jactat  utraque  terra  meo. 


JOHANNES  ARESKINUS,{ 

Dunius,  Equestri  familia  ortus,  Religionis  gravis  et  cpnstans  assertor, 
concionator  nobilis,  natus  annos  Ixxx,  moritur  xii  Martij,  1590. 

Post  tot  avos  veteres,  et  tot  decora  inclyta  rerum 

Surgit  Areskino  gloria  major  adhuc  : 
Scilicet  ilia  Crucis  Christi,  quae  sola  perennis : 

Quae  regit  una  homines,  quae  facit  una  deos. 
Robora  consiliis,  pietatem  miscet  utrisque ; 

Et  faciendo  docet,  atque  docendo  facit. 
Heroem  nullum  huic  aequarint  secula.    Nullus 

Inter  avos  veteres  fama  et  honore  prior. 

*  See  pp.  115,  308.  t  See  p.  478.  t  See  p.  116; 


560  SUPPLEMENT. 


JOHANNES  BRABNERVS,* 

Aberdonensis,  Ecclesiastes  Celurcanusf  et  Dunensis,  moritur  an.  1564, 
postr.  Kal.  Novembris. 

Nascendi  primam  dedit  Aberdonia  lucem : 

Ille  renascendi  munera  rettribuit. 
Vtrum  ergo  debet  Patriae  plus,  an  Patria  illi1? 

Mutua  sic  rerum  gratia  rite  coit. 


JOHANNES  VIN-RAMVS,| 

Cfienobii  Augustinianorum  olim  Praefectus  apud  Andreanos,  postea  in- 
ter Christi  Ministros:  obiit  senex  xxiix,  Septemb.  1581. 

Q.UO  te  censu  hominum,  quo  te,  Vin-Rame,  reponam 

In  numero  1  hie  multum  est  anxia  mens  animi. 
Se  prodit  Pietas,  neque  turbida  lucis  imago  est : 

Spargit  enim  de  se  lumina  clara  sui. 
Q,uin  te  aperi  tandem  manifesto  in  lumine.    Pelle 

Turbidulos  sensus,  cumque  pudore  metus. 
Cum  pietate  etenim  postquam  se  nubila  miscet 

Mens  hominum,  lucis  deperit  ille  vigor. 
Gaudet  agens  Pietas  manifesta  in  luce.    Nee  ilia 

Sit  Pietas,  quae  haud  pro  scit  Pietate  mori. 


JOHANNES  Rowivs,§ 
Ecclesiastes  Perthensis,  obiit  xvi.  viiibris  an.  1580. 

Consilio  praestans,  rebus  gravis  auctor  agendis 

Praecipuos  inter,  Lumina  prima,  Patres, 
Cognitio  varia :  immensa  experientia  rerum. 

Omnigenam  linguam  mens  prseit  ingenii : 
Exactor  disciplines,  vindexque  severus, 

Ipse  sibi  censor,  seque  ad  amussim  habuit : 
Sancta  domus,  castique  lares,  frons  laeta,  seyera: 

Larga  manus  miseris,  mensa  benigna  bonis. 
Vrbis  delicium :  sancti  pia  copula  amoris : 

Una  fides,  fidei  publica  cura  simul 
Clara  viris,  cultuque  decens,  pulcherrima  Pertha : 

Rowivs  at  Perthas  haud  ultima  fama  fuit. 

*  I  have  not  met  elsewhere  with  any  notice  ofBrebner  or  Brenner. 

t  i.  e.  of  Montrose.  \  See  pp.  34,  422.  $  See  p.  216. 


SUPPLEMENT.  561 


JACOBVS  LAUSONIVS,* 

Ecclesiastes  Edinburgensis,  obiit  xii.  Octobris  an.  1584. 

Ingenio  felix  Lausoniys,  ore  diserto, 

Acer  judicio,  consiliisque  gravis. 
Corpore  non  magno,  mens  ingens :  Spiritus  ardens, 

Invectumque  deoas  pectoris  atque  animi. 
Non  tulit  Impietas.    Patria  migrare  necesse  est. 

Mitior  in  profugum  terra  aliena  fuit. 
Hospitii  cui  jura  volens  vivo  ista  dedisset, 

Multa  gemens  tristi  in  funere  dat  tumulum. 


DAVID  FERGVsivs,t 

Pastor  ad  Fermilo-dunum,  obiit  xxiij  August!  an.  1598 

dvem  non  erudiit  solers  Academia,  quern  non 

Finxit  Stagira  nobilis : 
Nesciit  ille  tamen  nescire  ilia  omnia  solers, 

Q,uae  et  ista  et  ilia  prodidit, 
Q,uin  Doctore  Deo  scivit  raeliora  sequutus, 

Q,uae  et  ista  et  ilia  nesciit. 
Disce  hinc  quae  melius  doceas  Academia.    Tuque 

Disce  hinc  Stagira  nobilis. 


GEORGIVS  HAIVS. 

Postqvam  animum  primis  patriae  effinxere  Camenae 

Artibus,  excepit  culta  Lvteta  sinu. 
Cecropiis  opibus,  spoliisque  orientis  onustus, 

Intulit  in  patriam  munera  opima  suam. 
Ingenium  vegetum  comitatur  gratia  linguae 

Lactea  Nectareo  verba  lepore  fluunt. 
Dum  parat  excedens  locupletes  Hnquere  natos, 

Publica  privatis  posthabuisse  ferunt. 
Optima  sed  Pietas  patrimont  portio.    Privis 

Si  nimium  indulges,  publica  rapta  ruunt. 

*  See  p.  329.  t  See  p.  317. 


INDEX, 


Aberdeen,  a  celebrated  grammar  school  in,  19.  Greek  early  taught  in, 
372.  Reformed  doctrine  early  embraced  in,  538. 

Adamson,  Patrick,  joins  the  reformed  preachers,  200.  Appointed  suc- 
cessor to  Buchanan  as  Principal  of  St.  Leonard's  college,  374. 

Aless,  Alexander,  embraces  the  reformed  sentiments,  and  is  obliged 
to  leave  Scotland,  34,  389.  Made  Professor  at  Leipsic,  389.  Verses 
on,  556. 

Alexander,  Robert,  advocate,  an  early  favourer  of  the  reformation, 
36.  Writes  the  testament  of  the  Earl  of  Errol  in  Scots  metre,  392. 

Alexandersoun,  Andrew,  a  martyr,  381,  383. 

Anabaptists,  Knox's  warning  against  the  dangerous  principles  of, 
137-8. 

Anderson,  Robert,  convicted  of  heresy,  383. 

,  William,  convicted  of  heresy,  382. 

Andrews,  St,  Knox  teaches  philosophy  at,  23.  Reformed  opinions 
spread  privately  in  University  of,  38,  389.  Knox  retires  from,  39. 
Knox's  first  sermon  at,  51.  Knox  expresses  his  confident  hope  of 
again  preaching  in,  57.  Opposition  to  Knox's  preaching  at,  169, 
514-15.  Knox  preaches  at,  170.  Demolition  of  monasteries  at,  ib. 
Petition  for  Knox's  translation  to,  285.  Knox  retires  to,  315.  Meets 
with  opposition  at,  316.  His  preaching  and  exhortations  to  the 
students  at,  324-25,  489.  Knox  leaves,  328. 

,  Castle  of,  seized  by  the  conspirators  against  Cardinal  Bea- 

toun,  42.  Retained  by  them,  43.  Knox  takes  refuge  in,  45.  Sac- 
rament of  the  Supper  first  dispensed  in  the  Protestant  form  in,  54. 
Besieged  and  taken,  55. 

-,  Prior  of,  See  Stewart,  Lord  James. 

Angus,  Earl  of,  Knox  employed  in  affairs  of,  234,  465. 

Annand,  George,  convicted  of  heresy,  383. 

,  James,  convicted  of  heresy,  383. 

,  Dean  John,  his  dispute  with  Knox  and  Rough,  50. 

ArbugUll,  a  friar,  his  attempt  to  defend  the  popish  ceremonies  against 
Knox,  53. 

563 


564  INDEX. 

Arbuthnot,  Alexander,  appointed  by  the  General  Assembly  to  revise  a 
suspicious  book,  487. 

Argyte,  Countess  of,  conversation  between  Knox  and  the  Queen  re- 
specting her,  253.  Her  public  repentance,  470. 

,  old  Earl  of,  Knox  preaches  in  the  house  of,  125.  John  Doug- 
las taken  under  the  protection  of,  149.  Correspondence  between 
Archbishop  Hamilton  and,  149-50. 

,  young  Earl  of,  attends  Knox's  sermons  at  Calder-house,  119. 

Joins  the  Congregation,  168.  Knox  employed  in  removing  a  vari- 
ance between  him  and  his  lady,  234.  Variance  between  Earl  of 
Murray  and,  299. 

Arran,  Earl  of,  is  suspected  by  the  clergy,  37.  Made  regent  of  Scot- 
land, 39.  Abjures  the  reformed  doctrine,  ib.  Resigns  the  regency 
to  the  Queen  Dowager,  114.  Is  made  Duke  of  Chastelherault,  ib. 
See  Chastelherault. 

,  Earl  of,  son  to  the  former,  comes  to  Scotland,  and  persuades 
his  father  to  join  the  Congregation,  186.  English  ministers  wish 
him  raised  to  the  Scottish  throne,  and  married  to  Elizabeth,  443. 
Knox  employed  in  removing  a  feud  between  Bothwell  and,  234. 
Lunacy  of,  ib. 

Articles,  of  Church  of  England,  Knox  employed  in  revising,  67. 

Assembly,  Classical.     See  Presbytery. 

,  General,  what,  212.    The  first,  218.    Moderator  of,  when 

introduced,  ib.  Approve  of  Knox's  conduct,  269.  Employ  Knox 
in  drawing  up  public  papers,  286.  Their  recommendation  of  Knox, 
291.  Give  a  commission  to  him,  295.  Order  the  murderer  of  Re- 
gent Murray  to  be  excommunicated  in  all  the  churches  of  the  king- 
dom, 307-8.  Their  protestation  against  hierarchical  titles,  321. 
Knox's  letter  to,  ib.  His  last  letter  to,  327.  Their  attention  to  the 
widow  and  daughters  of  Knox,  359.  Order  of  procedure  in,  460. 

Athole,  Duke  of,  his  reason  for  voting  against  the  Protestant  Confes- 
sion, 206. 

Augustine,  influence  of  his  writings  on  Knox,  24. 

Aylmer,  John,  answers  Knox's  Blast,  144.  Character  of  his  work,  145. 
His  address  to  the  bishops,  408.  His  invective  against  the  King  of 
France,  417.  His  sentiments  respecting  the  English  constitution, 
427.  His  commendation  of  Knox, -343. 

Ayr,  a  minister  early  settled  in,  179. 


B. 

Baillie,  Alexander,  his  calumnies  against  Knox  and  other  reformers, 
475. 

Baillies,  of  Jerviswood,  a  daughter  of  Knox  married  to  one  of  the,  494. 

Bolcanquhal,  Walter,  defends  Knox,  345. 

Bale,  Bishop,  dedicates  a  book  to  Knox,  153. 

Ba/four,  Sir  James,  his  conversation  with  Knox  in  the  French  galleys, 
57.  Accessory  to  the  murder  of  Darnley,  484. 

Ballates,  Gude  and  godlie,  394.  Similar  compositions  in  other  coun- 
tries, ib. 

Ballesky,  Martin,  forfeited  for  reading  English  books,  385. 

Balnaves,  Sir  Henry,  of  Halhill,  an  early  favourer  of  the  Reformation, 
36,  183,  382,  401.  His  learning  and  reputation,  46.  Takes  refuge 
in  the  Castle  of  St  Andrews,  ib.  Urges  Knox  to  become  a  preacher, 
47.  Composes  a  book  on  justification  in  the  French  prison,  58. 
Extracts  from  Knox's  dedication  to  it,  59-60.  Extracts  from  the 
book,  401-403. 


INDEX.  565 

Bancroft,  Dr.  the  first  episcopalian  who  wrote  disrespectfully  of  Knox, 
344.  Davidson's  answer  to,  ib. 

Bannatyne,  Richard,  Secretary  to  Knox,  discovers  a  MS.  of  Balnaves, 
58.  Knox's  request  to,  at  the  beginning  of  bis  last  illness,  336.  His 
character  of  Knox,  341-2.  His  petition  to  the  General  Assembly, 
496. 

Bar  r  on,  James,  130,  515. 

Bassinden,  Thomas,  General  Assembly  order  a  book  printed  by  him 
to  be  called  in,  487. 

Beatoun,  Cardinal  David,  archbishop  of  St.  Andrews,  appoints  assas- 
sins to  kill  Knox,  39.  Defeats  the  proposed  marriage  between 
Queen  Mary  and  Edward  VI.  39.  His  cruelties  to  the  Reformers, 
41.  His  assassination,  42.  Knox's  opinion  of  this,  44,  397. 

,  James,  archbishop  of  St.  Andrews,  puts  Patrick  Hamilton  to 

death,  33. 

,  James,  archbishop  of  Glasgow,  his  character  of  Knox,  121. 

Dispute  between  him  and  Archbishop  Hamilton,  160,  453-4. 

Berwick,  Knox  preaches  at,  63-4.    Knox  visits,  116,  182. 

Beveridge, ,  suffers  martyrdom,  34,  379. 

Beza  congratulates  Knox  on  the  abolition  of  Episcopacy,  323.  Epis- 
tolary correspondence  between  Knox  and,  461-2. 

Bible,  English  imported  into  Scotland,  35.  Authorized  by  Parliament, 
39.  Circulation  of,  40,  382. 

• ,  Geneva,  Knox  one  of  the  translators  of,  140. 

Blacat,  John,  pursued  for  heresy,  381. 

Blast,  First,  of  the  Trumpet,  141-4, 153, 155, 180.  Knox's  explanation  to 
Queen  Mary  respecting,  225-6.  See  Aylmer,  and  Government, 
Female. 

Bodlih,  Mr.  523. 

Boece,  Hector,  principal  of  the  university  of  Aberdeen,  19. 

Banner,  Bishop,  John  Rough  put  to  death  by,  55.  Barbarity  of,  96. 
Lenity  with  which  he  was  treated  by  Elizabeth,  154. 

Book  of  Common  Order.    See  Geneva,  Order  of. 

Bothwell,  Earl  of,  Knox  employed  to  remove  a  feud  between  him  and 
young  Earl  of  Arran,  234.  Murders  the  king,  293.  Marries  the 
Queen,  294. 

Borthwick,  Lord,  his  reason  for  voting  against  the  Protestant  Confes- 
sion, 205. 

,  Sir  John,  his  opinion  of  the  Reformation  of  Henry  VIII.  43. 

Released  from  the  pains  of  heresy,  387. 

Bowes  of  Streatlam,  pedigree  of,  526. 

,  Elizabeth,  favourable  to  the  marriage  between  Knox  and 

her  daughter,  68.     Letters  from  Knox  to,  117,  121,  505,  509-11. 
Loses  her  husband,  124,  179.     Farther  particulars  of,  178,  326,  526. 

,  Marjory,  Knox  married  to,  68,  83.  Knox's  letters  to,  inter- 
cepted, 85.  Accompanies  her  husband  to  Geneva,  124.  Joins  her 
husband  in  Scotland,  179.  Her  death,  218.  Knox's  letters  to,  508- 
9,  512.  Her  parentage,  526. 

,  Richard,  father  of  Mrs.  Knox,  68. 

,  Sir  Robert,  brother  to  the  former,  painful  interview  of  Knox 

with,  83, 

Boyd,  Lord,  joins  the  Congregation,  168.  Craves  Knox's  pardon  on 
his  death-bed,  335. 

Br aimer,  John,  verses  on,  560. 

Bradford,  John,  67,  80,  414. 

Braid.     See  Fairley,  laird  of. 

Brechin,  early  provided  with  a  minister,  179.     See  Chisholm. 

Bristol,  Georere  Wishart  preaches  at,  397. 
48 


566  INDEX. 

Brown,  John,  convicted  of  heresy,  385. 

Buchanan,  George,  studies  under  Major  about  same  time  with  Knox, 
20.  Similarity  of  their  sentiments,  21,  23.  Knox's  commendation 
of  him,  23.  Embraces  the  reformed  sentiments,  and  leaves  the  king- 
dom, 34.  His  return  to  Scotland,  216.  His  tribute  to  the  Regent 
Murray's  memory,  307.  Sits  in  the  General  Assembly  as  a  doctor, 
447.  Farther  particulars  respecting,  456-7.  Calumnies  of  popish 
writers  against,  457,  476. 

,  Patrick,  456. 

Bucer,  Martin,  63. 

Burne,  Nicol,  his  calumnies  against  Knox,  474.  Against  the  foreign 
reformers,  476. 


C. 

Cairns,  John,  a  Reader  in  Edinburgh,  237,  290,  464. 
,  Henry,  convicted  of  heresy,  381,  386. 

Caithness.  Robert  Stewart,  bishop  of,  visits  Knox  on  his  death-bed, 
336. 

Calvin,  John,  high  reputation  of,  94.  Respect  of  English  reformers 
for,  ib.  Friendship  between  Knox  and,  94,  99.  Character  of  the 
English  liturgy  by,  101.  Is  displeased  with  Knox's  treatment  at 
Frankfort,  108.  Advises  Knox  to  return  to  Scotland,  131.  Diffi- 
culties which  he  had  met  with  in  establishing  ecclesiastical  discip- 
line. 209.  Knox's  correspondence  with,  219,  460.  Comparison  be- 
tween Knox  and,  354. 

Cameron,  John,  convicted  of  heresy,  386. 

Campbell  of  Kineancleugh,  accompanies  Knox  to  Ayrsnire,  119.  And 
to  Castle  Campbell,  125.  Is  surety  for  Willock,  163,  436.  Attends 
Knox  in  his  last  illness,  337-8. 

of  Loudon,  Sir  Hugh,  163. 

Cant,  Robert,  convicted  of  heresy,  381,  382,  384  f 

Carmichael,  Richard,  convicted  of  heresy,  386. 

,  William,  515. 

Carsewell,  John,  afterwards  superintendent  of  Argyle,  joins  the  re- 
formed preachers,  200,  211. 

Cassillis,  Earl  of,  suspected  by  the  clergy,  37. 

Catalogue  of  Knox's  works,  498. 

Cecil,  correspondence  between  Knox  and,  156,  180,  181,  231. 

Chastelherault,  Duke  of,  Knox  warns  against  his  ambitious  designs, 
139.  He  joins  the  Congregation,  186.  Knox's  freedom  in  pointing 
out  his  faults,  196.  His  design  of  excluding  Mary  from  the  throne 
opposed  by  Knox,  224.  He  is  offended  at  the  regency  being  con- 
ferred on  Murray,  300.  Is  made  lieutenant  for  the  Queen,  300. 
Knox's  early  suspicions  of  him,  519.  See  Arran,  Earl  of. 

Chisholm,  Williajn,  Bishop  of  Brechin,  persecutes  Wishart  for  teach- 
ing the  Greek  New  Testament,  372. 

Christison,  John,  tried  for  heresy,  162,  165,  436-7. 

Church,  Protestant,  of  Scotland,  sketch  of  its  form  of  government  and 
worship,  210-14.  Danger  to  which  it  was  exposed  from  Mary, 
221-2.  Inadequate  provision  for  the  ministers  of,  232.  Critical 
state  of,  286-8.  Improved  state  of,  under  Murray's  regency,  298, 
299.  Sentiments  of,  respecting  the  difference  between  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  authority,  487. 

Clergy,  Popish,  of  Scotland,  Knox  ordained  by,  23,  375.  Their  char- 
acter before  the  Reformation,  25-30.  Persecute  the  reformers,  30- 
34.  Instigate  James  V.  to  proscribe  the  Protestant  nobles  and  gen- 


INDEX.  567 

try,  37.  Suspect  Knox  of  heresy,  38.  Degrade  him  from  the  priest- 
hood, 39.  Their  politic  plan  to  counteract  his  preaching  at  St.  An- 
drews, 54.  Summon  Knox  before  them,  121.  Condemn  him  as  a 
heretic,  and  burn  his  effigy,  125.  Knox's  appellation  from  their 
sentence,  141.  Panic-struck  at  Knox's  return  to  Scotland,  164. 
Their  feeble  exertions  to  counteract  the  reformation,  200.  Their 
pretended  miracle  at  Musselburgh,  201-2.  Their  ignorance  of 
Greek,  373.  Their  representations  of  Knox's  character,  260,  312, 
473-7.  And  concerning  his  second  marriage,  269,  474-5.  See 
Council,  Provincial,  and  Popery. 

Clerk,  William,  convicted  of  heresy,  381,  386. 

Cockburn,  John,  of  Ormiston,  places  his  son  under  Knox's  care,  41, 
43.  Is  outlawed,  110,  382. 

Cocklaw,  Thomas,  parson  of  Tullibody,  381,  384,  388. 

Colmlle,  Robert,  of  Cleish,  his  detection  of  the  pretended  miracle  at 
Musselburgh,  206,  454. 

Colvin,  John,  489. 

Commissioners,  see  Visiters. 

Congregation,  The,  their  pacific  intentions,  166.  Deceived  by  Queen 
Regent,  167.  First  Lords  of,  168.  Obtain  assistance  against  the 
Regent  from  Elizabeth,  182-3.  Unfavourable  turn  in  their  affairs, 
195,  515.  Knox  reanimates  them,  196-7.  English  army  arrives  to 
assist  them,  198,  538.  Their  loyalty,  443-4.  See  Protestants,  Scot- 
tish. 

Cornaca,  Helen,  applies  for  the  degree  of  Doctor  in  Divinity,  146,  429, 

Corpse-present,  29,  386-7. 

Council,  Provincial,  of  Scottish  clergy,  acknowledge  the  corruptions 
of  the  Church,  111.  Their  canons  for  reformation,  111-13,  417. 
Catechism  published  by  their  order,  1 1 2,  418-23.  Application  of  the 
Protestants  to,  161.  Remonstrance  by  Roman  Catholics  to,  ib. 
Agreement  by  Queen  Regent  and,  162.  See  Clergy,  Popish,  and 
Popery. 

•— —  Privy,  of  Scotland.  Knox  an  extraordinary  member  of,  188. 
Knox  tried  before,  263,  266.  Suspend  Knox  from  preaching  for  a 
time,  284. 

Covenant,  Religious,  the  first  in  Scotland,  entered  into  by  Protestants 
of  Mearns,  120.  Another  subscribed  by  the  lords,  147.  Another 
by  the  Protestants  of  Edinburgh,  327. 

Coverdale,  Miles,  Bishop  of  Exeter,  390,  518. 

Cowsland,  Walter,  convicted  of  heresy,  381,  384. 

Cox,  Dr.  Richard,  101-107.  His  sentiments  concerning  ceremonies, 
409. 

Craig,  John,  account  of,  236-40.  His  account  of  a  dispute  on  resist- 
ance at  Bologna,  278-9.  His  spirited  behaviour  at  the  Queen's 
marriage  with  Bothwell,  294.  Leaves  Edinburgh,  328. 

Crail,  Knox  preaches  in,  169.    Demolition  of  the  monasteries  at,  171. 

Cranmer,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  his  zeal  in  advancing  the  refor- 
mation, 63.  Employs  Knox  to  preach  at  Berwick,  63.  Disposed  to 
carry  the  reformation  of  the  English  Church  farther,  407-8,  413. 

Crichton,  of  Brunston,  110. 

Croft,  Sir  James,  Knox's  interview  with,  at  Berwick,  181.  Employ- 
ed by  Elizabeth  to  correspond  with  the  Congregation,  182.  His 
reprimand  of  Knox's  proposal,  184. 

Crossraguell,  Abbot  of.     See  Kennedy,  Quintin. 

Cuningfiame,  Andrew,  son  of  the  Master  of  Glencairn,  convicted  of 
heresy,  385.  See  Glencairn. 

Cupar,  the  forces  of  the  Queen  Regent  and  Congregation  meet  at, 
170,  176,  487.  Demolition  of  the  Monasteries  at,  171. 


568  INDEX, 


D. 

Darnley,  Lord,  is  married  to  Q,ueen  Mary,  281.  Displeased  at  a  ser- 
mon of  Knox,  284.  Professes  himself  a  Papist,  288.  Is  murdered, 
293.  Alleged  plot  against  his  life  at  Perth,  317. 

Davidson,  John,  Account  of  Scottish  Martyrs  by,  379.  His  answers 
to  Bancroft,  344.  His  Latin  verses,  458.  Banished  by  Morton,  489. 
His  poem  on  Knox,  541. 

Deacons  appointed  at  an  early  period  of  the  reformation,  148.  In  the 
foreign  churches  at  London,  411.  Their  office,  21 1.  Number  of,  in 
Edinburgh,  237. 

Delaporte,  Mons.  Knox  acts  as  colleague  to,  at  Dieppe,  134. 

Dieppe,  in  France,  Knox  on  leaving  England  lands  at,  86.  He  visits, 
93,94,95,  116,  125,  131,  153. 

Discipline,  Ecclesiastical,  Scottish  reformers  sensible  of  its  importance, 
208.  Strictness  of,  250.  Strictness  and  impartiality  of,  in  the 
Church  of  Scotland,  250,  469-71.  Did  not  include  civil  punish- 
ments,  470. 

,  First  Book  of,  Knox  one  of  its  compilers,  209-10.  Approba- 
tion of,  210.  Its  plan,  211.  Reasons  of  the  nobility's  aversion  to, 
214. 

Doctors,  their  office  in  the  Protestant  Church,  211,  447-8. 

Douglas,  Bishop  Gawin,  besieges  the  cathedral  of  Dunkeld,  25. 
,  George.    See  Angus,  Earl  of. 

,  Hugh,  of  Langniddrie,  Knox  tutor  to  the  family  of,  39,  41,  43, 

45. 

,  John,  taken  into  Argyle's  family  as  chaplain,  149.    Preaches 

under 'the  name  of  Grant,  151.  Presented  to  the  archbishopric  of 
St.  Andrews,  320.  Knox  refuses  to  inaugurate  him,  323.  Sum- 
moned before  a  provincial  council,  535. 

Dunbar,  Gavin,  Archbishop  of  Glasgow,  his  sermon  at  Ayr,  26.  Re- 
formers in  Diocese,  of,  453. 

Duncan,  John,  convicted  of  heresy,  384. 

Dundas,  Euphemia,  slanders  Knox,  260. 

,  George,  an  early  Greek  scholar,  372. 

Dundee,  the  first  town  in  which  a  Protestant  congregation  was  form- 
ed, 148. 

Durham,  Bishop  of.     See  Tonstal. 

Durie,  John,  visits  Knox  in  his  last  illness,  333. 


E. 

Edinburgh,  Knox  preaches  privately  in,  117.  He  preaches  publicly 
in,  121.  He  is  burned  in  effigy  at  the  cross  of,  125.  A  Protestant 
Church  formed  in,  147.  Demolition  of  the  monasteries  at,  171,  504. 
Knox  chosen  minister  of,  176,  536.  Leaves  it,  177.  Knox  resumes 
his  ministry  in,  208.  Knox  retires  from,  290.  Knox  returns  to,  295. 
Knox  forced  again  to  leave,  315.  Inhabitants  of,  enter  into  a  solemn 
league,  327.  Knox  arrives  at,  328. 

,  Kirk-Session  of,  number  of,  237.  Provide  a  smaller  place 

of  worship  for  Knox,  328.  Knox's  interview  with,  on  his  death- 
bed, 333-4. 

,  Town  Council  of,  their  attention  to  the  support  of  Knox, 

232,  462.  Provide  him  with  a  colleague,  237,  239.  Their  proceed- 
ings respecting  a  slander  against  Knox,  260,  472.  Remonstrate 
against  the  suspension  of  Knox,  285. 


f  INDEX.  569 

Edward  VI.  of  England,  proposed  marriage  between  Queen  Mary 
and,  39.  Knox  made  a  chaplain  to,  66.  Offers  Knox  a  bishopric, 
74.  His  plan  for  improving  the  English  Church,  79,  410-13.  State 
of  his  court,  79.  Spirited  conduct  of  his  chaplains,  80,  413-14.  Last 
sermon  of  Knox  before  him,  80.  Distress  of  Knofc  at  his  death,  81. 
Knox's  prayer  after  his  death,  415. 

Elder,  John,  convicted  of  heresy,  382. 

Elders,  Ruling,  appointed  at  an  early  period  of  the  Reformation,  148. 
In  the  foreign  churches  in  London,  411.  Their  office  in  the  Church 
of  Scotland,  211. 

Elizabeth,  Queen  of  England,  refuses  to  allow  Knox  to  pass  through 
England,  153.  Her  impolitic  severity  to  the  English  exiles  at  Gen- 
eva, 154.  Her  lenity  to  the  Papists,  154.  Grants  a  safe-conduct  to 
Knox's  wife,  178.  Knox  apologizes  to  her  for  his  Blast,  180.  She 
resolves  to  assist  the  Congregation,  182.  Sends  an  army  to  their 
assistance,  198.  Obtains  advantageous  terms  of  peace  for  them, 
199.  Her  personal  aversion  to  the  Scottish  war,  442.  Knox's 
opinion  of  her  religious  principles,  291. 

England,  State  of  the  Reformation  in,  under  Henry  VIII.  42.  Knox 
arrives  in,  62.  State  of  religion  in,  under  Edward  VI.  62.  Popery 
restored  in,  85.  Knox  leaves,  85.  Knox's  Admonition  to,  96,  104. 
Persecution  in,  96.  Exiles  from,  97.  Knox  visits  his  sons  in,  291. 
Carries  a  letter  to  the  bishops  of,  ib. 

,  Church  of,  Knox's  reasons  for  refusing  a  fixed  charge  in,  73. 

Refuses  a  bishopric  in  74.  His  sentiments  respecting  the  govern- 
ment and  worship  of,  74-5.  Private  opinions  of  the  reformers  of, 
similar  to  Knox's,  78,  407-9. 

,  Privy  Council  of,  employ  Knox  to  preach,  63.  Confer  on  him 

marks  of  approbation,  66.  Knox  honourably  acquitted  by,  72.  Offer 
Knox  the  living  of  All  Hallows,  73.  They  petition  Elizabeth  to  assist 
the  Congregation,  433. 

Errol,  William  Earl  of,  an  early  friend  of  the  Reformation,  33,  392. 

Erskine,  Lord,  attends  Knox's  sermons,  119.  Invites  him  to  return 
to  Scotland,  130.  Refuses  to  assist  the  Congregation,  176, 537.  See 
Mar,  Earl  of. 

,  John,  of  Dun,  Greek  language  first  patronized  by,  20.  Re- 
formed sentiments  embraced  by,  36.  He  attends  Knox's  sermons 
at  Edinburgh,  116.  Takes  him  to  Dun,  118.  Favours  the  preach- 
ers, 151,  436.  Made  superintendent  of  Angus  and  Mearns,  21 1 , 233. 
Soothes  Queen  Mary,  258.  Her  good  opinion  of  him,  283.  His 
letters  to  Regent  Mar,  488.  Verses  on,  559. 

Exercise,  Weekly,  what,  212,  449.    Practised  in  England,  450. 

E.rhorters,  211. 

Exiles,  Scottish,  388-91. 


F. 

Fagius,  Paul,  63. 

Fairley  of  Braid,  his  attention  to  Knox  during  his  last  illness,  333,  336, 

Fergusson,  David,  summoned  for  heresy,  436.     Improves  the  Scottish 

language,  218,  458.     Knox's  recommendation  to  his  sermon,  327. 

Extracts  from  it.  451.     His  character,  458-60.     Verses  on,  561. 
Field,  John,  his  commendation  of  Knox,  344. 

Fife,  John,  embraces  the  reformed  sentiments,  34.    Account  of,  339-90. 
Fleming,  James,  marries  one  of  Knox's  daughters,  359. 
Flescheour  Alexander,  convicted  of  heresy,  383. 
fbrman,  Bishop  of  Murray,  says  grace  before  the  pope,  27. 


570  INDEX. 

Forrest,  David,  Knox  lodges  with,  233. 

,  Henry,  suffers  martyrdom,  34.    Account  of,  379. 

,  Thomas,  vicar  of  Dollar,  suffers  martyrdom,  34.    Account  of, 

379-80. 

Forrester,  Rober%  suffers  martyrdom,  34.    Account  of,  379,  386. 
Foster,  (Forester,)  William,  convicted  of  heresy,  381,  385. 
Fox,  John,  the  martyrologist,  101,  106.    Disapproves  of  Knox's  Blast, 

143.    Knox's  letter  to,  513. 
France,  Knox  carried  prisoner  to,  55.    His  apology  for  the  persecuted 

Protestants  in,  133.    Knox  preaches  in,  ib.    Designs  of,  against 

Scotland  and  England,  155.    Sends  troops  to  the  assistance  of  the 

Queen  Regent,  179.    Persecution  against  the  Protestants  in,  234-5. 

Bartholomew  massacre  in,  330.    Distress  of  Knox  at  this,  330.    His 

denunciation  against  the  King  of,  330. 

,  Galleys  of,  Knox  confined  in,  55.    His  conduct  in,  57,  60. 
Frankfort  on  the  Maine,  English  exiles  obtain  a  place  of  worship  at, 

98.    Knox  called  to  be  minister  at,  99,  415-16.    Dissentions  about 

the  English  liturgy  at,  99.    Moderation  of  Knox  in  these,  100,  101. 

Knox  accused  of  treason  to  Magistrates  of,  104.    Knox  leaves,  106. 

Disputes  continue  at,  106. 
Fullerton,  Adam,  515. 


G. 

Galloway,  Bishop  of.    See  Gordon. 

,  Patrick,  defends  the  Scottish  reformers,  345. 

Gardiner,  Bishop  of  Winchester,  cruelty  of,  96. 

Gau,  John,  392. 

Geneva,  Knox  visits,  94.  He  studies  at,  97.  Is  invited  to  be  pastor 
to  the  English  Church  in,  124.  Leaves  it  for  Scotland,  131.  Re- 
turns to,  140.  Knox  obtains  the  freedom  of  the  city,  152.  He  leaves 
it  finally,  ib.  Cherishes  the  desire  of  returning  to,  299.  See  Bible. 

-,  Church  of,  Knox  did  not  derive  his  first  ideas  of  ecclesiasti- 
cal polity  from,  75.  Scottish  Church  differed  in  some  points  from, 
76. 

,  Order  of,  its  composition,  101.  Time  of  its  introduction  into 

Scotland,  431.  Difference  between  it  and  English  liturgy,  432. 
Worship  generally  conducted  according  to  it  in  Scotland,  212. 

Gifford,  Knox  supposed  to  have  been  born  at,  17,  367. 

Gijfordgate.    See  Haddington. 

Gilby,  Anthony,  101,  124,  143,  500. 

Glasgow,  University  of,  Knox  studies  at,  18,  369-70.  Extracts  from 
records  of,  370-71. 

Glencairn,  Alexander  Earl  of,  an  early  friend  of  the  Reformation,  36. 
The  sacrament  celebrated  by  Knox  at  his  house,  119.  Presents  a 
letter  from  Knox  to  the  Queen  Regent,  124.  Invites  Knox  to  return 
to  Scotland,  130.  Remonstrates  with  the  Queen  Regent,  163. 
Comes  to  the  assistance  of  the  Protestants,  167.  Visits  Knox  on  his 
death-bed,  336.  Reforms  the  churches  at  Glasgow,  536. 

,  William  Earl  of,  father  to  the  former,  an  early  friend  of  the 

Reformation,  36.  See  CuningTiame,  Andrew. 

Glenorchy,  laird  of,  a  hearer  of  Knox,  125. 

Goodman,  Christopher,  colleague  to  Knox  at  Geneva,  124,  129,  143, 
164,  185.  Comes  to  Scotland,  179,  516.  An  extraordinary  member 
of  privy  council,  188.  Returns  to  England,  285.  Farther  account 
of,  308,  478-9.  Knox's  letter  to,  522.  Verses  on  559. 

Gordon,  Bishop  of  Galloway,  one  of  the  Protestant  privy  counsellors, 


INDEX.  571 

1SS.  Disappointed  in  his  expectations  of  being  made  superinten- 
dent, 252-4.  Occupies  Knox's  pulpit,  315.  Vindicates  the  Queen's 
authority,  ib. 

Gourlay,  Norman,  suffers  martyrdom,  34.    Account  of,  379. 

Government,  Female,  its  incongruity  when  joined  with  ecclesiastical 
supremacy,  428-9.  Resolution  of  a  committee  of  the  Scottish  par- 
liament against,  480.  See  Blast. 

,  Political,  influence  of  the  Reformation  on,  188-90.  Knox's 

sentiments  respecting,  100-93. 

Grange,  Laird  of.     See  Kircaldy. 

Greek  language,  its  introduction  into  Scotland  and  progress,  19,  20. 
372-4,  469. 

Grindal,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  approves  of  Presbyterian  ordina- 
tion, 49.  His  sermons  before  the  court,  413. 

Guillaume,  Thomas,  chaplain  to  the  Regent  Arran,  instructs  Knox  in 
the  reformed  doctrine,  40.  Retires  into  England,  ib.  verses  on,  557. 


H. 

Haddington,  Knox  born  in  Giffordgate  of,  17,  368.  Educated  at 
grammar  school  of,  18. 

Hadden,  James,  chaplain  of  Edward  VI.,  414. 

Hamilton,  Archibald,  his  opposition  to  Knox,  317.  His  apostasy,  318. 
His  calumnies  against  Knox,  473.  His  calumnies  against  Buchanan, 
457.  His  account  of  Knox's  death,  491. 

,  Gavin,  Abbot  of  Kilwinning,  intercourse  between  Knox 

and,  306.    His  negotiations  at  Rome,  453. 

• ,  James,  of  Bothwellhaugh,  assassinates  the  Regent  Murray, 

301. 

of  Kincavil,  James,  convicted  of  heresy,  388. 

• ,  John,  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews,  persecutes  Knox,  42. 

Persecutes  the  Protestants  as  enemies  to  the  state,  109-10.  His 
Catechism,  112,  418.  His  correspondence  with  the  Earl  of  Argyle, 
149.  Puts  Walter  Mill  to  death,  150.  Reconciliation  between  him 
and  the  Q,ueen  Regent,  159.  Between  him  and  Archbishop  Bea- 
toun,  160.  Opposes  Knox's  preaching  at  St.  Andrews,  169,  514. 
His  sermon,  177.  Restored  to  his  jurisdiction  by  Queen  Mary,  291. 
Accessory  to  the  Regent  Murray's  murder,  302.  Is  executed,  318. 
Correspondence  with  Rome,  453. 

,  John,  a  secular  priest,  his  ridiculous  stones  concerning  the 

reformers,  476. 

,  Robert,  his  calumny  against  Knox,  317. 

,  Patrick,  reproves  the  corruptions  of  the  clergy,  32-3.  Tra- 
vels to  Germany,  33.  Suffers  martyrdom  in  Scotland,  ib.  Verses 
on,  555. 

Harlow,  William,  preaches  in  England,  115.  Preaches  in  Scotland, 
115,  151.  Tried  for  heresy,  162,  165,  436-7.  Becomes  minister  of 
the  West  Kirk,  237,  488. 

Harrison,  James,  embraces  the  reformed  sentiments,  and  leaves  Scot- 
land, 34.  Account  of,  391. 

Hay,  George,  his  answer  to  the  Abbot  of  Crossraguell's  mass,  242, 
243,  466-7.  Verses  on,  561. 

,  Andrew,  joins  the  reformed  preachers,  200. 

,  James,  convicted  of  heresy,  383. 

Hebrew  language,  Knox  acquires  the  knowledge  of,  20,  97.  Studied 
in  Scotland,  215-16,  453-6. 


572  INDEX. 

Henderson,  Henry,  (master  of  the  grammar  school  of  Edinburgh,)  suf- 
fers martyrdom,  382. 

Henry  VIII.  of  England,  presses  the  marriage  of  his  son  and  the 
Queen  of  Scots,  39.  His  partial  reformation  disliked  by  the  Scottish 
Reformers,  42-3. 

Hepburn,  John,  prior,  storms  the  episcopal  Castle  of  St.  Andrews,  25. 

Herries,  Lord.     See  Maxwell. 

Herriot,  Adam,  a  Friar  of  St.  Andrews,  joins  the  reformed  preachers, 
200. 

Hickman,  Mr.  82,  518. 

Hooper,  Bishop,  103,  407. 

Hope,  Edward,  515. 

Hume,  Mr.  his  remarks  on  Knox's  account  of  the  assassination  of 
Beatoun,  397-9.  His  representation  of  the  rudeness  of  Scotland, 
217.  His  misrepresentations  of  Scottish  reformers,  347-8.  His  ac- 
count of  the  conduct  of  Knox  to  Mary,  471-2. 

Huncan,  (Duncan?)  James,  convicted  of  heresy,  382. 

Huntly,  Earl  of,  his  insurrection,  240. 

Hutcheson,  Sir  John,  convicted  of  heresy,  387. 


J. 

James  V.  refuses  to  proscribe  the  Protestants,  37.  Persecution  during 
the  reign  of,  379-88.  Letter  against  heresy  in  Aberdeen  by,  338-9. 

James  VI.  Knox  preaches  at  coronation  of,  295.  His  prejudices 
against  the  Scottish  reformers,  345.  Conversation  between  him  and 
one  of  Knox's  daughters,  362. 

Jameson,  Margaret,  Convicted  of  heresy,  381,  386. 

Jerome,  influence  of  his  writings  on  Knox,  24. 

Jeivel,  Bishop,  his  opinion  of  episcopacy  and  ceremonies,  408-9.  Dis- 
approves of  Knox's  book  on  female  government,  519. 

Johnston  of  Elphingston,  337. 

,  John,  writer  in  Edinburgh,  515. 

,  St.    See  Perth. 

,  William,  advocate,  an  early  favourer  of  the  Reformation,  36. 

Jonston,  John,  of  St.  Andrews,  his  verses  on  Scottish  Reformers,  555. 


K. 

Kennedy,  Quintin,  his  answer  to  Knox's  defence  before  Tonstal,  406. 
His  Compendious  Tractive,  242.  Challenges  Willock  to  a  dispute 
on  the  Mass,  ib.  Dispute  between  Knox  and,  242-7.  Farther  ac- 
count of  his  writings,  466-9.  See  Hay,  George. 

— — —  suffers  martyrdom,  34.    Account  of,  379,  392. 

Ker,  Sir  Andrew,  of  Fadounside,  marries  Knox's  widow,  359,  492, 
494. 

Kethe,  William,  478-9. 

Kilmaurs,  Lord.    See  Glencairn,  Alexander. 

Kineancleug-fi.    See  Campbell. 

Kircaldy,  William,  of  Grange,  an  active  agent  of  the  Congregation, 
180.  Excommunicated  for  the  slaughter'of  Cardinal  Beatoun,  382. 
Governor  of  the  Castle  of  Edinburgh  for  the  Regent,  310.  His  de- 
fection, ib.  Knox  involved  in  a  personal  quarrel  with,  31 1.  Offers 
Knox  a  guard,  314.  Knox's  dying  message  to,  334-5.  Knox's  tes- 
timony to  his  former  zeal,  517. 


INDEX.  573 

Knollys,  Sir  Francis,  his  account  of  the  Protestant  worship  in  Scot- 
land, 432. 

Knox, ,  father  of  the  Reformer,  his  parentage,  and  situation  in 

life,  17,  367-8. 

,  Eleazer,  son  of  the  Reformer,  account  of,  326,  359. 

,  Elizabeth,  the  Reformer's  daughter,  her  fortitude  at  her  hus- 
band's trial,  360.  Conversation  between  James  VI.  and,  362.  Her 
testament,  532-3.  See  Welch. 

— ,  Margaret,  the  Reformer's  daughter,  359. 

,  Martha,  the  Reformer's  daughter,  359. 

,  Nathanael,  son  of  the  Reformer,  account  of,  326,  359. 

,  Paul,  531. 

,  William,  brother  of  the  Reformer,  and  minister  of  Cockpen,  69. 

of  Ranferly,  17,  367-8. 

Kyd,  Thomas,  convicted  of  heresy,  381,  384. 

Kyllor,  a  friar,  suffers  martyrdom,  34.    Account  of,  379,  392. 


Laing,  James,  his  calumnies  against  Knox,  474-5.  And  against  other 
reformers  476-7. 

Lambert  of  Avignon.  Patrick  Hamilton  studies  under  him  at  Mar- 
burg, 33. 

,  John,  degraded  from  the  priesthood,  384. 

Langniddrie,  chapel  at,  called  Knox's  Kirk,  41.     See  Doug-las,  Hugh. 

Lasco,  John  A.  character  of,  411.  His  account  of  the  foreign  churches 
in  London,  ib.  His  account  of  Edward  VI.'s  plan  for  the  gradual 
reformation  of  the  Church  of  England,  412-13. 

Latin  schools  in  Scotland,  19. 

Latimer,  Bishop,  67,  80,  414. 

Lawson,  James,  sub-principal  of  the  University  of  Aberdeen,  chosen 
colleague  to  Knox,  329.  Knox's  letter  of  invitation  to,  ib.  Knox 
preaches  for  the  last  time  at  the  admission  of,  331.  Teaches  Hebrew 
at  St.  Andrews,  455.  His  exertions  in  establishing  the  High  School 
of  Edinburgh,  ib.  Verses  on,  561. 

Leith,  Queen  Regent  takes  possession  of,  176.  Fortified  by  Regent 
Lennox,  316.  Convention  at,  320. 

Lennox,  Earl  of,  made  Regent,  310.    Is  killed,  319. 

Leslie,  Normand,  109,  382. 

Lethington.    See  Maitland,  William. 

Level,  George,  515. 

Lever,  Thomas,  414. 

Lewis  XIII.  of  France,  interview  between  John  Welch  and,  361. 

Liberty,  civil,  popery  unfriendly  to,  188-9.  Influence  of  the  Reforma- 
tion on,  190.  Knox  attached  to,  190-1. 

Lindores,  Abbey  of,  171,  514-15. 

Lindsay,  Lord,  336,  484. 

,  Sir  David,  of  the  Mount,  an  early  favourer  of  the  Reformation, 

36.    Influence  of  his  poems  on  the  Reformation,  45,  51,  143,  393, 
396.    Urges  Knox  to  become  a  preacher,  47. 

Literature,  State  of,  in  Scotland,  18-20.  Influence  of  the  Reforma- 
tion on,  213,  215-216.  See  Greek  and  Hebrew. 

Liturgy,  English,  Knox  employed  in  the  revisal  of,  67,  406-7.  Dis- 
sentions  at  Frankfort  about,  99-106.  Opinion  of  early  bishops 
concerning,  407.  Whether  used  in  Scotland  at  the  beginning  of 
the  Reformation,  430-2. 

,  Knox's.    See  Geneva,  Order  of. 


574  INDEX. 

Locke,  Mr.  Knox  lodges  in  the  house  of,  82,  129. 

,  Mrs.  Anne,  Knox's  letters  to,  163-4,  513-18. 

Logie,  Gawin,  principal  of  St.  Leonard's  college,  an  early  reformer, 

34.    Leaves  the  kingdom,  34,  388. 

,  Robert,  388. 

London,  Knox  summoned  to,  71.    Preaches  in,  72. 
Lorn,  Lord.     See  Argyle,  young  Earl  of. 
Lovell,or  Levell,  George,  162,  381,  436,  515. 

,  James  convicted  of  heresy,  386. 

Lowett,  (LovelH)  George,  pursued  for  heresy,  381. 

Luther,  Anecdotes  of,  28,  74.    His  apologies,  180.    Comparison  be- 

ween  Knox  and,  354. 


M. 

Macbee,  (Maccabceus)  John,  embraces  the  reformed  sentiments,  and  is 
obliged  to  leave  the  kingdom,  34.    Made  professor  at  Copenhagen, 
390.    His  proper  name  M'Alpine,  ib.    Verses  on,  556. 
.  Macbray,  (Macbrairej  John,  an  early  reformer,  34,  391,  416,  454. 

Macdowal,  JoHnT  arfearly  reformer,  34,  391. 

Maitland,  Thomas,  author  of  a  fabricated  conference  between  Knox 
and  the  Regent  Murray,  306.  Insults  over  the  Regent's  death,  ib. 

,  William,  of  Lethington,  attends  Knox's  sermons  at  Edin- 
burgh, 116.  Reasoning  between  Knox  and,  118,  231,  272-79.  His 
conduct  at  Knox's  trial,  263-66.  Defends  Knox's  prayers,  285.  His 
defection  from  the  Regent  Murray,  301,  334. 

Major,  John,  Knox's  education  under,  20,  370.  Political  and  religious 
sentiments  of,  21.  Present  at  Knox's  first  sermon,  52,  370-71,  374-5. 

Mar,  Countess  of,  214. 

,  Earl  of,  made  Regent,  319.    His  death,  335.    See  Erskine,  Lord. 

Marischal,  Earl,  suspected  by  the  clergy,  37.  Favours  Knox,  122. 
Remains  neutral  in  the  contest  between  Queen  Regent  and  the 
Congregation,  168.  Knox  sends  salutations  to  him,  522. 

MarsUiers,  Pierre  de,  teaches  Greek  at  Montrose,  373. 

Martyrs,  Scottish,  379-88. 

Martyr,  Peter,  63. 

Mary,  Q,ueen  of  England,  proclaimed,  81.  Knox's  prayer  for,  82, 415. 
Her  cruelty,  95.  This  promotes  the  reformation  in  Scotland,  114- 
15.  Manner  in  which  the  English  Exiles  spoke  of,  416. 

of  Guise,  Q,ueen  Dowager  of  Scotland,  her  intriguing  spirit,  39. 

Favours  the  Reformers,  114.  The  Protestant  Barons  petition  her, 
151.  Her  dissimulation,  158-60,  164-5,434.  Prohibits  the  Protes- 
tant preachers,  162.  Summons  them  to  Stirling,  ib.  Proclaims 
Knox  an  outlaw,  164.  Advances  with  an  army  to  Perth,  166.  Vio- 
lates the  treaty  of  Perth,  167,  513-14.  Offers  a  reward  for  Knox's 
head,  185.  Knox  advises  her  suspension,  187.  Reflections  on  this, 
188.  Her  death,  198.  Remarks  on  Dr.  Robertson's  account  of  her 
conduct,  434. 

,  Queen  of  Scots,  her  proposed  marriage  with  Edward  VI.  de- 
feated, 39.  Married  to  the  Dauphin,  39,  61.  Refuses  to  ratify  the 
acts  of  Scots  Parliament,  219.  Arrives  in  Scotland,  ib.  Her  edu- 
cation and  prejudices  against  the  Protestant  religion,  220.  Popular 
alarm  at  her  setting  up  mass,  221.  Resolves  to  punish  Knox,  224. 
Interview  between  Knox  and,  225.  Second  interview  between 
Knox  and,  234-6.  Third  interview  between  Knox  and,  251-2.  Her 
artifice,  253.  Prevails  on  the  Parliament  not  to  ratify  the  reformed 
religion,  254.  Fourth  interview  between  Knox  and,  257-8.  Her 


INDEX.  575 

conduct  at  Knox's  trial  by  the  Council,  263-66.  Writes  to  the  Pope, 
and  Council  of  Trent,  270.  Knox's  form  of  prayer  for,  272.  Mar- 
ries Lord  Darnley,  281.  Resolves  on  restoring  the  Popish  worship, 
238,  462.  Banishes  Knox  from  Edinburgh,  290.  Restores  Archbi- 
shop Hamilton,  291.  Her  alienation  from  her  husband,  293.  Her 
participation  in  the  murder  of  her  husband,  ib.  Her  marriage  with 
Both  well,  293-4.  Her  imprisonment  and  resignation,  294.  Knox 
vindicates  his  not  praying  for  her,  313. 

Maxwell,  Master  of,  262,  432. 

Melville,  Andrew,  345,  374,  456. 

,  Sir  James,  strictures  on  his  memoirs,  435.  On  his  account 

of  Regent  Murray,  483-4. 

,  James,  his  account  of  Knox's  pulpit  eloquence,  324. 

,  Sir  John,  of  Raith,  an  early  favourer  of  the  Reformation,  36. 

Is  executed,  110. 

Metfiven,  Paul,  one  of  the  Protestant  ministers,  151,  162,  436-7.  Ex- 
communicated, 249. 

Mill,  Walter,  his  martyrdom,  150. 

Milton,  John,  his  eulogy  of  Knox,  446-7. 

Monasteries,  Scottish,  their  number  and  degeneracy,  25-27,  376. 
Causes  of  their  demolition  at  Perth,  165-70.  Apology  for  this  mea- 
sure, 171-5.  Lamentation  over,  437-8.  Loss  sustained  by  their  de- 
molition, 438-42. 

Monteith,  Earl  of,  joins  the  Congregation,  168,  536. 

Montgomery,  Robert,  joins  the  reformed  preachers,  200. 

Montrose,  Greek  early  taught  in,  20,  372.  Early  provided  with  a  min- 
ister, 177. 

Morrison,  John,  49. 

Morton,  Earl  of,  accused  of  simony,  320.  His  interview  with  Knox 
on  his  death-bed,  335.  Elected  Regent,  ib.  His  eulogium  on  Knox, 
340.  His  attention  to  Knox's  family,  359. 

Murray,  Earl  of,  in  favour  with  Mary,  240.  Variance  between  Knox 
and,  257.  Endeavours  to  intimidate  Knox,  262.  Defends  Knox, 
268.  Is  outlawed,  282.  Returns  from  banishment,  290.  Appointed 
Regent,  294-5.  His  favour  to  the  Protestant  Church,  298.  Is  as- 
sassinated, 302.  His  character,  303-4.  Distress  of  Knox  at  his 
death,  305.  Fabricated  conference  between  Knox  and,  306.  Knox's 
sermon  before  his  funeral,  307.  Remarks  on  Dr.  Robertson's  char- 
acter of,  481-6.  Epitaph,  and  verses  on,  486.  Prayer  used  by  Knox 
after  the  death  of,  523.  Letter  to  General  Assembly  by,  524.  See 
Stewart,  Lord  James. 

of  Tibbermuir,  Patrick,  436. 

of  Tullybardine,  Sir  William,  493. 


N. 

Newcastle  upon  Tyne,  Knox  preaches  at,  65,  66,  72.    Knox  offered 

the  bishopric  of,  74-5. 
Northumberland,  Duke  of,  offended  at  Knox,  70. 


O. 

OcJiiltree,  Lord,  Knox  marries  the  daughter  of,  269.    See  Stewart, 

Walter,  and  Margaret. 
Or  mist  on,  Laird  of.'    See  Cockburn. 


576  INDEX. 


P. 

Parliament,  Scottish,  Protestant  confession  ratified  by,  204-6.  Their 
indifference  about  the  security  of  the  Protestant  religion,  254.  Knox 
prepares  overtures  for,  297.  Receives  a  commission  from,  297.  See 
Bible  and  Reformation. 

Parkhurst,  Bishop,  115,  409. 

Paterson,  John,  convicted  of  heresy,  381,  383. 

— ,  Robert,  convicted  of  heresy,  381,  384. 

Patritz,  John,  151. 

Pillour,  Laurence,  convicted  of  heresy,  382. 

Pitmilly,  Laird  of,  383. 

Perth,  Demolition  of  monasteries  at,  165.  Queen  Regent  threatens, 
166.  Violates  the  treaty  of,  167,  513-14.  A  minister  settled  in,  178. 
Hebrew  first  taught  at,  216,  455.  Verses  on  the  grammar  school  of, 
455.  See  Simson,  Andrew. 

Pittarrow,  Laird  of.    See  Wishart,  Sir  John. 

Poetry,  its  influence  in  promoting  the  Reformation,  35,  36,  391-94. 

Ponet,  Bishop,  similarity  of  his  political  sentiments  to  Knox's,  479-80. 

Pont,  Robert,  359,  452.  Extracts  from  his  sermons,  452-3.  Account 
of,  488,  493,  525. 

Popery,  state  of,  in  Scotland,  25.  Sanguinary  spirit  of,  222,  462-3. 
Preparations  for  its  restoration  in  Scotland,  288. 

Portjield, ,  525. 

Presbytery,  early  state  of,  212. 

Preston,  Dr.  attends  Knox  in  his  last  illness,  337-8. 

Prophesying-.    See  Exercise,  Weekly. 

Protestant  Lords  invite  Knox  to  return  from  Geneva,  130.  Repent 
of  this,  131.  Knox  animates  them  by  his  letters,  ib.  His  advice  to 
them  respecting  resistance,  1 39-40.  Renew  their  invitation  to  Knox, 
147.  Petition  the  Queen  Regent,  151,  433.  Resolve  on  decisive 
measures,  168-9.  Their  aversion  to  the  Book  of  Discipline,  210-14. 

Protestant  Preachers  summoned  to  Stirling,  162.  Knox  resolves  to 
accompany  them,  164.  Outlawed,  165.  Their  exertions  during  the 
civil  war,  199.  Their  increase,  200. 


R. 

Randolph,  the  English  ambassador,  his  account  of  Knox's  preaching, 
224.  His  letter  respecting  Knox's  History,  495-6.  Knox's  confiden- 
tial communications  with,  522. 

Readers,  their  temporary  employment,  211,  448. 

Reformation  in  Scotland,  urgent  necessity  of,  29-31.  Causes  of  its 
progress,  35,  36.  Early  embraced  by  nobles  and  gentry,  36.  Spreads 
in  the  University  of  St.  Andrews,  34,  38.  Laws  against,  38,  111. 
Embraced  by  Knox,  38.  Languishing  state  of,  109-13.  Causes  of 
its  revival,  114-15.  Progress  of,  126,  147.  Its  influence  on  civil 
liberty,  188-91.  Established  by  Parliament,  205,  206.  Knox's  His- 
tory of,  495.  See  Church,  Protestant. 

Reformers,  English,  approve  of  Knox's  call  to  the  ministry,  49.  Dis- 
like many  things  in  their  ecclesiastical  establishment,  76,  407-10. 
Their  opinion  of  Knox,  343-4. 

Religion,  corrupt  form  of  it  in  Scotland  before  the  Reformation,  25-31. 

Resistance  to  civil  rulers,  Knox's  advice  respecting,  139-40.  Doctrine 
of  the  New  Testament  respecting,  193-4.  Knox  vindicates  it  before 
Queen  Mary,  225-6.  Debate  between  Knox  and  Maitland  concern- 


INDEX.  577 

ing,  273-8.    Craig's  account  of  a  dispute  on,  at  Bologna,  278-9 

See  Government,  Political. 
Richardson,  Robert,  embraces  the  reformed  sentiments,  and  is  obliged 

to  leave  Scotland,  34.    Account  of,  391. 
Ridley,  Bishop,  his  testimony  to  Knox,  343. 
Rizzio,  David,  assassination  of,  289. 
Robertson,  Dr.  remarks  on  his  account  of  the  Queen  Regent's  conduct 

to  the  Protestants,  434.    On  his  character  of  Queen  Mary,  348.    On 

his  character  of  Regent  Murray,  481-6. 
Robeson,  John,  convicted  of  heresy,  381. 
Rollovk,  George,  515. 

,  James,  convicted  of  heresy,  381,  382,  386. 

,  Richard,  convicted  of  heresy,  383-4. 

Rothes,  Earl  of,  joins  the  Congregation,  168,  536. 

Rough,  John,  a  friar,  embraces  the  Reformation,  46.     His  solemn 

charge  to  Knox  to  undertake  the  ministry,  47.    Knox  assists  him  in 

a  dispute,  50.    Summoned  before  the  clergy,  52.    Is  martyred  in 

England,  55.    Verses  on,  557. 
Row,  John,  account  of,  216.    Teaches  Hebrew  at  Perth,  ib.    Farther 

account  of,  453-5.    Verses  on,  560. 
,  son  to  the  above,  his  early  proficiency  in  Hebrew,  455.    His 

epitaph,  459. 

Russel,  Jerom,  suffers  martyrdom,  34.    Account  of,  379. 
Ruthven,  Lilias,  daughter  to  Lord  Ruthven,  an  early  favourer  of  the 

Reformation,  36. 

,  Lord,  an  early  favourer  of  the  Reformation,  36. 

,  Lord,  son  to  the  former,  joins  the  Congregation,  168.    His  son 

visits  Knox  on  his  death-bed,  336. 


S. 

Sadler,  Sir  Ralph,  ambassador  from  Henry  VIII.  42.  Carries  on  the 
correspondence  with  the  Congregation,  182.  Greek  motto  of,  373. 

Sandilands,  Sir  James,  an  early  favourer  of  the  Reformation,  36» 
Knox  dispenses  the  sacrament  in  the  house  of,  118.  A  petition  to 
the  Queen  Regent  presented  by,  151,  433. 

Seatoun,  Alexander,  embraces  the  reformed  sentiments,  and  is  obliged 
to  leave  Scotland,  34.  Account  of,  388. 

Scotland,  state  of  literature  in,  at  commencement  of  the  Reformation, 
18-20.  State  of  Religion  in,  25-30. 

Scottish  language,  cultivation  of,  by  the  reformers,  217,  458-59. 

Scrimger,  Henry,  374. 

Session,  Kirk,  what,  212. 

,  Court  of,  Robert  Pont  one  of  the  judges  of,  488. 

Simson,  Andrew,  master  of  the  grammar  school  of  Perth,  19.  Anec- 
dote respecting  the  scholars  of,  393.  See  Dunbar. 

,  Duncan,  suffers  martyrdom,  34.    Account  of,  379,  384. 

,  Patrick,  teaches  Greek  at  Spot,  374. 

Sinclair,  the  name  of  Knox's  mother,  18. 

,  Bishop  of  Ross,  informs  against  Knox,  262.    Votes  for  his 

acquittal,  266.  .-- 

Smeton,  Thomas,  his  learning,  374.  His  account  of  Knox's  last  illness 
and  death,  333-4.  His  character  of  Knox,  342-3.  His  Hebrew  lit- 
erature, 456. 

Somerset,  Protector  of  England,  his  fall  lamented  by  Knox,  70. 

Somerville,  Lord,  his  vote  against  Protestant  confession,  205-6. 
49  X3 


578  INDEX. 

Spotswood,  John,  favours  the  Reformation,  118.  Joins  the  preachers, 
200.  Made  superintendent  of  Lothian,  211,  234. 

,  Archbishop,  his  commendation  of  Knox,  346.  His  account 

of  the  Book  of  Discipline,  448. 

Steward,  Archibald,  visits  Knox  on  his  death-bed,  333. 

Stewart,  Lord  James,  Prior  of  St.  Andrews,  attends  Knox's  sermons, 
119.  Invites  Knox  to  return  to  Scotland,  130.  Joins  the  Congre- 
gation, 168-9.  Proofs  of  his  loyalty,  443-4.  Created  Earl  of  Mur- 
ray, 240.  See  Murray,  Earl  of. 

,  John,  son  to  Lord  Methven,  an  early  favourer  of  the  Refor- 
mation, 36.  Convicted  of  heresy,  387. 

,  Margaret,  daughter  of  Lord  Ochiltree,  married  to  Knox,  269, 

332,  359,  528-531.  Married  to  Sir  A.  Ker  of  Fadounside,  359.  Copy 
of  Knox's  letters  in  her  possession,  503,  504. 

— ,  Walter,  son  to  Lord  Ochiltree,  convicted  of  heresy,  383,  384. 

,  William,  translator  for  the  kirk,  493. 

Stirling,  demolition  of  the  monasteries  at,  171.  A  minister  early  set- 
tled in,  177. 

Story,  Dr.  his  defence  of  Mary's  persecution,  154. 

Strait  on,  David,  suffers  martyrdom,  34.    Account  of,  379,  381,  385. 

of  Lauriston,  an  early  friend  of  the  Reformation,  36. 

Sudderland,  Nicoll,  525. 

Superintendents,  bishops  so  called  in  England,  408.  Their  office  in 
the  foreign  churches  in  London,  411.  Difference  between  diocesan 
bishops  and,  448-9. 

Switzerland,  Knox  visits,  93. 

Syme,  James,  116,  130. 

Synods,  Provincial,  what,  212. 


T. 

Testament  of  Knox,  528-532. 

of  Mrs.  Welch,  532-3. 

Throkmorton,  Sir  Nicholas,  178,  296,  442. 

Thou,  De,  his  character  of  Regent  Murray,  485. 

Tonstal,  Bishop  of  Durham,  character  of,  64,  154.    Knox's  defence 

before,  65-6,  404-6. 
Tremellius,  Emanuel,  63. 
Tulchan  Bishops,  321. 
Tyrie,  John,  Knox's  answer  to,  325-6. 

V. 

Vaus,  John,  rector  of  the  school  of  Aberdeen,  19. 
Venable,  John,  reformer  of  Dieppe,  134. 
Visiters  of  churches,  what,  211. 


W 

Wallace,  Adam,  his  martyrdom,  110,  454. 
Wannand,  Alexander,  convicted  of  heresy,  381,  384. 
Wedderburn,  James,  author  of  satires  against  the  Popish  clergy,  392-3. 
Verses  on,  557. 

: ,  Gilbert,  convicted  of  heresy,  381,  383. 

,  John,  convicted  of  heresy,  381. 


INDEX.  579 

Wedderburn,  John  and  Robert,  authors  of  Psalms  and  Godly  Ballads, 
394.  Verses  on,  558. 

Welch,  John,  marries  one  of  Knox's  daughters,  359.  Is  found  guilty 
of  treason,  360.  Interview  between  Lewis  XIII.  and,  361.  See 
Knox,  Elizabeth. 

Whitlow,  Alexander,  of  Greenrig,  178,  182,  517-18. 

Whittingham,  Dean  of  Durham,  ordained  at  Geneva,  49.  A  friend  of 
Knox,  101,  105.  Successor  to  Knox  at  Geneva,  131.  Eulogium  on 
him  by  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  427. 

Williams.    See  Guillaume. 

Willock,  John,  returns  to  Scotland,  115.  Preaches  privately,  116-17 
Leaves  Scotland,  117.  Returns  and  joins  the  Protestant  preachers, 
151.  Tried  for  heresy,  162-5,  436-7.  Officiates  for  Knox  in  Edin- 
burgh, 176.  His  advice  respecting  the  suspension  of  the  Queen  Re- 
gent, 187.  Made  a  member  of  the  extraordinary  Privy  Council, 
188.  His  stipend,  464,  493.  Made  superintendent  of  Glasgow,  211. 
Goes  to  England,  308.  Calumny  against,  ib.  Pretended  conversa- 
tion between  Knox  and,  469.  Verses  on,  559. 

Wing-ate,  (Winzet,)  Ninian,  Knox's  controversy  with,  248-9. 

Winchester  of  Kinglassie,  George,  convicted  of  heresy,  110,  387. 

Winram,  John,  Sub-prior  of  St.  Andrews,  connives  at  the  Reformed 
opinions,  34.  His  cautious  behaviour,  53.  Joins  the  reformers,  200. 
Made  superintendent  of  Fife,  211.  His  Catechism,  422.  Verses  on, 
560. 

Wishart,  George,  banished  for  teaching  the  Greek  New  Testament, 
40,  372.  Returns  to  Scotland,  40.  Knox  attends,  41.  Is  outlawed, 
382.  Account  of  him  by  one  of  his  scholars,  395-6.  Bears  a  fagot 
at  Bristol,  397.  Translates  the  Swiss  confession,  ib.  Verses  on,  537. 

,  Sir  John,  of  Pittarrow,  brother  to  the  former,  Knox  writes  to, 

132.  Made  comptroller,  232,  493.  Knox's  letter  to,  521-22.  David- 
son's dedication  to,  541. 

Wood,  John,  Secretary  to  the  Regent  Murray,  is  assassinated,  302. 
Knox's  letters  to,  518-19. 


Z. 

Zuinglius,  his  influence  with  the  senate  of  Zurich,  214.    Comparison 
between  Knox  and,  354. 


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